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Focusing on the articles: “Asian American Racial Identity Development Theory,” and “Modern Racism and Anti-Immigration Policies.” How can politics of identity change anti-immigrant policies and internalized racial identity? How would you resolve this problem? (quote is not allowed)

Anthropology social science

138 <<

Asian American Racial Identity
Development Theory

Jean Kim

This chapter reviews the theory of Asian American racial identity develop-
ment (AARID) that was created by the author in the early 1980s and updated
in the context of the evolution of social identity theories over the past thirty
years.

An overview of how researchers approach social identities starts the
chapter, followed by a discussion of the importance of the social con-
text and the impact of racism on Asian American racial identity devel-
opment. The review of the AARID is followed by a section that exam-
ines the relevance of the AARID theory to Asian Americans today. The
chapter explores changes in the political and economic climate and how
those changes may impact Asian American racial identity development.
Given the large percentage of Asian American immigrants among Asian
Americans as a whole, the chapter also examines the relevancy of AARID
to different generations of Asian Americans and outlines current issues

New Perspectives on Racial Identity Development : Integrating Emerging Frameworks, Second Edition,
edited by Charmaine Wijeyesinghe, and Bailey W. Jackson, New York University Press, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/ucsd/detail.action?docID=865426.
Created from ucsd on 2019-10-11 09:45:31.

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Asia n A m e ri c a n R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t T h e ory >> 139

for future research in the area of racial identity development for Asian
Americans.

Identity Lenses

There are several ways to explore an individual’s identity. While it is generally
acknowledged that an individual’s identity is comprised of multiple dimen-
sions (race, gender, sexual orientation, socioeconomic class, religion, roles
in life, personality, etc.), a traditional approach has been to explore identity
through a single lens or dimension such as race. There is general agreement
on race as a social construct and phenomenon that has taken on an impor-
tant meaning. It describes not only how outsiders view members of a differ-
ent racial group, but also how members of a given racial group view them-
selves (Atkinson, Morten, and Sue 1993).

Racial identity describes a person’s identification with membership in a
socially designated racial group, and this identification is largely influenced
by socialization around race (Alvarez, Juang, and Liang 2006; Helms and
Talleyrand 1997). In short, racial identity describes how people deal with
the effects of racism, eventually disowning the dominant group’s views of
their own race and developing a positive self-definition and positive attitude
toward their own group. As the model presented in this chapter is a theory
of racial identity development for Asian Americans, and to further clarify
the distinction between racial and ethnic identities, the title of this theory
has been changed from AAID (Asian American Identity Development)1 to
AARID (Asian American Racial Identity Development).

Unlike racial identity, ethnic identity is not so closely tied to oppression
and racism. Ethnicity can be defined as the culture, traditions, and customs
of a group of people. For many Asian Americans ethnic group membership
is related to their country of origin and expectations they are aware of, based
on various aspects of their cultural heritage. An Asian American individual
can have different levels of identification with, or rejection of, cultural expec-
tations and values. The essence of ethnic identity is about resolving any ten-
sion between how an individual is expected to be and how the person wants
to be perceived as an ethnic being (Chang and Kwan 2009). Most research
has focused on ethnic identity development theories for Asian Americans
rather than race. Some examples are Phinney’s Three Stages of Ethnic Iden-
tity Development (1989) and Smith’s Four Phases of Ethnic Identity Conflict
(1991). In Smith’s framework, conflict related to an individual’s ethnic iden-
tity begins when contact with others leads to the realization that there are
majority and minority statuses. When a minority person feels rejected by the

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majority, he or she attempts to identify with the majority. Of the various eth-
nic minorities in the United States, the study by Phinney (1989) indicates
that a higher percentage of Asian American adolescents would change their
race to White if they could and that they feel less ethnic pride than African
Americans or Hispanics.

Both racial and ethnic identity development theories are related to the
concept of social identity. Social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner 1986)
postulates that racial and ethnic groups are social groups that have vary-
ing status within society. The evaluation of the prestige of one’s social group
influences the extent to which an individual identifies with that group in
order to enhance his or her self-esteem. Researchers generally believe that
individuals have both ethnic and racial identities, both of which develop
continuously. The primacy of ethnic or racial identity varies depending on
many factors such as social context, group membership, and so on. Chang
and Kwan (2009) postulate that for Asian Americans ethnic/cultural identity
may develop before racial identity, especially for the immigrant (first) gen-
eration where the needs of acculturation trump understanding oneself as a
racial being. Another reason for racial identity having less primacy among
Asian Americans may be that the discrimination and racism many of them
experience is more subtle than that directed toward other groups of color,
and because of the prevalent stereotype of Asian Americans being the model
minority (Chen et al. 2006; Inman 2006).

The saliency of a person’s ethnic and racial identity may also vary depend-
ing on the social context and individual’s stage of identity development.
Since typically people have multiple identities, depending on the situation or
relationship context, whether race or ethnic identity is primary may depend
on who is around and the nature of the situation (Yip 2005). For example,
an Asian American woman of Chinese heritage may express a stronger con-
nection with her ethnic identity as Chinese when interacting with her fam-
ily, but express a stronger racial identity as an Asian American person when
interacting with her White peers in class. Individuals may also reject racial
identity in favor of their ethnic identity, especially if they feel marginalized
even within their own racial minority group.

There are other theoretical models that explore how individuals man-
age multiple social identities either by compartmentalizing social identities
or integrating identities. Conflict can arise if an individual identifies with
more than one social group. Compartmentalizing is one way to manage the
potential conflict among multiple social identities (Chen 2009). For exam-
ple, knowing that there is stronger bias against homosexuality within Asian
cultures than in U.S. culture, gay Asian American men and women may keep

Asia n A m e ri c a n R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t T h e ory >> 141

their sexual orientation identity separate from their racial or ethnic identity
when interacting with Asian ethnic communities. Other researchers con-
clude that some individuals do not identify with any social group and focus
mostly on personal identity. such as their roles as parent, student, worker,
friend, sibling, and so on. Such focus on personal identity may be due to
personal characteristics such as personality traits being more salient in their
lives or it could be a means of denying or avoiding dealing with the social
realities of their group membership.

For some Asian Americans, particularly the immigrant generation, the
most pressing challenge and objective is related to surviving and establishing
themselves in the new country, assimilating as quickly as possible into main-
stream America. Contemplating their minority status may seem like a type
of navel gazing for this group, one they can ill-afford. Focusing on their per-
sonal rather than social identity may also be due to the fact that most Asian
American immigrants come to the United States after their formative years
when their personal identity and self-concept have solidified. Therefore, the
social political climate and racism in the United States may have less of an
effect on their personal identities than on those Asian Americans who are
coming of age in the White dominant society.

When I have shared my AARID theory with Asian American profession-
als, they recognize and connect to the stages of AARID, but they believe it is
more relevant to the experiences of their children who were born and raised
in the United States. This is understandable, given the fact that the majority
of these professionals are immigrants who came to the United States after
completing their college educations and with a more fully developed per-
sonal identity. Historically, it has also been true that for some Asian Ameri-
cans, like the Japanese Americans during and after World War II, their sur-
vival was dependent on their downplaying their minority status (less focus
on race and ethnicity). This may also explain why this group has a higher
rate of mixed marriages (mostly with Whites) than any other Asian ethnic
group.

Social Context and Asian Americans

One cultural trait that Americans of Asian heritage share regardless of their
specific ethnic group membership is group orientation. This orientation dis-
tinguishes them from the dominant White population and the individual
orientation more prevalent in the dominant society. Through this propensity
for group orientation, Asian Americans learn to be sensitive to the expecta-
tions of the group they are with and their social environment.2 For example,

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Asian people’s view of themselves (the private self) is primarily influenced
by what other people (the public), and particularly what a specific group of
people (the collective) think of them. Consequently, the development of indi-
vidual identity is largely influenced by messages that are external to Asian
Americans in both the collective and public environments. Given Asian
Americans’ tendency to be externally rather than internally focused, their
racial identity development is especially affected by the social environment.
In particular, the impact of White racism and the attendant oppression of
Asian Americans by European Americans are critical factors in Asian Amer-
ican identity development (Chan and Hune 1995; Kim 1981; Moritsugu and
Sue 1983; Smith 1991). However, before we can discuss the impact of racism
on Asian Americans, it may be helpful to clarify how race is conceptualized
in the United States and how racism is defined.

Discussions about race tend to be very emotional, and it is difficult to
have a common understanding of what race is and why it matters. But many
scholars, especially those associated with the Critical Race Theory movement
(Begley 1995; Crenshaw 1995; Delgado 1995) have argued persuasively that
the phenomenon of race is a social and legal construct.3 A growing number
of Asian American legal scholars also support this view, arguing that race is
not simply an immutable biological attribute (as in skin color) but represents
a complex set of social meanings which are affected by political struggle
(Omi and Winant 1994). Understanding that race is socially and politically,
rather than biologically, determined may help us to understand how racial
prejudice and racial dominance operate in U.S. society.

Racial prejudice is created by inaccurate and/or negative beliefs that
rationalize the superiority or normalcy of one race. Racial dominance, on
the other hand, describes the control of societal structures by a single racial
group which enforces that group’s racial prejudice and maintains its privi-
leges. Racism occurs when racial prejudice and racial dominance occur
simultaneously (Wijeyesinghe, Griffin, and Love 1997). In the United States
the White race is racially dominant and racial prejudice is taught to every-
one, including members of racially oppressed groups. In addition, race often
tends to be seen in Black and White terms, and we are most familiar with
racial prejudices directed against Black Americans. We are less aware of the
experiences of other groups of color (Asian, Latino, and American Indian).
We also assign a specific set of stereotypes to each racial group (Wijeye-
singhe, Griffin, and Love 1997).

Since the mid-1960s, when the Black civil rights movement was gain-
ing momentum, the media began depicting Asian Americans as the “model
minority.” Articles appeared in popular magazines portraying Asian

Asia n A m e ri c a n R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t T h e ory >> 143

Americans as one minority group who had made it in this country through
hard work (Kasindorf 1982; Chan and Hune 1995). These stories cited higher
academic attainments and combined family earnings of Asian Americans
as indicators that Asians are a model minority. Several positive generaliza-
tions—that Asians work hard, are technological nerds, are good at math,
are focused on education, and the like—were added to the negative stereo-
types of Asians—for example, that Asians are sly, ruthless, untrustworthy,
submissive, quiet, foreigners, and lack communication skills and leadership
potential. Given this “model minority” myth and the so-called “positive”
stereotypes of Asian Americans, some people are unaware of the fact that
White racism is also directed against Asian Americans. In fact, the history
of racism against Asians began with the first wave of Asian immigrants from
China almost one hundred fifty years ago. Subsequent to this early period,
Asians have been subjected to massive and intense discrimination, including
the denial of citizenship, the segregation of schools and housing, lynching,
massacres, internment in concentration camps, random acts of violence, and
subtle forms of unfair treatment in employment.4

In spite of this history, there is a pervasive myth accepted by many, includ-
ing Asian Americans themselves, that Asian Americans have overcome all
these obstacles and have succeeded in finding a place for themselves in the
American dream through hard work, perseverance, and quiet suffering. It is
true that many Asian Americans have obtained higher levels of education
than the general population and have achieved middle-class status (Car-
nevale and Stone 1995). However, the model minority myth5 ignores both the
significant psychological cost of acculturation into a White racist society and
the reality of continuing discrimination against Asian Americans. One such
psychological cost is racial identity conflict.

Racism and Identity Conflict

Of the many problems faced by Asian Americans in the psychological arena,
racial identity conflict is the most critical and severe (Sue and Sue 1971;
Suzuki 1975; Sue and Sue 1990). Conflict about one’s identity can be said to
exist when individuals perceive certain aspects or attributes of themselves
which they simultaneously reject. In the case of Asian Americans, awareness
of oneself as an Asian person is rejected in favor of the White models that are
so pervasive in our society. The issue here is not the lack of awareness of one’s
racial self but rather how one feels about and values that part of oneself.6

The phenomenon of identity conflict is manifested in a number of ways,
with varying degrees of severity (Kohatsu 1993; Huang 1994). An Asian

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American may experience identity conflict as a belief in his or her own infe-
riority (as well as the inferiority of other Asian Americans), perhaps coupled
with deep-seated feelings of self-hatred and alienation. At some point in
their lives, many Asian Americans have both consciously or unconsciously
expressed the desire to become White, and tried to reject their identity as
Asians (Kim 1981; Suzuki 1975; Huang 1994). A painful expression of this
identity conflict among Asian American women is the practice of creat-
ing double-folded eyelids (many Asians have single-folded eyelids) either
through surgery or by using scotch tape in a vain attempt to meet the beauty
standards of White society. This practice of “Americanizing” Asian eyes is
reminiscent of the practice among Blacks of straighten ing their hair and
bleaching their skin to look whiter in appearance (Suzuki 1975). Such expe-
riences of denial and/or rejection of their Asian heritage contribute toward
Asian Americans’ negative self-con cept and low self-esteem, both hallmarks
of negative racial identity (Sue and Sue 1990).

The experience of identity conflict among Asian Americans is a direct
result of living in a society that has institutionalized racism throughout its
major structures, cultures, and value systems, as noted in Knowles and Pre-
witt’s original work in 1969. Examples of institutional racism are stereotypes
of Asians evident in film and television. The history of the U.S. legal and
political system also contains voluminous pages of violence and discrimi-
nation directed at Asian Americans (Takaki 1989; Chan and Hune 1995).
Although the racism experienced by Asian Americans today may be more
subtle than in prior decades, its effects have been shown to have a negative
impact on Asian Americans’ psychological well-being (Chin 1970; Sue and
Kitano 1973; Sue and Sue 1971, 1990). Various manifestations of identity con-
flict can be seen as the result of Asian Americans’ attempts to make it in a
White society, which, for the most part, devalues racial minorities and con-
siders people of color to be aliens and foreigners even though many have
been here for generations. Identity conflict as experienced by Asian Ameri-
cans seems inevitable in a society where being different is synonymous with
being inferior.

Asian American Racial Identity Development (AARID): The Model

This theory is comprised of five stages which explore how Asian Americans
gain a positive racial identity in a society where they must deal with various
negative messages and stereotypes about who they are. Each stage is charac-
terized by the basic components of an identity: a self-concept that includes
evaluation and meaning attribution (ego identity). The cultural tendency for

Asia n A m e ri c a n R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t T h e ory >> 145

Asian Americans to have a group and public orientation and to avoid shame
contributes to the assimilation strategy evident in the White Identification
stage. Access to information and increased understanding about White rac-
ism can help an Asian American to move out of the White Identification
stage and start on the road to a positive racial identity. Although the pro-
cess is not linear or automatic, the five stages are conceptually sequential. For
example, it is possible for an Asian American to get stuck in a certain stage
and never move to the next stage. Whether Asian Americans move on to
the next stage in their racial identity development is dependent primarily on
their social environment, and various factors in this environment determine
both the length and the quality of experience in a given stage.

Stage One: Ethnic Awareness

Ethnic Awareness is the first stage of AARID, and represents the period prior
to Asian Americans entering the school system. Awareness of their ethnicity
comes primarily from interactions with family members and relatives. Asian
Americans who live in predominantly Asian or mixed neighborhoods have
greater exposure to ethnic activities and experience more ethnic pride and
knowledge of their cultural heritage. One benefit of membership in a larger
Asian community is that Asian Americans experience what it is like to be
in the majority and have a sense of security and positive ethnic awareness.
Asian Americans who live in predominately White neighborhoods and have
less exposure to ethnic activities are not sure what it means to be a mem-
ber of an Asian ethnic group and feel neutral about their ethnic member-
ship. Furthermore, greater exposure to Asian ethnic experiences at this stage
leads to a positive self-concept and clearer ego identity while less exposure is
related to a neutral self-concept and confused ego identity (Kim 1981, 2001).
For most Asian Americans, this stage lasts until they enter the school sys-
tems. When they begin school, most Asian Americans’ social environment
changes from a protective secure home setting to a more public arena. It is
this change in social environment that heralds a period of increased contact
with the dominant White society, a key factor that moves individuals to the
next stage.

Stage Two: White Identification

The beginning of the White Identification stage is marked by Asian Amer-
icans’ strong sense of being different from their peers. They acquire this
sense mostly through painful encounters such as being made fun of, being

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the object of name-calling, and the like. Such experiences tell Asian Ameri-
cans that being different is bad. Given the Asian cultural values of quiet
suffering and avoiding public shame, most Asian parents are not able to
help their children cope with this other than by telling them to ignore
these slights and hurts. The significance of shame in Asian cultures may
also influence Asian Americans to try at all costs to fit into White society
in order to avoid publicly embarrassing themselves. Gradually they inter-
nalize White societal values and standards and see themselves through the
eyes of the White society, especially regarding standards of physical beauty
and attractiveness.

Although their reference group is White, Asian Americans in the White
Identification stage often feel socially isolated from their White peers and
enjoy little closeness or meaningful contact with them. Many Asian Ameri-
cans compensate for this by becoming involved in formal organizational
roles and responsibilities in school such as becoming class presidents, class
officers, club leaders, and by excelling academically. However, this is a very
painful period when Asian Americans’ self-concept begins to change from
positive or neutral to negative. They also experience alienation from self and
other Asian Americans while feeling inferior and believing they are at fault
and responsible for racial incidents that happen to them.

Active White Identification
There is some variation as to how the White Identification stage is expe-

rienced, depending on the degree to which Asian Americans identify with
White people. Asian Americans who grow up in predominantly White envi-
ronments are more likely to experience what is called Active White Identifi-
cation, and repress negative feelings and experiences associated with their
Asianness. In actively identifying with White people, these Asian Americans
consider themselves to be very similar to their White peers and do not con-
sciously acknowledge any differences between themselves and Whites. They
especially do not want to be seen as an Asian person and do all they can
to minimize and eliminate their Asian physical features or preferences for
Asian food.

Passive White Identification
Asian Americans who experience a positive self-concept during the

first stage of Ethnic Awareness and who grow up in predominantly Asian
or mixed neighborhoods are more likely to experience Passive White Iden-
tification. In Passive White Identification, Asian Americans do not consider
themselves to be White and do not distance themselves from other Asians.

Asia n A m e ri c a n R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t T h e ory >> 147

However, they experience periods of wishful thinking and fantasizing about
being White. Like Asian Americans in Active White Identification, Asian
Americans in Passive White Identification also accept White values, beliefs,
and standards, and use Whites as a reference group.

Whether experienced actively or passively, White Identification is a
stage marked by negative attitudes and evaluations of self as Americans
of Asian ancestry and include behaviors that reflect turning one’s back on
other Asian Americans and ethnic minorities. These behaviors and atti-
tudes are accompanied by a lack of political understanding that could help
them to make sense of their experiences. At this stage, Asian Americans
personalize their experiences and are not conscious of social injustice or
racism. They are likely to say that there is no racism and that they have
not encountered any discrimination. The goal of Asian Americans at the
White Identification stage is to fit in, to pass for a White person, or at
least not be seen as Asian. As long as Asian Americans believe they can
be fully assimilated into White society, they remain in this stage of White
Identification.

Stage Three: Awakening to Social Political Consciousness

It is during stage three of the AARID that some Asian Americans are able to
shift their worldview and realize that they are not personally responsible for
the way White racism has impacted them. In moving their paradigm from
personal responsibility to social responsibility, Asian Americans at this stage
acquire social and political understanding that enables them to transform
their self-image. This transformation begins with a realistic assessment of
Asian Americans’ social position and a clear realization of the existence of
societal blocks and the futility of trying to “pass” or to strive for acceptance
within the White world. The awareness of White racism also provides alter-
native perspectives for Asian Americans which allow them to reinterpret
their lives and lets them know that things could be different. Prior to the
Awakening to Social Political Consciousness stage, Asian Americans blamed
themselves for their negative racial experiences and believed these were the
result of personal failings. An alternative perspective that these negative
encounters have societal rather than personal roots releases the individual
from unnecessary guilt and feelings of inferiority. Another major change
during stage three is a reaction against White people. For Asian Americans
at this stage, White people are no longer the reference group to which they
aspire. Rather, White people become the antireferent group, people they
don’t want to be like.

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Stage Four: Redirection to an Asian American Consciousness

Although in the previous stage Asian Americans changed their affiliation
from Whites to minorities, they had not yet identified with Asian Ameri-
cans. With support and encouragement from friends, Asian Americans
begin to feel secure enough in themselves to look at their own experi-
ences via immersion in Asian American culture, history, and environ-
ment. Asian Americans discover that while they had some knowledge
of their Asian cultural heritage, they don’t really know very much about
the Asian American experience. As they learn more about the history of
Asian Americans, they feel anger and outrage toward the dominant White
system for the acts of racism directed to ward Asians in this country. Even-
tually Asian Americans are able to move out of this reactionary state into
a more realistic appraisal of both themselves and other Asian Americans
and figure out what parts of themselves are Asian and what parts are
American.

The ego identity of Asian Americans in stage four is centered on being
an Asian American, which entails knowing they belong in the United States,
having a clear political understanding of what it means to be Asian Ameri-
can in this society, and no longer seeing themselves as misfits. They acquire
racial pride and a positive self-concept as Americans with an Asian heritage.

Stage Five: Incorporation

The key factor in stage five of the AARID is confidence in one’s own Asian
American identity. This confidence allows Asian Americans to relate to
many different groups of people without losing their own racial identity as
Asian Americans. Having been immersed in Asian American history and
culture in the previous stage and resolving their racial identity conflict, Asian
Americans who are in Incorporation stage no longer have a driving need to
be exclusively with other Asian Americans. They also recognize that while
racial identity is important, it is not the only social identity of importance
to them. The hallmark of this last stage is the blending of individuals’ racial
identity with the rest of their social identities.

AARID Overview

The Asian American Racial Identity Development theory (AARID) falls
under psychological theories of racial identity and describes a developmental
process that progresses through five stages of perception and relation to one’s

Asia n A m e ri c a n R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t T h e ory >> 149

Table 7.1: AARID Stage Summary

Social
environment Critical factor Self-concept Ego identity

Primary
reference
group

Hallmark of the
stage

Stage 1: Ethnic
Awareness

home with
family

amount of
participation in
ethnic activities

participation
leads to
positive;
participation
leads to neutral
self-concept

participation
= clear sense
as a per son of
Asian heritage,
participation
= less clear
about being

Family discovery of
ethnic heritage

Stage 2: White
Identification

public arenas
such as school
systems

increased
contact with
White society
leading to
acceptance of
White values
and standards

negative
self-image,
especially body
image

being different,
not fitting in,
inferior to
White peers,
feel isolated
and personally
responsible
for negative
treatments

White people
and dominant
society

alienated from
self and other
Asian Americans
inability to
connect
experience with
racism

Stage 3:
Awakening to
Social Political
Consciousness

social political
movements
and/or campus
politics

gaining political
consciousness
related to being
a racial/political
minority and
awareness of
racism

positive self-
concept

identification
as a minority
in the United
States,
oppressed by
but not inferior
to Whites

people with
similar
politics, anti-
establishment
perspectives

gain new
political
perspective,
political
alienation from
Whites

Stage 4:
Redirection
to an Asian
American
Conscious ness

Asian American
community

immersion in
Asian American
experience

positive self-
concept as
Asian American

proud of
being Asian
American,
experience
a sense of
belonging

AAs at similar
stage of
racial identity
development

focus on Asian
American
experience,
anger towards
Whites on
treatment of
Asian Americans

Stage 5:
Incorporation

general clear and firm
Asian American
identity

positive self-
concept as a
person

View self as
a whole with
race as a
part of their
significant so-
cial identities

people in
general

blending of
racial identity
with the rest
of one’s social
identity

racial group and the dominant group.7 As with other developmental models,
AARID views racial identity development as a lifelong process wherein indi-
viduals may have completed a stage in their identity development but their
behavioral response to situations/events may appear to push them back to a
previous stage. As such, a stage could be revisited or some stage experienced
so subtly or for such a short period of time that it would appear as if they
have skipped it altogether.

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Relevance of the Racial Identity Stage Development
Model for Asian Americans

Beyond the more traditional approach to understanding identity through a
single lens—whether that of race, gender, ethnicity, or sexual orientation—
more recently identity scholars have been considering other factors that
influence one’s identity, such as identity salience, social context, and internal
versus external definitions of identity (Chen 2009). As is the case in AARID,
most research on Asian Americans presumes that race or ethnicity are the
salient factors in their identity development, given the existence of White
racism in this country. It is therefore assumed that the oppression of racial
minorities has a psychological impact on Asian Americans.

Some scholars have argued that this assumption limits our understand-
ing of Asian Americans as it does not consider the diversity of social class,
gender, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, and the like among them.
They argue that depending on the individual’s situation, a different identity
dimension may be more salient than race/ethnicity (Fouad and Brown 2000;
Rotheram and Phinney 1987). Specifically, Helms (1994) has suggested that
race may not be the salient dimension of identity development for Asian
Americans because of the existence of the “model minority” myth. The
model minority myth can place Asian Americans in opposition to other vis-
ible racial minorities. The myth encourages Asian Americans to believe that
they can be fully accepted into the White majority society, and can live more
privileged lives as an “exception” to other racial minorities if they act more
“White.” The belief in the model minority myth could lead Asian Americans
to overlook racial discrimination directed against them and White Ameri-
cans to be more tolerant and less discriminatory against Asian Americans.
If Asian Americans believe racial discrimination is not a significant factor
in their lives, their racial identity may not be the most salient identity for
them. When individuals identify with a single social identity, it tends to be
the social identity most salient to them at the time. Saliency is influenced by
the degree of struggle, pain, or conflict that one has to deal with in that iden-
tity dimension. Thus, if a person’s racial membership presents the most chal-
lenge and pain then racial identity will have salience over other aspects of
self. However, for some Asian Americans who are also gay, the most salient
social identity could be sexual orientation rather than racial membership,
since homophobia is stronger and more prevalent within Asian ethnic cul-
tures than in the United States.

Some researchers have questioned the usefulness of stage development
theories and models of identity development for Asian Americans (Yeh and

Asia n A m e ri c a n R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t T h e ory >> 151

Huang 1996). They consider stage theories to be too restrictive and individu-
ally focused. In addition, stage models are seen as being unable to incorpo-
rate more group-oriented Asian culture and the Confucian philosophy that
are salient to understanding Asian American development. In their research
Yeh and Huang collected visual data from projective drawing exercises and
concluded that Asian Americans were more focused on collectivism than
individualism in their identity development and that avoidance of shame is
a stronger driver in Asian American identity development than anger. The
Asian cultural tendency to conform to group expectations and the desire
to avoid the shame of being different may lead Asian Americans to more
readily accept mainstream American standards. In summarizing the AARID
theory, I see this dynamic as playing a role during the White Identification
stage. I believe the cultural context of a group orientation versus an indi-
vidual one presents a potential mitigating factor in the quality of the identity
stage experienced, but it has no impact on whether individuals experience
identity development stages.

Results from a qualitative study by Chen and Guzman (2003), which
explored identity saliency and the multiple identities of Asian Americans,
suggests that a multidimensional model of identity may be more applicable
for this population. Their outcomes indicate that while ethnicity and race
are the most salient social identities for “many” Asian Americans, other
dimensions like gender, religion, and socioeconomic class are more salient
for “some” Asian Americans, and still others listed personal identity charac-
teristics such as personality or a career as being the most salient identity for
them. While the Chen and Guzman study did not include this, I am guessing
that for the “some” who identified with social dimensions other than race
and ethnicity, generational status could be a factor. As stated earlier, first-
generation, immigrant Asian Americans are more likely to be in the “some”
category than would Asian Americans who have multiple minority social
identities such as being gay.

Other researchers have confirmed the efficacy of the stage development
models for Asian Americans (Ibrahim, Ohnishi, and Sandhu 1997; Phinney
1989; Tse 1999). Through analysis of thirty-nine previously published per-
sonal stories by Asian Americans, Tse (1999) advanced stages of identity
development for Asian Americans comprised of ethnic emergence (iden-
tity search) and ethnic identity incorporation (achieved identity). Tse also
found two substages within ethnic emergence: “Awakening to Minority Sta-
tus” and “Ethnic Exploration.” In the first of these substages, Asian Amer-
icans become more sensitive to issues of race and to the visibility of their
minority status and realize how their minority membership has affected

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their self-perceptions and may express anger at mainstream society for their
treatment. This description is very similar to stage three in AARID theory:
“Awakening to Social Political Consciousness.” It is during the stage of
Awakening to Social and Political Consciousness that some Asian Ameri-
cans are able to shift their worldview and realize that they are not personally
responsible for their situation and experiences with White racism. In moving
their paradigm from personal responsibility to social responsibility, Asian
Americans acquire social and political understanding that enables them to
transform their self-image.

In Tse’s second substage, “Ethnic Exploration,” Asian Americans explore
their Asian culture, seeking friendships with members of their own culture
and learning their language. This is very similar to stage four in AARID
theory, “Redirection to an Asian American Consciousness.” In both the Tse
and Kim models Asian Americans begin to look at their own experiences
and immerse themselves in the Asian American experience. Through related
activities, Asian Americans discover that while they had some knowledge
of their Asian cultural heritage, they don’t really know very much about the
Asian American experience.

Future Research

While I have received much anecdotal information from Asian Americans
of different ethnic backgrounds that the theory is applicable to their per-
sonal experience, it has not been tested by formal research among differ-
ent Asian ethnic groups. This could be a fruitful area for future examina-
tion. In fact, a study of college students by Yeh and Huang (1996) which
focused on ethnicity found that Asian Americans explicitly separate race
and ethnicity, and concentrate on ethnicity. This research indicated that
Asian Americans are largely affected by external forces and relationships
in determining their affiliation with their cultural group and ultimately
in forming ethnic identity. Yeh and Huang highlight the importance of
acknowledging the collectivistic nature of ethnic identity development
among Asian Americans. In addition, on college campuses today there
are more Asian ethnic associations, such as organizations for Korean stu-
dents or Chinese American students, than Asian American associations.
This shift implies a greater ethnic rather than racial orientation among
modern college students. Future research could examine the factors that
influence whether race or ethnicity has salience for different generations
of Asian Americans, including college students. A related area of explo-
ration could look at the psychological impact on international students

Asia n A m e ri c a n R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t T h e ory >> 153

from Asia studying in the United States when they are mistaken for being
Asian American.

AARID and the Changing Social Political Context

Although Ethnic Awareness is a stage of AARID, Asian American racial
identity development is not primarily a process of finding one’s heritage,
although this does occur for some Asian Americans. As is evident in the
AARID theory, understanding and proclaiming one’s Asian heritage is a nec-
essary but not a sufficient condition for developing an Asian American racial
identity. A critical factor is the acquisition of a coherent political point of
view and a new paradigm, which are often gained through involvement in
political movements. That new perspective recognizes the subordination of
people of color in this coun try, including Asian Americans.

The political climate in the United States has changed significantly since
the 1960s and the 1970s.8 There is more acceptance of the racial status quo,
more political backlash about affirmative action, and more resistance to deal-
ing with social oppression and injustice.9 Given the importance of the socio-
political environment in facilitating the development of an Asian American
racial identity, how will the current, politically less progressive environment
affect Asian Americans? Will Asian American identity evolve as outlined in
the AARID theory if there are fewer opportunities to become involved in
political movements that challenge the current racial dynamics and institu-
tions? Responses to the AARID theory from college students I’ve worked
with indicate that the shifting of their paradigm during the third stage is
much more subtle and at times hard to distinguish from the fourth stage.
That is, the Awakening to Social Political Consciousness and Redirecting to
Asian American Consciousness may be seamless and felt as one stage. It will
be important to study current college students and those in their mid- to
late twenties to see how similar or different their experience of racial identity
conflict resolution is to the AARID stages.

Another potential impact of the post-1960s and 1970s political environ-
ment is that the importance of racial identity is beginning to be questioned.
Two books by Asian American writers, Native Speaker by Chang-rae Lee
(1995) and The Accidental Asian by Eric Liu (1998), provide some evidence
of this. In his own way each author focuses more on the American part of
his experience than on the Asian. Both authors are second-generation Asian
American males in the White Identification stage, albeit passively, but they
do not deny the existence of racial discrimination. One consequence of the
changed political environment may be that Asian Americans spend more

154 << N ew Pe r spe c t i v e s on R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t

time in the White Identification stage, and perhaps never leave it. If this out-
come is documented by future research, it would support one of AARID’s
theoretical findings, namely, the importance of shifting one’s paradigm by
enhancing one’s sociopolitical understanding, without which one remains in
the White Identification stage.

AARID and Generational Differences

Responses gained from sharing the AARID model with different genera-
tions of Asian Americans indicate that the theory primarily fits the experi-
ence of the “1.5” (those born in Asia but raised primarily in this country)
and successive generations. The first generation of immigrants, who come
to this country as adults, seem less affected psychologically by White racism.
Since the theory was developed using second-, third-, and fourth-generation
Asian Americans, it may not accommodate the experiences of the immigrant
generation. This is an important group to research, especially since fully 62
percent of Asian Americans in this country are immigrants. Future research
on Asian American racial identity could also explore the length of time it
takes for White racism to affect the racial identity of Asian Americans and
whether this effect is the same for all generations of Asian Americans. Differ-
ences between the experiences of foreign-born and native-born Asian Amer-
icans warrant additional attention.

AARID and Changes in the Asian American Family

Another significant social change that has occurred since the AARID theory
was developed relates to the marriage patterns of Asian Americans. Specifi-
cally, more Asian Americans are marrying out of their Asian ethnic groups
(for example, Chinese Americans marrying Korean Americans) and espe-
cially marrying out of their racial group (for example, Asians with White
partners, Asians with Black partners, and so on). The AARID as currently
written does not account for the experiences of interracial and interethnic
people. Therefore, future research needs to examine the kinds of identity
conflict that arise for Asian Americans who are in interracial marriages, or
who are chil dren of interracial or interethnic marriages. It would be helpful
to know how identity conflict issues are experienced by interracial people,
especially if their background includes the blending of an Asian and another
race of color (that is, Black, Latino, or American Indian), because of their
physical appearance. On the other hand, the mixed Asian ethnic families
and children would probably have similar experiences as Asian Americans

Asia n A m e ri c a n R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t T h e ory >> 155

in general and would follow the AARID model because of the saliency of
race over ethnicity that was discussed earlier. However, additional research is
needed to explore these topics fully.

Another trend since the 1980s is the increased number of Asian ethnic
children (mostly Chinese and Korean) that are adopted by White families.
While there are more support groups for such blended families to ensure
cultural education, it is not clear what the adoptees’ experience is with their
social identity development either racially or ethnically. Research in this area
would add to our understanding of the psychological impact of being differ-
ent from the dominant social group.

Synthesis

While there are a number of research topics that could shed light on Asian
Americans’ racial identity conflict and its resolution, the AARID theory still
seems relevant today. In a recent workshop (April 2010) I conducted with
seventeen Asian American college students—comprised of six men and
eleven women, representing Chinese (11), Filipino (1), Japanese (2), and Viet-
namese (3) ethnic groups, and five “1.5” generation and twelve second- gen-
eration Asian Americans—fourteen participants confirmed that their expe-
riences mirrored the stages of Asian American Identity Development. Of the
fourteen, four experienced the Active White Identification and ten experi-
enced the Passive White Identification stage. All four Active White Identi-
fication people grew up in White neighborhoods and went to schools that
were mostly White. Of the ten who experienced Passive White Identification,
eight grew up in and went to school in either racially mixed or mostly Asian
neighborhoods and schools. All three of those who said the Asian American
Identity Development stages did not reflect their experiences, were exposed
to significant Asian cultural activities (one grew up outside the United States,
in Asia) and went to racially mixed schools and reported not experienc-
ing any form of the White Identification stage. The results of this informal
research confirm the relevance of the AARID model for understanding the
racial identity development process for Asian Americans.

The Asian American Racial Identity Development (AARID) theory spe-
cifically focused on racial identity development rather than ethnic identity
development. This focus was fueled by the belief that much of what influ-
ences AARID is Asian Americans’ status as a racial minority in the United
States and the social and psychological consequences of this status. This is not
to deny the existence of real cultural diversity among Asian ethnic groups.
However, the reality of everyday experience is that most Asian ethnic groups,

156 << N ew Pe r spe c t i v e s on R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t

especially those from the East Asian countries of China, Japan, Korea, and
the Philippines, are subject to a common set of racial preju dices and stereo-
types (Chan and Hune 1995). For the most part, White Americans do not
accord a different status or treat an Asian person differently depending on
his or her ethnic group affiliation (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, or Filipino).
The murder of Vincent Chin10 in 1982 is a painful example of this reality.
In fact, one of the stereotypes of Asian Americans is that we all look alike,
with the exception of Asian Indians. Just as a Black person is treated pri-
marily on the basis of the color of his or her skin in this country regardless
of ethnic membership (for example, African, Jamaican, Cape Verdean, etc.),
most Asian Americans ex perience a similar social dynamic. It is their racial
membership, not their ethnic membership, that impacts how Asian Ameri-
cans feel about themselves in this country. This is the primary reason for for-
mulating AARID as a racial rather than an ethnic identity theory.

Notes
1. The AAID was created in the 1980s, based on doctoral dissertation research on the

experiences of Japanese American women by the author.
2. Studies that have compared culturally diverse groups found that Asian American

subjects provide more collective responses, 20 to 52 percent, than European American
subjects whose collective responses were only 15 to 19 percent (Higgins and King 1981).
When compared to European Americans, Asian Americans tend to depend more
heavily on the situation and values of the host society to define who they are (Triandis
1989).

3. Specifically, Critical Race theorists believe that race is a conceptual mechanism by
which power and privileges are distributed in this country. Furthermore, the concept
of race was constructed as a political device to keep people of color subordinated to
Whites. Therefore, Critical Race theorists believe that progressive racial identity must
reflect more than appreciation of common ancestry and include a common political
agenda based on a shared worldview. This agenda should seek to terminate the subor-
dination of people of color in this country (Iijima 1997).

4. There are a few books that chronicle the experience of Asian Americans in this coun-
try. Ronald Takaki (1989) is a great primer that describes the experiences of the major
Asian ethnic groups in America. Another good source is a report of the U.S. Commis-
sion on Civil Rights (1992).

5. For further information on the history of racial discrimination suffered by Asian
Americans and a critique of the model minority thesis, see Chin et al. (1996: 13–23).

6. Much research in the area of racial identity concludes that a child between the ages of
three and six becomes aware of different ethnic groups and begins to identify with the
appropriate one. However, both minority and majority children develop a preference
for White racial stimuli (Clark 1955; Clark and Clark [1947] 1958; Clark 1980; Brand,
Ruiz, and Padilla 1974).

7. Since completing the original study, I have processed the results with hundreds
of Asian Americans in different adult stages of development, generations, ethnic

Asia n A m e ri c a n R ac ia l I de n t i t y Dev e l op m e n t T h e ory >> 157

backgrounds, and social environments. These encounters have illustrated that for the
most part the theory of five stages is still viable. However, I have become more aware
of the interplay between the way Asian Americans experience the various stages and
Asian cultural values, especially of group orientation, resulting in a greater focus on the
external social environment and the role of shame as a preferred control mechanism
among Asian cultures.

8. The major political influences of this era were the Black liberation movement and
Black nationalism. These movements believed that the way to reduce racial domina-
tion was to directly transform the power relationship between Blacks and Whites. The
birth of the Asian American movement itself coincided with these movements for
Black liberation. Asian American activists focused on raising questions of oppression
and power rather than on racial pride. To them, Asian American identity was primar-
ily a means of uniting for political struggle rather than acquiring racial identity solely
for its own sake (Iijima 1997).

9. It was during the 1990s that we saw the passage of proposition 206 in California that elim-
inated affirmative action in contracting, selection, and hiring in businesses, and admis-
sions to universities. A number of other states, including Washington State, have followed
suit. Other evidence of this changing social climate are the Texas Law School case and the
Maryland scholarship case, both of which questioned the legality of affirmative action and
the value of diversity in higher education in professional school admissions.

10. In 1982 Vincent Chin was murdered by a group of laid-off auto workers in Detroit. His
Asian appearance made him a target. In an area where there was a lot of anti-Japanese
feeling due to competition in the auto industry, Vincent was thought to be Japanese,
though he was Chinese American. The fact that the White men who murdered Chin
received minimum sentences of probation is an example of institutional racism
directed against Asian Americans in our legal system.

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