WEEK 5: Final paper- Race and College Admission

In this assignment you will use data to explore the different educational experiences among racial groups in the U.S., particularly in the real-world example of race in college admissions. For context, the admission process is an open one at Ashford University in that there are few barriers to admission to a program of study. As such, Ashford enjoys a high occurrence of diversity in its student demographic. This, however, may not always be the case in traditional college admissions practices in the US.

Read the

documen

t (provided in attachments). submitted by the American Sociological Association (ASA) to the United States Supreme Court regarding a Michigan Law School case. The goal is for you to engage the empirical data and summary arguments while drawing your own conclusions about the college admission process.

After reading the ASA’s position on this case, address the following:

• Thoroughly summarize (Links to an external site.) the key elements of the argument presented by ASA. This summary should include:
• A general overview of ASA’s position.
• A discussion of the fundamental justifications behind ASA’s position including residential segregation, school segregation, economic disadvantages, stigma, and the relevance of race-based life experiences to university admissions.

Please be mindful to summarize the ASA’s position on these issues in your own words. 

• Argue your own position as to whether or not college admission officers should consider race (as one of many factors), when deciding whom to accept to colleges. Be sure to use scholarly evidence and empirical data to support your position. Which position you take has NO bearing on your grade. However, you will be graded on how well you support your argument with scholarly evidence and empirical data, as well as the amount of thought put into your argument. Your argument must:
• Be well-reasoned and based on scholarly evidence and empirical data – Not on personal ideologies and/or uninformed opinions.
• Explain why you have chosen the position that you have (using facts and empirical data).
• Depending on the position you take, propose either an alternative solution to addressing racial inequalities in college admissions or propose a solution for implementing racial consideration in the admissions of an actual college setting.
• If you argue that race should not be taken into account along with other life experiences in college admissions, then you must also propose ways in which current racial inequalities of educational attainment can best be overcome.
• If you argue that race should be taken into account along with other life experiences in college admissions, then you must also propose ways in which this could best be implemented in an actual applied setting.

The Race and College Admissions Assignment:

• Must be 8 to 10 double-spaced pages in length (excluding title and reference pages), and formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center (Links to an external site.).
• Must include a title page (Links to an external site.) with the following:
• Title of paper
• Student’s name
• Course name and number
• Instructor’s name
• Date submitted
• Must begin with an introductory paragraph (Links to an external site.) that has a succinct thesis statement. (Links to an external site.)
• Must address the topic of the paper with critical thought.
• Must end with a conclusion (Links to an external site.) that reaffirms your thesis.
• Must use the textbook and at least five scholarly source downloadsubmitted by the American Sociological Association (ASA) to the United States Supreme Court regarding a Michigan Law School case. The goal is for you to engage the empirical data and summary arguments while drawing your own conclusions about the college admission process.

After reading the ASA’s position on this case, address the following:
Thoroughly summarize (Links to an external site.) the key elements of the argument presented by ASA. This summary should include:
A general overview of ASA’s position.
A discussion of the fundamental justifications behind ASA’s position including residential segregation, school segregation, economic disadvantages, stigma, and the relevance of race-based life experiences to university admissions.
Please be mindful to summarize the ASA’s position on these issues in your own words. 
Argue your own position as to whether or not college admission officers should consider race (as one of many factors), when deciding whom to accept to colleges. Be sure to use scholarly evidence and empirical data to support your position. Which position you take has NO bearing on your grade. However, you will be graded on how well you support your argument with scholarly evidence and empirical data, as well as the amount of thought put into your argument. Your argument must:
Be well-reasoned and based on scholarly evidence and empirical data – Not on personal ideologies and/or uninformed opinions.
Explain why you have chosen the position that you have (using facts and empirical data).
Depending on the position you take, propose either an alternative solution to addressing racial inequalities in college admissions or propose a solution for implementing racial consideration in the admissions of an actual college setting.
If you argue that race should not be taken into account along with other life experiences in college admissions, then you must also propose ways in which current racial inequalities of educational attainment can best be overcome.
If you argue that race should be taken into account along with other life experiences in college admissions, then you must also propose ways in which this could best be implemented in an actual applied setting.
The Race and College Admissions Assignment:

Must be 8 to 10 double-spaced pages in length (excluding title and reference pages), and formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center (Links to an external site.).
Must include a title page (Links to an external site.) with the following:
Title of paper
Student’s name
Course name and number
Instructor’s name
Date submitted
Must begin with an introductory paragraph (Links to an external site.) that has a succinct thesis statement. (Links to an external site.)
Must address the topic of the paper with critical thought.
Must end with a conclusion (Links to an external site.) that reaffirms your thesis.
• Must use the textbook and at least five scholarly sources.
• The Scholarly, Peer-Reviewed, and Other Credible Sources downloadtable offers additional guidance on appropriate source types. If you have questions about whether a specific source is appropriate for this assignment, please contact your instructor. Your instructor has the final say about the appropriateness of a specific source for a particular assignment.
•  Must document all sources in APA style, as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center. Cite your sources in text and on a separate reference page.

No. 02-24

1

================================================================

In The

Supreme Court of the United States

——————————— ♦ ———————————

BARBARA GRUTTER,

Petitioner,
v.

LEE BOLLINGER, ET AL.,

Respondents.

——————————— ♦ ———————————

On Writ Of Certiorari Before Judgment
To The United States Court Of Appeals

For The Sixth Circuit

——————————— ♦ ———————————

BRIEF OF THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL
ASSOCIATION, ET AL., AS AMICI CURIAE

IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS

——————————— ♦ ———————————

DEBORAH J. MERRITT
John Deaver Drinko/
Baker & Hostetler
Chair in Law
Moritz College of Law
THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY
400 Stillman Hall
1947 College Road
Columbus, OH 432

10

Telephone: (614) 247-793

3

BILL LANN LEE
Counsel of Record
LIEFF, CABRASER, HEIMANN
& BERNSTEIN, LLP
275 Battery Street,
30th Floor
San Francisco, CA 941

11

Telephone: (415) 956-1000

Attorneys for Amici Curiae

================================================================

COCKLE LAW BRIEF PRINTING CO. (800) 225-696

4

OR CALL COLLECT (402) 342-2831

i

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

I. STATEMENT OF INTEREST ……………………. 1

II. SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ……………………..

2

III. ARGUMENT …………………………………………….

5

A. Universities Have a Compelling Interest
in Considering the Life Experience of
Growing Up Black, Latino, or Native
American in Making Admissions Deci-
sions …………………………………………………. 5

1. Residential Segregation …………………. 5

2. School Segregation …………………………

7

3. Economic Disadvantage …………………. 11

4. Stigma………………………………………….. 11

5. The Relevance of Race-Based Life Ex-
periences to University Admissions ……..

14

a. Potential to Benefit from the
Educational Experience…………….. 14

b. Contributions to the Educational
Experience ……………………………….

20

c. Contributions to Society …………….

22

B. Considering Race in University Admissions
is Narrowly Tailored When Race is One of
Many Life Experiences Considered in As-
sessing Individual Applicants ………………….

25

IV. CONCLUSION ………………………………………… 30

ii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

Page

CASES

Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) …… 2, 1

9

Gratz v. Bollinger, 122 F. Supp. 811 (E.D. Mich.
2000)……………………………………………………………………..

29

Grutter v. Bollinger, 288 F.3d 732 (6th Cir. 2002) ………… 29

Grutter v. Bollinger, 137 F. Supp. 2d 821 (E.D.
Mich. 2001) …………………………………………………………… 1

6

Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, 43

8

U.S. 265 (1978) …………………………………………… 20, 25, 29

BOOKS & OTHER NONPERIODIC MATERIALS

WALTER ALLEN & DANIEL SOLORZANO, EXPERT
REPORT (2000), at http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/
issr/choices/reports_data.html (visited February
8, 2003)………………………………………………………………….

19

MARIANNE BERTRAND & SENDHIL MULLAINATHAN,
ARE EMILY AND BRENDAN MORE EMPLOYABLE
THAN LAKISHA AND JAMAL? A FIELD EXPERIMENT
ON LABOR MARKET DISCRIMINATION (2002) (un-
published) ……………………………………………………………..

12

JULIAN R. BETTS, KIM S. RUEBEN & ANNE DANEN-
BERG, PUBLIC POLICY INSTITUTE OF CALIFORNIA,
EQUAL RESOURCES, EQUAL OUTCOMES? THE DIS-
TRIBUTION OF SCHOOL RESOURCES AND STUDENT
OUTCOMES IN CALIFORNIA (2000)……………………………….. 9

Lawrence D. Bobo & Susan A. Suh, Surveying
Racial Discrimination: An Analysis from a Mul-
tiethnic Labor Market, in PRISMATIC METROPOLIS:
INEQUALITY IN LOS ANGELES 523-560 (L. D. Bobo
et al. eds., 2000)…………………………………………………….. 13

iii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued

Page

WILLIAM G. BOWEN & DEREK BOK, THE SHAPE OF
THE RIVER (1998)………………………………………………. 23,

24

JOE R. FEAGIN, RACIST AMERICA (2000) ……………………….. 12

JOE R. FEAGIN & MELVIN P. SIKES, LIVING WITH
RACISM: THE BLACK MIDDLE CLASS EXPERIENCE
(1994) …………………………………………………………………… 12

DAVID L. FEATHERMAN & ROBERT M. HAUSER,
OPPORTUNITY AND CHANGE (1978)……………………………. 14

ANN A. FERGUSON, BAD BOYS: PUBLIC SCHOOLS IN
THE MAKING OF BLACK MASCULINITY (2000) ……………… 10

Ronald F. Ferguson, Teachers’ Perceptions and
Expectations and the Black-White Test Score Gap,
in THE BLACK-WHITE TEST SCORE GAP 318-74
(Christopher Jencks & Meredith Phillips eds.,
1998)…………………………………………………………………….. 10

CLAUDE FISCHER ET AL., INEQUALITY BY DESIGN:
CRACKING THE BELL CURVE MYTH (1996) …. 13, 17, 18, 20

Michael Fix et al., An Overview of Auditing for
Discrimination, in CLEAR AND CONVINCING EVI-
DENCE: MEASUREMENT OF DISCRIMINATION IN
AMERICA 1, at 18-25 (Michael Fix & Raymond J.
Struyk eds., 1993)………………………………………………….. 12

LEO GREBLER ET AL., THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN
PEOPLE, THE NATION’S SECOND LARGEST MINORITY
(1970) …………………………………………………………………….. 6

JAY P. HEUBERT & ROBERT M. HAUSER, NATIONAL
RESEARCH COUNCIL, HIGH STAKES: TESTING FOR
TRACKING, PROMOTION, AND GRADUATION (1999)….. 10, 15

i

v

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued
Page

CAMERON HOWELL & SARAH TURNER, LEGACIES IN
BLACK AND WHITE: THE RACIAL COMPOSITION OF
THE LEGACY POOL (2003) (Preliminary draft, Uni-
versity of Virginia)………………………………………………….

28

JOHN ICELAND ET AL., U.S. BUREAU OF THE CENSUS,
RACIAL AND ETHNIC RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION IN
THE UNITED STATES: 1980-2000, CENSUS 2000
SPECIAL REPORT 3 (2002) ………………………………………….. 6

COMMITTEE ON THE STATUS OF BLACK AMERICANS,
COMMISSION ON BEHAVIORAL AND SOCIAL SCI-
ENCES AND EDUCATION, NATIONAL RESEARCH
COUNCIL, A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND
AMERICAN SOCIETY (Gerald D. Jaynes & Robin M.
Williams, Jr. eds., 1989) …………………………………………… 5

Christopher Jencks & Meredith Phillips, An Intro-
duction, in THE BLACK-WHITE TEST SCORE GAP 1-
51 (Christopher Jencks & Meredith Phillips eds.,
1998)………………………………………………………………………. 9

Christopher Jencks, Racial Bias in Testing, in THE
BLACK-WHITE TEST SCORE GAP, 55-85 (Christo-
pher Jencks & Meredith Phillips eds., 1998) ………. 15,

16

Thomas Kane, Racial and Ethnic Preferences in
College Admissions, in THE BLACK-WHITE TEST
SCORE GAP 431-56 (Christopher Jencks & Mere-
dith Phillips eds., 1998) ………………………………………….

27

Jerome Karabel, No Alternative: The Effects of
Color-Blind Admissions in California, in CHILL-
ING ADMISSIONS 33-50 (Gary Orfield & Edward
Miller eds., 1998) …………………………………………………… 27

JONATHAN KOZOL, SAVAGE INEQUALITIES (1991) ………… 9, 16

v

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued
Page

HELEN F. LADD ET AL., EQUITY AND ADEQUACY IN
EDUCATION FINANCE: ISSUES AND PERSPECTIVES
(1999) …………………………………………………………………….. 8

HELEN F. LADD & JANET S. HANSEN, COMMITTEE ON
EDUCATION FINANCE-NATIONAL RESEARCH COUN-
CIL, MAKING MONEY MATTER: FINANCING AMER-
ICA’S SCHOOLS (1999) ……………………………………………….. 9

AMANDA LEWIS, RACE IN THE SCHOOL YARD (Forth-
coming 2003)…………………………………………………………. 12

STANLEY LIEBERSON, A PIECE OF THE PIE: BLACKS
AND WHITE IMMIGRANTS SINCE 1880 (1980)…………. 17,

18

GLENN LOURY, THE ANATOMY OF RACIAL INEQUALITY
(2002) ……………………………………………………………….. 5,

13

SAMUEL R. LUCAS, TRACKING INEQUALITY: STRATIFI-
CATION AND MOBILITY IN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS
(1999) …………………………………………………………………… 10

DOUGLAS S. MASSEY & NANCY A. DENTON, AMERI-
CAN APARTHEID: SEGREGATION AND THE MAKING
OF THE UNDERCLASS (1993)……………………………………….. 7

CHARLES C. MOSKOS & John Sibley BUTLER, ALL WE
CAN BE (1996) ……………………………………………………….. 22

Michael T. Nettles et al., Race and Testing in
College Admissions, in CHILLING ADMISSIONS
(Gary Orfield & Edward Miller eds., 1998)…………..11, 16

FRANK NEWPORT, GALLUP POLL SOCIAL AUDIT:
BLACK-WHITE RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES,
2001 UPDATE (July 10, 2001 Poll Release) ……………….. 12

vi

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued
Page

JEANNIE OAKES ET AL., EDUCATIONAL MATCHMAKING:
ACADEMIC AND VOCATIONAL TRAINING IN COMPRE-
HENSIVE HIGH SCHOOLS (1992), at http://
www.rand.org/publications/R/R4189 /…………………. 10

MELVIN L. OLIVER & THOMAS M. SHAPIRO, BLACK
WEALTH/WHITE WEALTH: A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON
RACIAL INEQUALITY (1995) ………………………………………..11

GARY ORFIELD, SCHOOLS MORE SEPARATE: CONSE-
QUENCES OF A DECADE OF RESEGREGATION (2001) ……. 7, 8

ROBERT NASH PARKER, PRESLEY CENTER FOR CRIME
AND JUSTICE STUDIES, TRAFFIC TICKETS, ETHNIC-
ITY, AND POLICE PATROL IN RIVERSIDE, 1998: EVI-
DENCE FOR RACIAL PROFILING IN PATTERNS OF
TRAFFIC ENFORCEMENT (2003)…………………………………. 12

MARY PATTILLO-MCCOY, BLACK PICKET FENCES:
PRIVILEGE AND PERIL AMONG THE BLACK MIDDLE
CLASS (1999) …………………………………………………………. 25

Thomas Pettigrew, Prejudice and Discrimination on
the College Campus, in CONFRONTING RACISM:
THE PROBLEM AND THE RESPONSE 263-79 (Jenni-
fer L. Eberhardt & Susan T. Fiske eds., 1998) ………….

26

Thomas Pettigrew & Linda R. Tropp, Does Inter-
group Contact Reduce Prejudice? Recent Meta-
analytic Findings, in REDUCING PREJUDICE AND
DISCRIMINATION, 93-114 (Stuart Oskamp ed.,
2000)…………………………………………………………………….. 22

LEONARD RUBINOWITZ & JAMES ROSENBAUM, CROSS-
ING THE CLASS AND COLOR LINES (2000) …………………….. 8

PATRICK SHIELDS & CAMILLE ESCH, CENTER FOR THE
FUTURE OF TEACHING AND LEARNING, WHO IS
TEACHING CALIFORNIA’S CHILDREN (2002) ………………….. 9

vii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued
Page

JAMES L. SHULMAN & WILLIAM G. BOWEN, THE
GAME OF LIFE (2001)…………………………………………. 28, 29

Russell Skiba, When is Disproportionality Dis-
crimination? The Overrepresentation of Black
Students in School Suspension, in ZERO TOLER-
ANCE: RESISTING THE DRIVE FOR PUNISHMENT IN
OUR SCHOOLS (William Ayres et al. eds., 2001)…………. 12

Claude M. Steele & Joshua Aronson, Stereotype
Threat and the Test Performance of Academically
Successful African Americans, in THE BLACK-
WHITE TEST SCORE GAP 401-27 (Christopher
Jencks & Meredith Phillips eds., 1998)…………. 16, 17, 18

MITCHELL L. STEVENS, MANAGING PRIVILEGE IN
COLLEGE ADMISSIONS (April 4, 2002) (paper pre-
sented at the Department of Sociology North-
western University, Evanston, Illinois)……………………. 19

MARTA TIENDA ET AL., CLOSING THE GAP? ADMIS-
SIONS AND ENROLLMENTS AT THE TEXAS PUBLIC
FLAGSHIPS BEFORE AND AFTER AFFIRMATIVE AC-
TION (January 21, 2003) (unpublished paper)…………… 27

MARGERY AUSTIN TURNER ET AL., Discrimination in
Metropolitan Housing Markets (2002), at http://www.
huduser.org/publications/pdf/phase1_report
(visited February 13, 2003)…………………………………… 3, 7

U.S. BUREAU OF THE CENSUS 2002 MEDIAN INCOME
OF HOUSEHOLDS BY SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS,
at http://www.census.gov/hhes/income/income01/
inctab1.html (visited February 8, 2003)…………………….11

DEBRA VAN AUSDALE & JOE R. FEAGIN, THE FIRST R:
HOW CHILDREN LEARN RACE AND RACISM (2001) …..11, 12

MARY C. WATERS, BLACK IDENTITIES (1999) …………………… 9

viii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued
Page

SUSAN WIERZBICKI & CHARLES HIRSCHMAN, THE
END OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION IN WASHINGTON
STATE AND ITS IMPACT ON THE TRANSITION FROM
HIGH SCHOOL TO COLLEGE (May 9, 2002) (revised
version of paper presented at the annual meeting
of the Population Association of America, At-
lanta, Georgia) ………………………………………………………. 27

WILLIAM JULIUS WILSON, WHEN WORK DISAPPEARS:
THE NEW WORLD OF THE URBAN POOR 112-37
(1996) …………………………………………………………………… 13

JOHN YINGER, CLOSED DOORS, OPPORTUNITIES LOST:
THE CONTINUING COSTS OF HOUSING SEGREGA-
TION (1995) ………………………………………………………….. 7, 8

PERIODICAL MATERIALS

Elijah Anderson, The Ideologically Driven Critique,
107 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY 1533
(2002) …………………………………………………………………… 13

Joshua Aronson et al., When White Men Can’t do
Math: Necessary and Sufficient Factors in Stereo-
type Threat, 35 JOURNAL OF EXPERIMENTAL
PSYCHOLOGY 29 (1999)…………………………………………….

17

William G. Bowen & Neil Rudenstine, Race-
Sensitive Admissions: Back to Basics, CHRONICLE
OF HIGHER EDUCATION 49 (Feb. 7, 2003), at
http://chronicle.com/weekly/v49/i22/22b00701.htm ……..25

Marilynn B. Brewer & Layton N. Lui, The Primacy
of Age and Sex in the Structure of Person Catego-
ries, 7 SOCIAL COGNITION 262 (1989) …………………………. 5

i

x

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued
Page

David Card & Alan B. Krueger, School Resources
and Student Outcomes: An Overview of the Lit-
erature and New Evidence from North and South
Carolina, 10 JOURNAL OF ECONOMIC PERSPEC-
TIVES 31 (1996)………………………………………………………… 8

David Card & Alan B. Krueger, School Resources
and Student Outcomes, 559 ANNALS OF THE
AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL
SCIENCE 39 (1998)……………………………………………………. 8

Clifton A. Casteel, Teacher-Student Interactions
and Race in Integrated Classrooms, 92 JOURNAL
OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 115 (1998)…………………….. 10

Camille Z. Charles, The Dynamics of Racial Resi-
dential Segregation, ANNUAL REVIEW OF SOCIOL-
OGY (2003) (in press)………………………………………………… 6

Susan Chira, Teen-Agers, in a Poll, Report Worry
and Distrust of Adults, NEW YORK TIMES, July
10, 1994, at 16 ………………………………………………………… 9

A.J. Christopher, Segregation Levels in South
African Cities, 1911-1985, 25 INTERNATIONAL
JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 561
(1992) …………………………………………………………………….. 6

Robert Davidson & Ernest Lewis, Affirmative
Action and Other Special Consideration in Ad-
missions at the University of California, Davis,
School of Medicine, 278 JOURNAL OF THE AMERI-
CAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION 1153 (1997) …………………….

23

Nancy Denton & Douglas S. Massey, Racial Iden-
tity among Caribbean Hispanics: The Effect of
Double Minority Status on Residential Segrega-
tion, 54 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW 790
(1989) …………………………………………………………………….. 6

x

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued
Page

Nancy DiTomaso, Why Anti-Discrimination Policies
Are Not Enough: The Legacies and Consequences
of Affirmative Inclusion – for Whites (August 16,
2000, Anaheim, CA) (Presented at The 95th An-
nual Meeting of the American Sociological Asso-
ciation) …………………………………………………………………. 13

Jennifer L. Eberhardt & Susan T. Fiske, Affirma-
tive Action in Theory and Practice: Issues of
Power, Ambiguity, and Gender Versus Race,

15

BASIC AND APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 201
(1994) …………………………………………………………………… 12

Ronald G. Ehrenberg et al., Does Class Size Mat-
ter?, 285 SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN 79 (2001) …………………… 9

Joe R. Feagin, The Continuing Significance of Race:
Antiblack Discrimination in Public Places, 56
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW 101 (1991) ……………. 12

Gallup Organization, Black/White Relations in the
United States, 1997 (Special report) (June 10,
1997)…………………………………………………………………….. 13

Anthony G. Greenwald & Mahzarin R. Banaji,
Implicit Social Cognition: Attitudes, Self-Esteem,
and Stereotypes, 102 PSYCHOLOGICAL REVIEW 1
(1995) …………………………………………………………………… 13

Maureen T. Hallinan, Race Effects on Students’
Track Mobility in High School, 1 SOCIAL PSY-
CHOLOGY OF EDUCATION 1 (1996)………………………… 10, 19

Maureen T. Hallinan, Diversity Effects on Student
Outcomes: Social Science Evidence, 59 OHIO
STATE LAW JOURNAL 733 (1998) …………………………… 8, 22

xi

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued
Page

Albert R. Hunt, Service Academies: Affirmative
Action at Work, WALL STREET JOURNAL, January
23, 2003, at A14 …………………………………………………….. 22

Rosabeth M. Kanter, Some Effects of Proportions on
Group Life: Skewed Sex Ratios and Responses to
Token Women, 82 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOL-
OGY 965 (1977) ………………………………………………………. 19

Ivy Kennelly, You’ve Got That Single Mother Ele-
ment: Employers’ Images of African American
Women, 13 GENDER & SOCIETY 168 (1999) ……………….. 13

G. Kenney & D. A. Wissoker, An Analysis of the
Correlates of Discrimination Facing Young His-
panic Job Seekers, 84 AMERICAN ECONOMIC RE-
VIEW 674 (1994)……………………………………………………… 12

Alan Krueger & Diane Whitmore, The Effect of
Attending a Small Class in the Early Grades on
College-Test Taking and Middle School Test Re-
sults: Evidence from Project STAR, NATIONAL
BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH WORKING PAPER
7656 (2000), at http://netec.mcc.ac.uk/WoPEc/
data/Papers/nbrnberwo7656.html (visited Febru-
ary 9, 2003) …………………………………………………………….. 9

Maria Krysan & Reynolds Farley, The Residential
Preferences of Blacks: Do They Explain Persistent
Segregation? 80 SOCIAL FORCES 937 (2002)………………… 6

Richard O. Lempert et al., Michigan’s Minority
Graduates in Practice: The River Runs Through
Law Schools, 25 LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY 468
(2000) ………………………………………………………… 21, 23, 24

Michael J. Lovaglia et al., Status Processes and
Mental Ability Test Scores, 104 AMERICAN JOUR-
NAL OF SOCIOLOGY 195 (1998) …………………………………. 18

xii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued
Page

Samuel R. Lucas, Hope, Anguish, and the Problem
of Our Time: Comments on Publication of The
Black-White Test Score Gap, 102 TEACHERS COL-
LEGE RECORD 461 (2001) ………………………………………… 16

Brenda Major et al., Attributional Ambiguity of
Affirmative Action, 15 BASIC AND APPLIED SOCIAL
PSYCHOLOGY 113 (1994) ………………………………………….. 26

Douglas S. Massey & Nancy A. Denton, Suburbani-
zation and Segregation in U.S. Metropolitan Ar-
eas, 94 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY 592
(1988) …………………………………………………………………….. 6

Douglas S. Massey & Nancy A. Denton, The Effect
of Residential Segregation on Black Social and
Economic Well-Being, 66 SOCIAL FORCES 29
(1987) …………………………………………………………………. 4, 8

Douglas S. Massey & Mary J. Fischer, Does Rising
Income Bring Integration? New Results for
Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians in 1990, 28 SOCIAL
SCIENCE RESEARCH 316 (1999) ………………………………….. 6

Rachel Moran, Diversity and Its Discontents: The
End of Affirmative Action at Boalt Hall, 88 CALI-
FORNIA LAW REVIEW 2241 (2000)………………………………

21

Phillip Moss & Chris Tilly, Soft Skills and Race: An
Investigation of Black Men’s Employment Prob-
lems, 23 WORK & OCCUPATIONS 252 (1996) ………………. 13

Evelyn Nieves, Civil Rights Groups Suing Berkeley
over Admissions Policy, NEW YORK TIMES, Section
A, p. 9 (1999)……………………………………………………. 10, 19

C. Matthew Snipp, Sociological Perspectives on
American Indians, 18 ANNUAL REVIEW OF SOCI-
OLOGY 351 (1992) …………………………………………………….. 6

xiii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued
Page

Aage B. Sorenson & Maureen T. Hallinan, A Recon-
ceptualization of School Effects, 50 SOCIOLOGY OF
EDUCATION 273 (1977) ……………………………………………. 15

S.J. Spencer et al., Stereotype Threat and Women’s
Math Performance, 35 JOURNAL OF EXPERIMENTAL
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 4 (1999) …………………………….. 16, 17

Claude M. Steele, A Threat in the Air: How Stereo-
types Shape Intellectual Identity and Test Per-
formance, 52(6) AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGIST 613
(1997) …………………………………………………………………… 16

Claude M. Steele & Joshua Aronson, Stereotype
Threat and the Intellectual Test Performance of
African Americans, 69 JOURNAL OF PERSONALITY
AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 797 (1995) ………………………… 16

J. Stone et al., Stereotype Threat on Black and
White Athletic Performance, 77 JOURNAL OF PER-
SONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 1214 (1999) ………… 17

Marylee C. Taylor, Impact of Affirmative Action on
Beneficiary Groups: Evidence from the 1990 Gen-
eral Social Survey, 15 BASIC AND APPLIED SOCIAL
PSYCHOLOGY 143 (1994)………………………………………….. 26

Marylee C. Taylor, White Backlash to Workplace
Affirmative Action: Peril or Myth?, 73 SOCIAL
FORCES 1385 (1995) ……………………………………………….. 26

Beth E. Vanfossen et al., Curriculum Tracking and
Status Maintenance, 60(2) SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCA-
TION 104 (1987) ……………………………………………………… 10

Rachel Deyette Werkema, A Calculated Risk, 12
REGIONAL REVIEW 11 (2002) ……………………………………. 10

1

I. STATEMENT OF INTEREST1

Over the past fifty years, sociologists and other social
scientists have produced an extensive body of scholarship
demonstrating that race and ethnicity profoundly affect
both the life experiences of individuals and the way
individuals are treated within society. Amici offer their
expertise to aid the Court in determining whether the
admissions systems challenged in these cases are narrowly
tailored to serve a compelling state interest.2

The American Sociological Association (ASA) is the
major professional association of sociologists in the United
States. ASA has more than 13,000 members, including
most sociologists holding doctoral degrees from accredited
universities.3

The Law and Society Association is a professional
association of over 1,500 scholars in the social sciences,

1 Written consent to the filing of this brief has been obtained from
the parties in accordance with Supreme Court Rule 37.3(a). Copies of
the consent letters have been filed with the Clerk. Pursuant to Supreme
Court Rule 37.6, the amici state that this brief was not authored in
whole or part by counsel for any party and that no party or entity, other
than the amici and their counsel, made any monetary contribution to
its preparation or submission.

2 To avoid burdening the Court, amici have submitted this brief
solely in Grutter v. Bollinger. The social science evidence discussed here,
however, is equally relevant to the admissions systems challenged in
Gratz v. Bollinger, No. 02-516.

3 Amici thank Barbara Reskin, S. Frank Miyamoto Professor of
Sociology at the University of Washington and immediate past Presi-
dent of the American Sociological Association, for serving as the
principal compiler of the social science data presented in this brief and
for her substantial assistance in authoring the brief.

2

humanities, and law who study the place of law in social,
political, economic, and cultural life.

The Society for the Study of Social Problems is an
interdisciplinary organization of about 1,500 scholars,
practitioners, and students interested in the study of
social problems.

The Association of Black Sociologists is a national,
professional organization of sociologists and social scien-
tists, founded by people of African descent.

Sociologists for Women in Society is an international
organization of almost 1,000 social scientists and re-
searchers who study the position of women within society.

II. SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

In 1954, a unanimous Supreme Court recognized that
racial segregation “affects the hearts and minds” of chil-
dren “in a way unlikely ever to be undone.” Brown v.
Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483, 494 (1954). Fifty years
later, the promise of Brown remains unfulfilled: race still
shapes the lives of our children, and our cities and schools
continue to be segregated to an extraordinary degree.
Blacks living in Detroit, New York, and Chicago today are
almost as segregated from whites as were blacks living in
South Africa under apartheid. More than seventy percent
of black children in the United States attend schools that
are majority nonwhite. For Latino children, segregation is
also pronounced: seventy-six percent attend schools that
are majority nonwhite. These segregated schools are
generally inferior in staffing, resources, and programs to
predominantly white schools in similar neighborhoods.

3

School segregation is firmly rooted in residential
segregation emanating from racial prejudice. Despite four
decades of civil rights legislation, studies by the Depart-
ment of Housing and Urban Development show that black
and Latino renters and buyers face race discrimination
about half the time they visit real estate or rental offices
to inquire about advertised housing (Turner et al. 2002:8-
1). In social surveys, employers openly acknowledge their
reluctance to hire people of color and recount the tactics
they use to discourage minority applicants. Well-designed
experiments demonstrate that almost all Americans
automatically respond negatively toward people of color.

Race shapes every experience of minority children,
from where they live and the schools they attend to the
attitudes they encounter in classrooms, on the streets, at
work, and in stores. Their everyday experiences are
affected not only by their economic circumstances and
other concomitants of race, but by race itself. The life
experience of growing up nonwhite in America renders
other fundamental life experiences, such as living in
poverty, qualitatively different for minorities and whites.
Moreover, minority children learn that they are treated
differently because of their race.

Because growing up black, Latino, or Native American
in the United States is a defining life experience, universi-
ties have a compelling interest in considering race when
selecting students.4 Universities seek students who will

4 The University of Michigan considered only students from these
three racial/ethnic groups in its affirmative action plan, so we focus on
these groups as well. Other racial minorities, such as Asian Americans,
do not currently suffer from the degree of segregation and social

(Continued on following page)

4

benefit most from the educational experience, who will add
to that experience through their individual talents and
diverse perspectives, and who will build upon their educa-
tion to contribute significantly to society after graduation.
Given the pervasive effects of growing up nonwhite,
universities cannot accurately assess a candidate’s poten-
tial to contribute to these goals without considering race.
Research has established that considering race among
many other factors produces graduates of all races who
become leaders in law, medicine, science, and public life.
Declaring students’ race out of bounds in admissions
decisions would deny admissions officers crucial informa-
tion to contextualize other life experiences and accurately
measure academic performance.

When universities consider race in concert with other
life experiences and weigh those experiences individually
for each applicant, attention to race is narrowly tailored.
Unlike approaches that would automatically admit stu-
dents from impoverished backgrounds or from the top
percentage of every high school class, an individualized
examination of files considers race exactly where it mat-
ters, as an individual’s life experience that transcends
most other experiences.

disadvantage in education that blacks, Latinos, and Native Americans
experience (Massey and Denton 1987). As we argue below, however,
race must always be considered in the context of other life experiences.
In some parts of the country, universities may find the experiences of
some Asian American students, particularly recent immigrants,
relevant to their admissions process. The approach we outline here,
focusing on an individualized consideration of race within the context of
an applicant’s other life experiences, would not preclude that considera-
tion.

5

III. ARGUMENT

A. Universities Have a Compelling Interest in
Considering the Life Experience of Growing
Up Black, Latino, or Native American in Mak-
ing Admissions Decisions

Social scientists agree that race and gender are
overriding aspects of social identity because of the pro-
found way in which they cut across every other identity,
shaping our life experiences and how others view us
(Brewer and Liu 1989; Committee on the Status of Black
Americans 1989; Loury 2002). The long history of racial
discrimination in the United States, amplified by contem-
porary forms of discrimination, still molds the lives of
nonwhite children. The life experience of growing up
black, Latino, or Native American today alters the impact
of all factors that universities consider in admissions. To
evaluate applicants fully and fairly and achieve their
institutional goals, universities have a compelling interest
in taking this experience into account.

We summarize below careful, comprehensive research
demonstrating the fundamental ways in which race
shapes life experience. We then explain how this experi-
ence is crucial to a university’s assessment of individual
candidates for admission.

1. Residential Segregation

The landscape of America remains indisputably
segregated by race. Social scientists use the “segregation
index” to assess the degree of segregation, ranging from 0
for full integration to 100 for complete segregation. Values
above 60 reflect high levels of segregation. In 2000, the

6

average black-white segregation index in U.S. metropoli-
tan areas was 65; in the Northeast and Midwest it was 74
(Iceland et al. 2002:64). Detroit, the most segregated city
in the United States, had a black-white segregation index
of 85, followed by Milwaukee (82), New York (81), and
Chicago (80). Id.5 These levels approach the degree of
black-white segregation in South Africa under apartheid
(Christopher 1992:573). No other group in U.S. history has
experienced such persistently high levels of segregation.

Latinos also have a long history of segregation from
whites (Grebler et al. 1970:271-90). Hispanics who identify
themselves on the Census as black or racially mixed have
segregation indices well above 60, while the index for
Hispanics who identify as white is in the low to moderate
range (Denton and Massey 1989:803). The same is true of
Native Americans, although the 35 to 45 percent who live
on or near reservations are extremely segregated from
whites (Snipp 1992).

Racism is the driving force in residential segregation.
Almost all blacks would prefer to live in integrated
neighborhoods; those blacks who express a preference for
all-black neighborhoods do so because they believe they
would be unwelcome in integrated neighborhoods (Krysan
and Farley 2002:953). In general, they are right. Although
many whites would accept a few blacks in their neighbor-
hood, all nonblack groups view blacks as the least desir-
able potential neighbors (Charles 2003:18). Audit studies

5 Affluent blacks are as segregated from whites as poor blacks are
(Massey and Denton 1988:613). Indeed, as racial segregation extends
into the suburbs, affluent blacks typically are more segregated from
whites than are the poorest Latinos (Massey and Fischer 1999:319).

7

demonstrate that blacks consistently encounter discrimi-
nation in real estate rentals, sales, and mortgage approv-
als (Turner et al. 2002:8-1 to 8-3). Levels of housing
discrimination against Latinos increase with the darkness
of their skin, underscoring the racial nature of this bias
(Yinger 1995:179). Residential segregation has been
further aggravated by deliberate acts of racial avoidance,
occasional violence against minorities, local zoning deci-
sions, and the isolation of public housing (Massey and
Denton 1993:83-114).

In many parts of the country, residential segregation
increased during the 1990s, concentrating blacks, Latinos,
and Native Americans in dangerous neighborhoods with
inferior schools, poor municipal services, and longer
commutes to high paying jobs (Massey and Denton
1993:148-85). Whites’ avoidance of these neighborhoods
lowers property values, reducing the ability of these
groups to accumulate wealth in real property.

2. School Segregation

Racial segregation of minority school children is on
the rise. In 1968, 77 percent of black students attended
majority nonwhite schools. Judicially enforced desegrega-
tion lowered that percentage to 62 percent by 1980. Dur-
ing the last 20 years, rising residential segregation and
the elimination of mechanisms designed to integrate
schools have reversed these gains. By 1999, the percentage
of black students in segregated schools had rebounded to
70 percent (Orfield 2001:32). The segregation of Latino
children from white children has climbed even more
precipitously. Fifty-five percent of Latino children at-
tended predominantly nonwhite schools in 1969; by 1999,

8

the figure was 75 percent. Over one-third of Latino chil-
dren attend schools that are more than 90 percent minor-
ity (Orfield 2001:Table 9). In fact, Latino children in
California are more likely to attend hyper-segregated
schools than are black children in the Deep South (Orfield
2001:Tables 15, 19).

School segregation shortchanges minority children in
myriad ways. According to carefully controlled longitudi-
nal studies, majority white schools enhance the academic
achievement of all students (Hallinan 1998:741-42). In one
controlled study, black students who moved to predomi-
nantly white neighborhoods were more likely to take
college prep courses in high school, to attend college, and
to select a four-year college than were comparable stu-
dents who remained in majority black neighborhoods
(Rubinowitz and Rosenbaum 2000).

Residential segregation assigns black, Latino, and
Native American children to poorer quality schools than
those schools attended by white children of similar
economic backgrounds (Yinger 1995:143-45; Ladd et al.
1999:154; Orfield 2001:10, 15). Middle class status does
not mitigate school segregation for these nonwhite chil-
dren because the middle class neighborhoods that are open
to them often are adjacent to poor neighborhoods and
share the same schools (Massey et al. 1987:42).

The schools children attend affect what and how much
they learn. Contrary to some early studies, contemporary
research suggests that financial resources affect physical
facilities, teaching materials and technology, teacher
quality, class size, curriculum, and access to motivated
fellow students, factors which in turn affect students’
learning and test performance (Card and Krueger 1996,

9

1998; Jencks and Phillips 1998:12; Krueger and Whitmore
2000; Ladd and Hansen 1999:140-47; Ehrenberg et al. 2001).

In inner-city predominantly minority high schools, the
difficulty of attracting good teachers and the conditions of
the surrounding neighborhood often restrict learning. As
an ethnographic study of two all minority New York
schools found, “the neighborhood problems of poverty, drug
use, and violence did not stop at the school doors; in fact,
these problems were more visible at the schools than in
the surrounding neighborhoods” (Waters 1999:257-58).
Almost every day students had to walk past drug dealers
to enter their schools, and violence, often involving weap-
ons, was common (Id. 261-64). According to a 1994 New
York Times poll, black teenagers were more than twice as
likely as white teenagers (70 percent versus 31 percent) to
know someone who had been shot during the last five
years (Chira 1994:16).

The least proficient teachers – those with the least
experience, least education, and weakest credentials – are
assigned to the least desirable schools, which are often in
minority neighborhoods (Betts et al. 2000:19; Shields and
Esch 2002). Some minority classrooms lack permanent
teachers, and even substitutes can be in short supply. In
May 1989, for example, almost 18,000 mostly minority
Chicago elementary school children lacked teachers on
Mondays and Fridays (Kozol 1991:53-54). These children
would have been among the applicants to universities in
the late 1990s when the petitioners challenged affirmative
action.

Even in integrated schools, minority children suffer
disadvantages. Careful research shows that teachers have
lower expectations for black students than white students

10

of equal ability. They also tend to treat white students
more positively (Casteel 1998:115; R. Ferguson 1998:313;
A. Ferguson 2000:220-22). In an experiment in which
teachers gave performance feedback to students they could
not see, the teachers gave briefer feedback after mistakes
to students they believed to be black, provided those
students less positive feedback after correct responses, and
offered less coaching than they did for students whom they
believed to be white (R. Ferguson 1998:294).

In schools with different curriculum tracks, minority
children are concentrated in low achievement tracks and
underrepresented in programs for the gifted. Both the
quantity and quality of instruction in lower academic
tracks is decidedly inferior to that in higher tracks (Heu-
bert and Hauser 1999:103-05; Lucas 1999:49; Oakes et al.
1992:81-83). Lacking challenging curriculum and high
expectations, students in low tracks do worse than equally
prepared students in nontracked systems (Vanfossen et al.
1987). Low track students also are less attractive to
college admissions officers than equally capable upper
track students (Hallinan 1996). Tracking thus depresses
overall achievements and opportunities of minority stu-
dents even when they attend integrated schools.

When they reach high school, minority students are
less likely than white students to have access to advanced
placement courses. Only 43 percent of high schools in poor
and minority neighborhoods offer advanced placement
courses, whereas such courses are virtually universal
in suburban, predominantly white schools (Werkema
2002:17; Nieves 1999).

11

3. Economic Disadvantage

Black and Hispanic families have lower household
incomes than white families,6 and the race difference in
accumulated wealth is even greater (Oliver and Shapiro
1995). These differences reduce minority children’s access
to tutoring, special classes, home computers, equipment
for music and sports, enriching summer activities, and
foreign travel. Black, Latino and Native American stu-
dents often cannot afford the cultural experiences and
enrichment activities that selective colleges increasingly
demand. And test preparation classes, which boost stu-
dents’ scores on standardized tests at a cost of several
thousand dollars, are unavailable to many minority
students (Nettles et al. 1998:106).

4. Stigma

Children learn early in their lives that being nonwhite
is stigmatizing, a fact that social scientists have repeat-
edly documented. Children of color experience more
racially-based negative interactions with both teachers
and peers than do white children. Qualitative research
shows that very young children use racial terms to de-
scribe themselves and others and to decide with whom to
play (Van Ausdale and Feagin 2001). For example, when a
preschool teacher asked a three-year-old student why she
was moving her cot, the child pointed to a black child on a
nearby cot and explained, “Niggers are stinky. I can’t sleep

6 The 2001 median household income was $44,417 for non-Hispanic
white families, $33,565 for Hispanic families, and $29,470 for African
American families (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2002).

12

next to one” (Van Ausdale and Feagin 2001:1). Another
study described how a nine-year-old black child told her
mother that her teacher said, “Black people were born of
sin, let’s pray for the black people.” The little girl added: “I
just wish I was white” (Feagin 2000: 28-29). Similarly, an
affluent black television news manager recounted his
young son’s experience with race: “Some of the [white] kids
make fun of him because his nose is big . . . . He wanted to
know how come we had to have a nose like that and why
was this happening” (Feagin and Sikes 1994:88; Lewis
2003). Black students are also targeted for harsher disci-
plinary control and punishment (Skiba 2001; Lewis 2003).

These experiences continue during the teen years,
when black and Latino students are more likely than
whites to be questioned by shopkeepers, taunted by their
classmates, stopped by the police, and subjected to racial
slurs (Lewis 2003:36; Newport 2001; Parker 2002).
In public establishments and on the street, blacks of
all social classes are targets of negative treatment, includ-
ing taunts, threats, and poor service in restaurants or
retail stores (Feagin 1991:106-114; Eberhardt and Fiske
1994:211-12).

The prevalence of race discrimination in other spheres
reinforces this message. In audit studies involving more
than 2,000 matched pairs of job applicants, employers
favored whites over blacks or Latinos with comparable
credentials in invitations to interview, job offers, compen-
sation, job assignments, and information about unadver-
tised opportunities (Fix et al. 1993; Kenney and Wissoker
1994). A carefully controlled study found that persons with
white-sounding names who answered classified ads were
50 percent more likely to get calls from employers than
persons with black-sounding names (Bertrand and

13

Mullainathan 2002). Audit studies have also documented
that some employment agencies note race in the files of
black applicants, steering them away from desirable and
lucrative positions. In surveys, moreover, employers
openly express an aversion to people of color and describe
the tactics they use to prevent minorities from applying for
jobs (Kennelly 1999:177; Wilson 1996:Chapter 5; Moss and
Tilly 1996:265). Consistent with these studies, 60 percent
of African Americans reported racial barriers in their
workplace in the previous year (Bobo and Suh 2000:Table
14.1), and in a 1997 Gallup survey, one in five blacks
reported workplace discrimination during the past month
alone (Gallup News Service 1997).

Racial stigmatization is pervasive in our society. When
minorities go to a restaurant, ask the police for help, or
enter a public building – activities most whites take for
granted – they risk being ignored or questioned (Anderson
2002:1541; Loury 2002). Even Americans who consciously
reject racist attitudes display an automatic, unconscious
tendency to connect blacks with negative attributes, as
over one million individuals have learned through the
simple stereotyping test at https://implicit.harvard.edu/
implicit/ (Greenwald and Banaji 1995).7

7 As Fischer et al. (1996:183) have pointed out, even if only one in
eight whites express prejudice, that still leaves one hostile white for
every black in America – a ratio that ensures that blacks will encounter
racism regularly. Race is also a central experience for whites in
America, but the benefits whiteness confers tend to be invisible to them
(DiTomaso 2000).

14

5. The Relevance of Race-Based Life Experi-
ences to University Admissions

Universities consider a wide range of life experiences,
skills, and achievements when evaluating applicants. In
addition to grades and test scores, colleges consider
extracurricular activities, athletic ability, leadership
positions, work experience, geographic background, and
“legacy” status. Schools weigh these criteria because they
are essential for evaluating each applicant’s potential to:
(1) benefit from the educational experience on campus; (2)
enrich others’ learning; and (3) contribute to the commu-
nity after graduation. Education is not an end in itself.
It is the principal path through which individuals
can advance in our society (Featherman and Hauser
1978:Chapter 5). Equally important, institutions of higher
education, especially public ones, are responsible for
producing individuals to serve as leaders in business,
science, law, medicine, the arts, politics, and every other
field.

Universities have a compelling interest in considering
the distinctive life experiences of minority applicants
along with their other experiences, because race shapes
the meaning of those other experiences.

a. Potential to Benefit from the Educa-

tional Experi

ence.

Grades, courses, and standardized test scores are
important components in universities’ assessment of each
student’s potential to benefit from higher education.
Because a student’s race influences these factors, it must
be considered when assessing them.

15

School quality affects students’ performance on the
standardized tests used in college admissions. The SAT II
or “achievement” tests required by most colleges test
students’ mastery of high school subjects. A recent Na-
tional Academy of Sciences panel, chaired by the distin-
guished sociologist Robert Hauser, stressed that
achievement tests of this nature focus on acquired knowl-
edge (Heubert and Hauser 1999). Scores on these tests
reflect students’ exposure to the material – i.e., their
opportunity to learn – as well as their success in master-
ing the subject. (Sorensen and Hallinan 1977; Heubert and
Hauser 1999:79). Predominantly white schools, with their
more qualified teachers and better learning tools, teach
students more academic content than predominantly
minority schools, thus enhancing the performance of white
students on achievement tests.

Even tests that the public views as “aptitude” tests,
such as the SAT I or LSAT, measure developed skills
rather than innate ability (Jencks 1998:58-66). Psycholo-
gists have long recognized that they can “only measure
people’s developed capacity for intelligent behavior, not
their innate potential” (id. 61). Developed capacity, what-
ever the measure, depends in part on the opportunities
test-takers have been given to develop their skills. In
predominantly minority schools and low achievement
tracks at integrated schools, black, Latino, and Native
American students lack white students’ expanded oppor-
tunities to learn.8

8 Jencks (1998:65) notes that designers of the Scholastic Aptitude
Test imagined that it measured aptitude rather than learned skills
because “[t]he verbal test required skills that voracious readers could

(Continued on following page)

16

Stanford psychologist Claude Steele and his col-
leagues, moreover, have demonstrated a particularly
serious threat to the performance of black, Latino, and
Native American students on standardized tests. Steele
and other researchers have shown that individuals per-
form poorly on standardized tests when they belong to a
group that is negatively stereotyped on the tested apti-
tude. This phenomenon, called “stereotype threat,” artifi-
cially depresses standardized-test performance among
highly motivated students (e.g., Steele and Aronson 1995;
Steele 1997; Spencer et al. 1999).

In one series of telling experiments, researchers gave
randomly selected Stanford undergraduates difficult items
from the Graduate Record Examination. When research-
ers asked the students to indicate their race on a ques-
tionnaire – thereby making students conscious of their
race in the testing situation – or described the test as a
measure of ability, black students scored significantly
lower than whites. But when the researchers omitted

acquire at home, even if their school never asked them to read anything
more complex than Dick and Jane.” The children assigned only Dick
and Jane at school, however, surely must be seriously disadvantaged in
these tests. See also Kozol (1991:150) (quoting a teacher in an all-
minority school, who stated, “when they take the SAT’s, they’re at that
extra disadvantage. They’ve been given less but will be judged by the
same tests.”).

Other factors depress the performance of minority children on
standardized tests. Because of financial pressures or lack of counseling,
minority students are far less likely than white students to take test
preparation courses (Nettles et al. 1998). See Grutter v. Bollinger, 137
F. Supp. 2d 821, 860-61, 868 (E.D. Mich. 2001). For these reasons and
others, biases in high stakes tests (including both standardized
admissions tests and tests given by educational institutions) disadvan-
tage minorities (Lucas 2001).

17

references to race and described the test as “psychological
research,” the black and white students’ scores were
statistically indistinguishable (Steele and Aronson 1998).

Stereotype threat impairs the performance of any
group whose abilities are negatively stereotyped. When
researchers told accomplished mathematics students that
women usually do worse in math than men, female stu-
dents performed poorly compared to men. But when
researchers told students that the sexes did equally well,
the sexes’ average scores did not differ (Spencer et al.
1999). Similarly, when white men were told that whites
did worse than Asians, white men did more poorly
(Aronson et al. 1999).9

Researchers have shown that in every part of the
world, members of lower caste groups average lower scores
on standardized tests than do members of the majority
group (Fischer et al. 1996:192-94). Early in the twentieth
century, the children of Polish Jewish immigrants did
more poorly in school and scored lower on intelligence
tests than other Americans, a difference that has long
since vanished (Lieberson 1980:Table 8.12). While South
Africa was governed by the English, Afrikaaner children
did substantially worse on standardized tests, but after
Afrikaaners came to power, the difference disappeared
(Fischer et al. 1996:193). Test performance is thus linked,

9 The pervasiveness of stereotype threat is further illustrated by a
study in which two groups of varsity athletes were tested on a minia-
ture golf course. In the group that was told that miniature golf was a
test of athletic ability, the black athletes got better scores; in the group
that was told miniature golf was a test of athletic intelligence, the
white athletes did better (Stone et al. 1999).

18

not just to individual ability or knowledge, but to the
individual’s experience as a member of a low status group
within a society.10 As societies find ways to integrate
disfavored groups, these performance differences disap-
pear, just as they did for American Jews, Italians, and
other immigrant groups (Lieberson 1980:Table 7.1; Fischer
et al. 1996:194).11

Black, Latino, and Native American students suffer
further in university admissions because the lack of
advanced courses at their schools directly lowers their
grade point averages, the appeal of their transcripts, and
the reputation of their schools. When calculating grade
point averages, many schools award extra points for
advanced placement courses. Minority students who
attend schools without these courses lose that opportunity
to enhance their GPA’s. In 1998, for example, the mean
grade point average for students admitted to the Univer-
sity of California at Berkeley was 4.27, an average achiev-
able primarily through AP course grades. That year,
Berkeley denied admission to 750 black, Latino, and
Filipino students with “perfect” grade point averages of

10 Researchers have even demonstrated this phenomenon with
artificially created status distinctions. In one study, researchers
conditioned students to believe that left-handed individuals were
inferior to right-handed ones. Even though the students were exposed
to this conditioning for only 15 minutes, the left-handed participants
scored significantly lower than their right-handed classmates on a
standard test of mental ability (Lovaglia et al. 1998).

11 Stereotype threat also affects most of the high-stakes tests
administered within universities. This helps to explain the moderate
correlation, for both white and minority students, between standard-
ized test scores and college and professional school grades (Steele and
Aronson 1998:403).

19

4.00, an average many of those students could not have
improved at their schools (Nieves 1999). Admissions
officers also favor students who attend high resource
schools. The number of AP courses offered by a school, and
the proportion of its graduates who attend college, are
common measures that disadvantage students from
predominantly minority schools (Stevens 2002). The
University of Michigan, for example, awarded under-
graduate applicants up to 80 points for their high school
grade point average and up to 10 points for school quality.
On both of these measures, black, Latino, and Native
American students suffered compared to whites.

These minority students incur race-based disadvan-
tages even when they attend integrated schools. Stereo-
type threat constrains many nonwhite students from
participating in class or seeking help from their teachers
and classmates. Black, Latino, and Native American
students are also more likely to be relegated to lower
academic tracks in integrated schools, reducing their
appeal to colleges (Hallinan 1996). And at many high
schools and colleges, minority students suffer from a
negative racial climate that adversely affects their aca-
demic performance by creating self doubt, alienation, and
discouragement (Allen and Solorzano 2000:65).12 These
experiences create a “sense of inferiority” rooted in race
that “affects the motivation . . . to learn” in the same ways
that state-mandated segregation once did. Brown v. Board

12 These negative pressures are exacerbated when the percentage
of minority students is small. Considerable research demonstrates that
numerical “tokens” are subject to stereotyping and performance
pressure (Kanter 1977; Allen and Solorzano 2000).

20

of Education, 347 U.S. 483, 494 (1954) (quoting the lower
court opinion).

Because their race can depress the “objective” creden-
tials of black, Latino, and Native American students,
universities must consider race together with other ex-
periences in order to evaluate accurately the potential of
each student.13 At the same time, the life experiences of
many minority students predict a special aptitude to
capitalize upon higher education. Minority students of all
economic classes often live in two worlds, a predominantly
white “outside” world in which they feel undervalued and
out of place and a mostly minority world at home in which
they are personally valued but isolated from the main-
stream culture. Dealing with these two worlds, as well as
with the challenges of both subtle and overt acts of racism,
fosters intellectual sophistication, good coping skills,
persistence, and an ability to interact with others that
standardized tests and classroom grades do not measure
(Fischer et al. 1996:187).

b. Contributions to the Educational Experi-

ence.

Higher education is more than lectures, lab exercises,
and reading lists. The highest quality education is
achieved through interaction among students and faculty.

13 As Justice Powell recognized in Regents of the University of
California v. Bakke, “[t]o the extent that race and ethnic background
[are] considered only to the extent of curing established inaccuracies in
predicting academic performance, it might be argued that there is no
‘preference’ at all.” 438 U.S. 265, 306 (1978) (Powell, J., announcing the
judgment of the Court).

21

Each student has the potential to enhance the educational
experience for others, and universities have a compelling
interest in identifying applicants who will contribute the
most to that mix. It is precisely because of the centrality of
race in Americans’ experience that universities can enrich
everyone’s education through diversity.

Because our neighborhoods and secondary schools are
so highly segregated, most American students, especially
white ones, reach college without sustained contact with
people of other races. This isolation is increasingly dan-
gerous in a nation that is becoming more racially diverse
and a world already composed primarily of people of color.
Aware of these realities, many employers – including the
United States military – stress the need for university
graduates to understand people of other races, to interact
comfortably with them, and to value their perspectives.
This essential learning cannot occur on segregated cam-
puses.

Almost all whites who graduated from Michigan’s law
school between 1990 and 1995 reported that the school’s
racial and ethnic diversity contributed positively to their
educational experience (Lempert et al. 2000). It is difficult
for law students to develop a sophisticated understanding
of such legal issues as racial profiling, desegregation
orders, immigration rules, and tribal sovereignty without
hearing the perspectives of students from different racial
and ethnic backgrounds (Moran 2000:2257-72). Similarly,
undergraduates develop different perspectives on econom-
ics, history, and literature when they interact with class-
mates from different races and cultures. Just as our legal
system depends upon the presentation of opposing view-
points to resolve contested questions, our classrooms
depend upon the presence of richly diverse backgrounds to

22

illuminate problems and advance the learning of all
students.

Scholarly research confirms the value of this diversity.
Based on a careful review of high quality research studies,
Hallinan (1998:753) concluded that “racial and ethnic
diversity on college campuses promotes learning” and that
“students of all racial and ethnic groups tend to benefit”
from that experience when the institution actively pro-
motes diversity. Equally important, racially diverse
campuses and classrooms reduce racism and prejudice, a
vital contribution to every student’s education and to
society as a whole. A recent meta-analysis of well executed
studies confirmed that face-to-face interaction between
members of distinguishable groups reduces each group’s
biases toward the other. The beneficial effects of this
contact also carry forward to other contexts (Pettigrew and
Tropp 2000:109; Hallinan 1998:753).14

c. Contributions to Society.

In addition to selecting students who will benefit from
their educational experience on campus and contribute to
that experience, universities have a particularly compel-
ling interest in choosing students who will contribute
significantly to society after graduation. This mission is

14 For citizens who do not attend college, the military often
provides a first experience with racial diversity. According to a recent
survey of 3,000 soldiers in the U.S. Army, one quarter of the blacks and
38 percent of the whites agreed that they got along better with mem-
bers of other races after joining the army (Moskos and Butler
1996:108). Military experts agree that the United States service
academies have improved since becoming more diverse (Hunt 2003).

23

especially important for public universities, which use
public resources to educate their students.

Grades and test scores are not the best predictors of
the applicants who will contribute most to society after
graduation. A comprehensive study of the University of
Michigan’s law school graduates showed that college
grades and LSAT scores bore no relationship to post-
graduation earnings, career satisfaction, or service to the
community (Lempert et al. 2000). Similarly, a study of
more than 80,000 graduates of 28 highly selective under-
graduate institutions found no relationship between SAT
scores or class rank and civic participation (Bowen and
Bok 1998:165). SAT scores and high school grades also had
little power to predict later earnings, which were more
closely linked to college selectivity, college major, and
college grades (Bowen and Bok 1998:133-35, 395-98).
Thus, whether “social contributions” are measured in
terms of a graduate’s career achievements or civic partici-
pation, pre-admission grades and test scores are poor
predictors of success.

Aware of this difficulty, universities use other factors
besides test scores to identify future leaders among their
applicants. Experience now shows that race, when com-
bined with other experiences, is an important factor in
identifying graduates who will successfully contribute to
society. Minority graduates of institutions that consider
race in the admissions process match their white class-
mates in income, career satisfaction, and other measures
of job success, while outperforming them in community
service, pro bono work, and public leadership (Bowen and
Bok 1998; Lempert et al. 2000; Davidson and Lewis 1997).
In their study of students admitted in 1976 to 28 selective
colleges, all of which considered race as part of their

24

admissions process, Bowen and Bok (1998:168) found that
“[o]ther things being equal, black . . . [graduates] were
much more likely than their white classmates to have
taken on leadership positions in virtually every type of
civic endeavor.” Similarly, black graduates of these colleges
were more likely than white graduates to participate in
politics and assume leadership roles in that field (id. 173-
74).

Considering the racial context in which applicants are
raised also helps universities identify students who will
serve minority communities. Analyses by Lempert et al.
(2000) demonstrate that every racial and ethnic group,
including whites, disproportionately serves members of its
own race. These relationships do not mean that every
black lawyer will or should serve black clients or that
every Latino doctor will or should treat Latino patients.
The correlations demonstrate, however, that because of
the pervasive influence race exerts on individuals’ lives,
the race of professionals affects the provision of services to
minority communities.

Perhaps most important, racially diverse graduates of
colleges and graduate schools benefit society by carrying
integration forward into businesses and professions, not
simply because there will be more minorities working in
these arenas, but because employees of all races will have
had the experience of education in a diverse setting.

25

B. Considering Race in University Admissions is
Narrowly Tailored When Race is One of Many
Life Experiences Considered in Assessing In-
dividual Applicants

In well-designed affirmative action plans, universities
consider race as one of many life experiences that illumi-
nate the potential of an individual applicant.15 Choosing
students without considering their life experience of
growing up black, Latino, or Native American, experiences
that sociologists agree profoundly affect each individual’s
life in the United States, would overlook essential infor-
mation and distort evaluation of other elements in an
applicants’ file. Considering race in an individualized
manner focuses on race where it matters most, as an
individual life experience.

No other factor can adequately capture this experi-
ence (Bowen and Rudenstine 2003). Although nonwhite
students are more likely than white students to be poor,
race matters among the poor as well as the middle class
and the well off (Pattillo-McCoy 1999). Poor black and
Latino families are more likely than white ones to encoun-
ter job and housing discrimination. A poor white child
believes that she lives in substandard housing because of
her family’s income, not because of her race. A white
teenager may be expelled from a store because of disrup-
tive behavior, but not because of his race. Minority chil-
dren know that race is a defining feature of their lives.

15 Cf. Bakke, 438 U.S. at 317 (Powell, J., announcing the judgment
of the Court) (“an admissions program operated in this way is flexible
enough to consider all pertinent elements of diversity in light of the
particular qualifications of each applicant”).

26

The inclusion of race among the life experiences that
universities consider does not stigmatize students of color.
Experimental research shows that affirmative action
stigmatizes its beneficiaries only when people are selected
entirely because of their race. When selection is based on a
variety of factors including race, beneficiaries do not
stigmatize themselves and are not stigmatized by others
(Major et al. 1994). Instead, the psychological effects of
affirmative action programs are predominantly positive
(Taylor 1994:174). Nonwhite applicants are stigmatized in
their childhood through exclusion from white neighbor-
hoods, good schools, and playground cliques. Inclusion in
university classes based partly on consideration of their
race will not further stigmatize them.

Nor does affirmative action exacerbate racial divi-
sions. Affirmative action brings people of different races
together in ways that foster mutual understanding (Petti-
grew 1998). A national sample of workers found that
whites who worked for employers with affirmative action
programs were more supportive of race-targeted interven-
tions to create opportunities for blacks than were similar
whites in firms without affirmative action programs
(Taylor 1995:1406). It is segregation, not affirmative
action, that perpetuates prejudice. With segregation of
elementary and secondary schools on the rise, affirmative
action programs at universities are the most narrowly
tailored, moderate means of reversing our slide toward a
society divided by race.

Some universities have experimented with other ways
to take into account the impact of race on applicants’ life
experiences. A few seek applicants from impoverished
socioeconomic backgrounds. Although nonwhite students
are more likely to be poor than whites, in a predominantly

27

white society low income whites far outnumber low income
minorities. As a result, such preferences do not enhance
racial diversity on university campuses (Kane 1998:448-
51). Other universities have adopted rules automatically
admitting students who graduate in the top ten or twenty
percent of their high school class. This approach ratifies,
and may even perpetuate, the residential and educational
segregation that divides America. At public colleges, the
method has failed to achieve even the modest racial
diversity universities attained when they could consider
race among other life experiences, in part because adop-
tion of these programs has discouraged some minority
applicants from applying (Wierzbicki and Hirschman
2002; Tienda et al. 2003; Karabel 2003:35).16

Equally important, these approaches are blunt tools
that aggregate all students with a particular characteris-
tic. Under the first method, all students at a defined
income level are treated alike, despite research that
demonstrates that the experiences of blacks, Latinos, and
Native Americans differ from that of whites at the same
socioeconomic level. Under the second approach, the top
graduates of high schools statewide are treated identically,
even though those students will vary widely in the experi-
ences and abilities they bring to college. Automatic admis-
sion of a percentage of graduates from every high school
results in the admission of many students, both white and
nonwhite, who would not have been chosen through a
more careful, individualized examination of application
files.

16 In addition, this method cannot work at private colleges, public
colleges that recruit nationally, or graduate and professional schools.

28

The most narrowly tailored means of achieving
universities’ compelling interest in selecting the students
with the greatest potential is an individualized reading of
application files that takes into account the impact of
growing up nonwhite in America on other life experiences.
Excluding race from consideration or substituting other,
less focused methods would impair the ability of educa-
tional institutions to choose the best students and the
most productive future leaders.

This individualized consideration of race fits naturally
with the way in which universities incorporate other life
experiences, characteristics, and skills into their admis-
sions decisions. Among other factors, universities cur-
rently give substantial preferences to the children of
alumni and applicants who will play on intercollegiate
sports teams. In 1999, athletes recruited by one selective
college were 48 percent more likely to be admitted than
non-athletes. Children of alumni enjoyed a 25 percent
advantage, while minority applicants were just 18 percent
more likely than white candidates to be admitted (Shul-
man and Bowen 2001:40-41). In other words, athletic
skills and legacy status may well have more impact on the
weight selective colleges give test scores, high school
grades, and other credentials than does the experience of
growing up nonwhite, an experience that sociological
research demonstrates transcends every other life experi-
ence.17

17 Preferences for athletes and the children of alumni, moreover,
benefit white applicants much more than minorities. At the University
of Virginia in 2002, the 547 legacies offered admission included 497
whites and just 20 blacks (Howell and Turner 2003:Table 5). In 1989,

(Continued on following page)

29

Universities consider many life experiences in order to
interpret applicants’ grades and test scores accurately,
create diverse classes that promote learning, and predict
which applicants have the greatest potential to contribute
to society. Race is not simply a characteristic that can be
separated out in evaluating an applicant. Incorporating
the experience of growing up black, Latino, or Native
American into the assessment of individual applicants, as
the University of Michigan does, is the most narrowly
tailored, and the most accurate, means of considering each
applicant as a whole person.18

Consideration of race by universities in this manner
has a natural end: universities will no longer need to
consider race in admissions when race no longer affects
individual lives in the extensive way it does in the United
States today. That day has not yet come for black, Latino,
or Native American applicants.

only 13 percent of male athletes admitted to selective colleges, and 6
percent of female athletes, were black (Shulman and Bowen 2001:315,
335).

18 The Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit found that Michigan’s
Law School had a “policy of evaluating each applicant individually,”
that “the Law School’s officials read each application,” and that the
officials “factor all of the accompanying information [including race]
into their decision.” Grutter v. Bollinger, 288 F.3d 732, 746 (6th Cir.
2002). This approach is consistent both with the standard identified by
Justice Powell in Bakke and with the social science rationales for
affirmative action we outline here. Similarly, the District Court found
that the college’s current admissions system considers race in the
context of other factors and reviews files individually. Gratz v. Bollinger,
122 F. Supp. 811, 827-31 (E.D. Mich. 2000).

30

IV. CONCLUSION

Higher education is our gateway to economic security,
individual responsibility, professional achievement, and
community leadership. But the roads to this gateway are
not uniform. Some students travel from urban ghettos,
while others arrive from gated communities. Some are the
children of alumni; others are the first in their families to
complete high school. Some have been accosted by shop-
keepers and police because of their dark skin; others have
been favored by teachers and employers because of their
lighter color. Universities cannot ignore these differences
when choosing students who will benefit from higher
education, enrich that education for others, and contribute
significantly to the community after graduation. The
University of Michigan’s consideration of race in its
admissions systems, as a profound life experience that
contextualizes other life experiences, is narrowly tailored
to serve a compelling state interest. The judgment of the
Court of Appeals should be affirmed.

Respectfully submitted,

DEBORAH J. MERRITT
John Deaver Drinko/
Baker & Hostetler
Chair in Law
Moritz College of Law
THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY
400 Stillman Hall
1947 College Road
Columbus, OH 43210
Telephone: (614) 247-7933

BILL LANN LEE
Counsel of Record
LIEFF, CABRASER, HEIMANN
& BERNSTEIN, LLP
275 Battery Street,
30th Floor
San Francisco, CA 94111
Telephone: (415) 956-1000

Attorneys for Amici Curiae