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Learning and Learning Disabilities – due in 48 hours

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Learning and Learning Disabilities

Chapters 7 and 9 of the course textbook discuss theories of learning and information processing as well as various methods of assessing intelligence and testing achievement.

Based on the required textbook readings and references, address or respond to each of the following:

Briefly summarize the key components of the IDEA, NCLB, and ESSA legislation regarding learning disabilities, including the types of disabilities meant to be covered under these laws.
Reflect on whether and/or how these laws are informed or supported by theories of cognitive development, learning, and intelligence discussed in the course textbook.

Add graphics, tables, diagrams or additional sources that help emphasize your points and enhance your personal learning experience.

48 hours Journal

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9Intelligenc

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Learning Objective

After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

• Understand the meaning of concordance rates and how they are used to understand various influences in
the study of development.

• Describe various interpretations of intelligence and how each has been used historically and in contempo-
rary education.

• Define levels of intelligence and connect them to educational and occupational capabilities.

• Provide practical examples of skills and behaviors that are consistent with Gardner’s multiple intelligences.

• Explain how the triarchic model of intelligence can be applied.

• Appraise how creativity and emotional intelligence factor into broader conceptualizations of intelligence.

• Understand the relationship between cognition and aging across the lifespan.

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Prologue

Chapter Outline

Prologue

9.1 Nature, Nurture, and Intelligence
Genetic Influences on Intelligence
The Influences of Culture and Environment on Intelligence

9.2

Traditional Models of Intelligence

Alfred Binet and Mental Age
The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test
The Wechsler Intelligence Scales

9.3

Extremes of Intelligence

Intellectual Disability
Educating Children With Special Needs
Gifted and Talent

9.4

Howard Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences

9.5

Triarchic Model of Intelligence

Analytical Abilities
Practical Intelligence
Creative Intelligence
Applying the Triarchic Model

9.6

Other Types of Intelligence

Emotional Intelligence
Creativity

9.7

The Influence of Advancing Age on Cognition

The Seattle Longitudinal Study
Fluid and Crystallized Intelligence
Cognitive Training

Summary & Resources

Prologue
Kim Peek became distinguished as the inspiration for the lead character in the film Rain Man.
Peek had savant syndrome, a rare condition characterized by extreme intellectual disabilities
combined with exceptional skills in one specific area of cognition like art, memory, or music.
Peek had difficulty with everyday chores, like dressing himself, but had an extraordinary tal-
ent for memorization. He could memorize entire books within hours. However, though he
could recite long passages from thousands of books, he could not interpret information or
really synthesize what he had read. He lacked the capability of abstract thought.

So although Peek’s brain literally contained encyclopedic knowledge, would he be considered
“smart?” If you could recite pages from a psychology text, but could not explain how the mind
works, are you still intelligent? How do you decide? The problem with the word intelligence is

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Section 9.1 Nature, Nurture, and Intelligence

that it means different things to different people. Not even psychologists agree on a definition.
A person might seem to be smart at some things, but not smart at others. Some researchers
say intelligence is a single general ability and others say it is a constellation of specific apti-
tudes, talents, and skills. In this chapter, we will look at the various ways to define and under-
stand intelligence, as well as how it changes over the lifespan.

9.1 Nature, Nurture, and Intelligence
We know that intelligence is determined partly by genes that are present at birth. Then, dur-
ing childhood, environmental influences build on that foundation to determine a wide range
of intellectual pathways. Differences can develop over both the short term and extended peri-
ods, since many circumstances affect the way inheritance unfolds (Schwartz & Elonen, 1975;
Weinberg, Scarr, & Waldman, 1992). A simple example occurs when children who eat break-
fast learn more at school than those who do not (Adolphus, Lawton, & Dye, 2013). In this way,
genetics provides the foundation onto which environmental variables build.

Therefore, the multiple effects of heredity and the environment on intelligence offer an excel-
lent example of how we study the confluence of nature and nurture. For many years, there
was a focus among psychologists to assign percentages to the effects of nature and nurture;
most researchers now agree that the range of each of these influences generally falls between
40% and 60% (Comer & Gould, 2012). Although we now give more thought to how nature
and nurture interrelate rather than trying to determine which is the stronger factor, we still
need to understand them both separately in order to understand how they interact.

Activity
Review section 2.5 (the discussion about the experimental method), and then construct an
operational definition for “intelligence.” As with other operational definitions, you must iden-
tify specific variables that can be measured.

Genetic Influences on Intelligence
In order to study the relative influence of nature and nurture, psychologists typically calculate
a concordance rate—a statistical probability that traits will be shared. For instance, if you
measured the left shoe size of a group of 100 people, the concordance rate for the right shoe
is likely to be 1.0 (100%), since people buy pairs of shoes that are the same size. However,
because left and right feet are not always the exact same length, the concordance rate for foot
size will be something less than 1.0 (though very close). Further, a concordance rate of 0.0
would mean that there is no shared characteristic whatsoever between two variables. For
intelligence, the more genetically alike two individuals are, the higher the concordance rates.
Similarity, being raised in the same environment also predicts higher concordance rates, as
we will see next.

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Section 9.1 Nature, Nurture, and Intelligence

Researchers commonly use studies of pairs of twins, siblings, and other pairs of individuals to
explore the relative influences of nature and nurture on individuals. One study at the Univer-
sity of Minnesota continues to follow over 8,000 pairs of twins. These studies report that
there are many similarities between twins raised in the same household and twins who were
separated at birth (usually through adoption) on psychological and physiological evaluations
(Bouchard, Lykken, McGue, Segal, & Tellegen, 1990).

In the case of intelligence, Bouchard and McGue (1981)
reviewed research from 111 studies worldwide and
found that the concordance rate between monozy-
gotic (identical) twins reared together (in relatively the
same environment) was about 0.85; for monozygotic
twins reared separately (different environments), it
was about 0.67. The higher concordance rate among
monozygotic twins when compared to dizygotic (frater-

nal) twins indicates a genetic contribution of intelligence; however, all sets of twins who are
reared together have a higher concordance rate than corresponding groups who are reared
apart, demonstrating the contribution of nurture!

Bouchard and McGue (1981) also looked at group differences between monozygotic twins
reared together and dizygotic twins reared together. These two sets of siblings are raised
in relatively the same environment but differ genetically. Any group differences would thus
point to a genetic effect. In this case, differences are again robust, as shown in Figure 9.1. This
time differences suggest a strong biological component to intelligence. Moreover, the intel-
ligence of adopted children is more similar to their biological parents than to their adoptive
parents, further signifying a genetic link to intelligence (Petrill et al., 1998).

The Influence of Culture and Environment on Intelligence
Although nature clearly plays a large role in the development of intelligence, the data on twins
have shown that a more advantaged environment (nurture) can have a significant positive
effect on intelligence (e.g., Duyme, Dumaret, & Tomkiewicz, 1999; Munsinger, 1975; Scarr
& Weinberg, 1976; Schiff et al., 1978; van IJzendoorn, Juffer, & Poelhuis, 2005). Duyme et al.
(1999) studied the files of 5,003 adopted children who had been abused or neglected during
infancy and then adopted when they were between 4 and 6 years of age. Less than 10 years
later, the children who had been adopted by families of high-SES families had significantly
higher intelligence than those children who were adopted by low-SES families.

Furthermore, a study of adolescent criminal offenders found that young males who were born
to single mothers had a higher risk of intellectual impairment than those who were born into
two-parent families (Walsh, 1990). And in a well-known transracial study in Minnesota, the
researchers concluded that “there is no question that adoption constitutes a massive [envi-
ronmental] intervention” (Scarr & Weinberg, 1976). Their study found that black children
who were adopted into higher-income white families scored significantly better on tests of
intellectual ability, compared to children who were adopted by lower-income black parents
(Scarr & Weinberg, 1976; Weinberg, Scarr, & Waldman, 1992). In this instance, the economic
advantages of the white families were clearly the overriding factor; the “social variables [not
race] accounted for a substantial portion” of the variance (Scarr & Weinberg, 1976).

Critical Thinking

Patterns of performance on intelligence
tests differ by gender and race or ethnic-
ity. In what ways is this knowledge useful?

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0.20

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0.80

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Lower correlation than identical
twins shows genetic effects

Lower correlation than identical twins rear

together shows some environmental effect

Same genes

Different environment

Different genes
Same environment

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Section 9.1 Nature, Nurture, and Intelligence

Culture impacts intelligence also. Some theorists say that intelligence cannot be understood
outside of its cultural context because behavior considered intelligent in one context may be
considered less worthwhile in another (Sternberg, 2004). For example, researchers asked two
groups of parents what it meant to have intelligent children. Anglo-American and Mexican-
American parents said that intelligent children were
independent thinkers, while immigrant parents from
Cambodia, the Philippines, and Viet Nam said that intel-
ligent children knew how to conform (Okagaki & Stern-
berg, 1993). In U.S. colleges, students are encouraged
to ask questions if they do not understand something
said by the instructor. Asking questions is considered an
intelligent thing to do. In some other cultures, speaking
up to ask a question may be considered foolish rather
than intelligent.

It is important to note that what researchers define as intelligence may be quite different
from definitions by students, parents, and employers. Although those who study traditional
measures of intelligence are more or less split on the relative influences of nature and nur-
ture, alternative models suggest that learning may have a stronger role in cognitive

Figure 9.1: Concordance of intelligence scores

The difference between “a” and “b” indicates an environmental effect on intelligence, given that
genetics are the same in identical twins. The difference between “a” and “c” indicates genetic effects
on intelligence, since the environment, on average, is the same. The differences among “c,” “d,” and “e”
indicate a genetic effect, since fraternal twins and siblings share some genetics, whereas unrelated
individuals do not.

Source: T. J. Bouchard, Jr. and M. McGue. “Familial studies of intelligence: A review,” Science, 212, 1055–1059. Copyright . 1982.
Reprinted by permission of The American Association for the Advancement of Science.

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Critical Thinking

Why is it difficult to develop an intelli-
gence test without introducing cultural
bias? What is the difference between a
culture-free test and a culture-fair test?

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Section 9.2 Traditional Models of Intelligence

development than previously thought. We will therefore begin the next section with a discus-
sion of how psychologists have traditionally defined intelligence, and then explore more
recent, alternative models.

Section Review
Explain how twin and adoption studies inform us about the relative influences of biological
and environmental influences.

9.2 Traditional Models of Intelligence
Traditional models of intelligence depend on comparing people with one another to deter-
mine levels of intelligence. For better or worse, the history of intelligence is linked with intel-
ligence testing (Comer & Gould, 2012). In some ways, we can even define intelligence as that
which an intelligence test measures. Here we look at how psychometrics, the field of study
that designs and uses standardized quantitative tests to measure psychological traits, has
been used in the study of individual intelligence.

Alfred Binet and Mental Age
At the beginning of the 1900s, psychologist Alfred Binet (1857–1911) was commissioned by
the French Ministry of Education to identify students who would be predicted to need spe-
cial help in school. As a result, Binet developed the first usable intelligence test and laid the
foundation for intelligence testing that is still done today. He used the term mental age (MA),
to denote the average cognitive abilities of a child at any particular age. Regardless of chrono-
logical age, if a child could answer questions that were typical of a 6-year-old, but could not
answer most questions that were typical of older children, that child was assigned a mental
age of 6. Although Binet stressed the limitations of the test, interest in it quickly spread.

Soon thereafter, William Stern (1914) built on Binet’s idea and devised the intelligence quo-
tient (IQ). To calculate an IQ, mental age is divided by chronological age (CA) and then mul-
tiplied by 100. So if MA and CA are the same, then IQ is 100, the expected average (see Table
9.1). If MA is greater than CA, then IQ is greater than 100; if the reverse is true, then IQ is less
than 100. For example, if a 10-year-old has the MA of a 12-year-old, IQ would be 12/10 × 100
= 120.

Table 9.1: Example of IQ calculations

(a) (b) (c)

Mental age (MA) 29 12 15

Chronological age (CA) 29 10 17

Formula (29/29) × 100 = 100 (12/10) × 100 = 120 (15/17) × 100 = 88

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Section 9.2 Traditional Models of Intelligence

The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test
With the groundwork in place, the use of IQ soon became widespread. Stanford University
professor Lewis Terman adopted Binet’s work and standardized the test for use with children
in the United States. Published in the early 1900s, this became the well-known Stanford-
Binet Intelligence Test (Terman & Merrill, 1960). Still widely used, the Stanford-Binet is
currently in its 5th edition and provides norms for ages 2 to 85 (Roid, 2003). When it was
originally developed, the Stanford-Binet provided a global measure of intelligence using IQ
as a standard.

The idea of a single variable to describe intelligence was also consistent with the work of
Charles Spearman (1863–1945). A psychologist who specialized in statistics, Spearman the-
orized that intelligence could be quantified as g (general intelligence) and derived from
statistical operations (Spearman, 1923). Spearman agreed that intelligence included many
different kinds of mental activities; he simply felt that they could be synthesized mathemati-
cally into one general factor. At the time, the Stanford-Binet was the standard that allowed
comparisons between individuals on this one theoretical factor.

The Wechsler Intelligence Scales
David Wechsler, who was trained to use the Stanford-Binet test, recognized the limitations of a
test developed for children when he evaluated older, U.S. Army recruits during the late 1930s
(Kaufman & Lichtenberger, 2006). His work eventually led to the Wechsler Adult Intelligence
Scale, now in its fourth edition (WAIS-IV). The Wechsler Scales now include the WAIS-IV,
the widely used Wecshler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-IV), as well as the Wechsler
Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence (WPPSI-III).

Rather than one IQ number, newer versions of both the Stanford-Binet and the Wechsler
Scales have subscales, which address strengths and weaknesses in several areas (scales)
like abstract reasoning, attention, processing speed, and factual knowledge. This change in
focus from a mathematical quotient that singularly describes intellect has been an important
advancement in the assessment as well as the definition of intelligence. Today, depending on
strengths and weaknesses on different scales, clusters of scores can be used to analyze and
diagnose specific kinds of learning patterns. Certain profiles on the scales may indicate gifted-
ness, a learning disability, or specific attention problems that may impact learning. They also
can sometimes correlate with mental problems, which we will discuss more in section 9.3.

Another important advancement in psychometrics has been the development of the devia-
tion IQ. Instead of mental age, the deviation IQ is based on standard deviation, a statistical
measure that tells us how much a particular score deviates from the average. A significantly
high or low deviation from 100 suggests someone who is significantly more or less intelligent
than average. Scores are placed around a normal distribution (bell curve), where 100 is
the average. By definition, the middle 68% of scores lie between an IQ of 85 and 115 (84 and
116 on the Stanford-Binet). (Because one standard deviation on the WISC-IV is 15 and one
standard deviation on the SB5 is 16, a score of 115 on the WISC-IV is the equivalent of 116
on the SB5; 130 on the WISC-IV is the equivalent of 132 on the SB5, and so forth.) As Figure
9.2 indicates, an IQ of 130 represents a score higher than 97.7% of the population, and an IQ
of 70 represents a score that is lower than 97.7% of the population; both scores deviate from
the average by the same amount.

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Standard Deviation -3 -2 -1 0 +1 +2 +3

0.13%

2.15% 2.15%

13.59% 13.59%

34.13% 34.13%

percent of cases under
the normal curve

Section 9.3 Extremes of Intelligence

Even though intelligence tests remain in wide use, reliance on such quantitative measures has
been criticized for potential cultural bias and for an overemphasis on equating intelligence
with testing. It is thought that relying on IQ to define intelligence supports a narrow view, and
we should instead be expanding the conversation (Schlinger, 2012; Wicherts & Dolan, 2010).
In addition, researchers have noticed that the IQ scores of the world population seem to be
increasing over time. This is called the Flynn effect, named after the first researcher who
noticed this puzzling phenomenon (Flynn, 1987, 2012; Flynn & Weiss, 2007). No one is sure
why this is happening, but explanations include that changes in education, nutrition, and
physical demands have resulted in people actually being smarter now, compared to people in
past generations (Flynn, 2009; Zelinski & Kennison, 2007). The Flynn effect complicates the
use of psychometrics in intelligence. Despite the criticism, what continues to make the idea of
IQ popular is that scores seem to predict real-world capabilities like academic and job suc-
cess. As measured by traditional tests, IQ remains significantly correlated to dozens of aca-
demic subjects and remains relatively stable across the lifespan (Deary, Strand, Smith, & Fer-
nandes, 2007; Deary, Whiteman, Starr, Whalley, & Fox, 2004).

9.3 Extremes of Intelligence
By definition, extremes of intelligence are those scores that occupy the two tails of the nor-
mal distribution in Figure 9.2. At the lower end are individuals with intellectual disability

Section Review
Explain the origins of our current methods of measuring intelligence.

Figure 9.2: Normal curve for intelligence

Human traits are assumed to follow the pattern of the normal curve. The distribution of IQ scores is a
common example of this pattern. In a normal distribution, it is assumed that there are similar
percentages (14%) of scores between 115 and 130 and between 85 and 70. Additionally, an IQ of 130
is just as rare as an IQ of 70; both are two standard deviations away from the mean of 100.

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Scores on IQ test 55 70 85 100 115 130 145
Standard Deviation -3 -2 -1 0 +1 +2 +3
0.13%
2.15% 2.15%
13.59% 13.59%
34.13% 34.13%
percent of cases under
the normal curve

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Section 9.3 Extremes of Intelligence

(formerly referred to as mental retardation), who test at 70 or less, or two standard devia-
tions below the mean on an IQ test. On the other end of the spectrum are people who are
considered gifted, with an IQ of 130 or above. Sometimes, however, definitions at both intel-
lectual extremes vary, as we see in this section.

Intellectual Disability
An intellectual disability is no longer
thought of as simply having a low IQ.
The contemporary perspective takes
into account functional impairments
in adaptive living, including areas of
communication, social skills, and daily
hygiene (American Psychiatric Associ-
ation, 2013; Schalock et al., 2007). The
most common genetic or inherited fac-
tors in intellectual disability are Down
syndrome (Trisomy 21) and Fragile
X syndrome (see Chapter 3), though
many other genetic or chromosomal
abnormalities can have a profound
negative effect on intellectual function-
ing. Prenatal causes include fetal alco-
hol spectrum disorders, the mother’s
substance abuse, poor healthcare and
maternal nutrition, and exposure to
viruses and other teratogens (see Chapter 3). Perinatal (birth) causes include complications
of low birth weight (e.g., reduced lung capacity and oxygen flow) and trauma that results in
brain damage. Intellectual disabilities due to postnatal causes are more common in poorer
countries, where malnutrition can significantly affect brain development and catastrophic
infections can destroy established brain tissue. Still, up to half of cases are of unknown origin
(Daily, Ardinger, & Holmes, 2000; McDowell & Craven, 2011).

About 85% of cases are classified as mild intellectual disability (American Psychiatric Asso-
ciation, 2013). People in this category may not have been identified until after they began for-
mal education. Deficits in adaptive behavior may or may not be evident to nonprofessionals,
though there is likely to be some impairment of independent activities. As an adult, someone
with an IQ of 65 may be quite able to socialize appropriately, live independently, do many
kinds of work, get married, read enough to use basic computer processes, and order from a
menu. In the less developed world, where children may begin working at an early age and
formal education is limited, mild cognitive impairment may not be nearly as restrictive as it
is in high-income countries.

Moderate Intellectual Disability
Most individuals with Down syndrome fall into the category of moderate intellectual dis-
ability, with an IQ of 40 to 55. Typically there is a high incidence of physical health problems
as well, like heart defects and thyroid diseases, and increased prevalence of mental health dis-
orders that impact lifestyle. Together, these effects substantially shorten lifespans (Crocker,

Robin Bartholick/Blend Images/Superstock

Down syndrome is one of the most common generic
factors related to intellectual disability.

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Section 9.3 Extremes of Intelligence

Prokić, Morin, & Reyes, 2014; Van Schrojenstein Lantman-de Valk & Walsh, 2008). Speech
delays among this group are particularly noticeable in early childhood, and individuals need
considerable help with self-care and community activities. Educational potential is quite lim-
ited for those with moderate intellectual disability. Schooling usually focuses on health and
safety issues and daily skills, including navigating the neighborhood. With practice, many of
these individuals can learn to travel independently to controlled work or volunteer facilities,
but still need moderate supervision throughout their lifetimes.

Severe and Profound Intellectual Disability
People with an IQ of 26 to 40 have a severe intellectual disability. Many develop speech and
can feed themselves, but they do not ordinarily prepare their own meals and need help with
everyday necessities and routines. Those with this condition need nearly constant supervision
their entire lives. Individuals with an IQ of 25 or below have a profound intellectual disabil-
ity. Nearly always there is great difficulty with mobility and communication. A less-restrictive
community model that makes use of neighborhood group homes for those with severe and
profound intellectual disabilities is gradually replacing the old model of institutionalization.

Educating Children With Special Needs
Regardless of the extent of their disabilities, all children are entitled to be educated in the
least restrictive environment, a placement that is as similar as possible to a classroom of
children who do not have disabilities. The expectation is for children with special needs to
become as “typical” as possible. The requirement of a placement in the least restrictive envi-
ronment has led to an increase in inclusion, which means students are placed in a standard
classroom for all or most of the school day. Advocates of full inclusion maintain that all chil-
dren, regardless of special physical, emotional, or cognitive needs, are best served when they
can regularly interact with typical peer models. The push toward a more inclusive environ-
ment may be one reason that the number of children served in special education has been
dropping steadily since 2004 (see Figure 9.3). It is also possible that schools (in an effort to
save money), or parents of children with special needs (in the hopeful expectation to optimize
learning), are electing to keep children in regular classrooms. An alternative to inclusion is
mainstreaming, in which children with special needs are placed in a regular classroom for
only part of a day, such as the period reserved for math.

In each of the various learning environments, the expectation is for children with special
needs to be given more individual instruction geared toward their developmental needs. By
being assigned work that is consistent with ability rather than age or grade level, children are
more likely to make progress. For example, most special education teachers use a phonics
approach to reading; intensive repetition and flash cards are helpful for those with specific
math disabilities; and special paper is used for children who have difficulty staying within
lines when writing.

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307

>60% of
students of students students

21%−60% <21% of Separate school,

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Section 9.3 Extremes of Intelligence

Sometimes students struggle in one intellectual area, like reading, even though they have aver-
age or above intelligence. Traditionally, this dichotomy defines a learning disability. State
and local agencies no longer use only this definition, but specific learning disabilities make
up a significant proportion of children who receive special education services. Efforts focus-
ing on strengthening working memory, organization and planning, pursuing active coping
strategies, and other regulatory skills have all shown success (De Weerdt, Desoete, & Roeyers,
2013; Firth, Greaves, & Frydenberg, 2010). A longitudinal study that followed 571 children
with specific learning disabilities and a matched control found that both groups had similar
years of college attendance and enjoyed similar employment success and incomes. Research
indicates that being proactive in school (like having a parental advocate in elementary school
or taking advantage of tutoring labs in college), setting goals, and having a supportive social
network are instrumental to success in special education (Goldberg, Higgins, Raskind, & Her-
man, 2003; Seo, Abbott, & Hawkins, 2008).

Figure 9.3: Percentage of time spent in regular classrooms among students

with disabilities

Schools have been trending toward a more mainstream environment for all children who receive
special education services.

Source: U.S. Department of Education.

>60% of
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Section 9.4 Howard Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences

Gifted and Talented
At the high end of the bell curve of intelligence is giftedness. Individuals with an IQ between
130 and 144 are classified as gifted; those at 145 and above are highly gifted. In addition,
some children demonstrate exceptional achievement without necessarily having an IQ in the
gifted range. Recognizing the special nature of these children, many school districts designate
programs for the gifted or talented. Government funding for these services usually falls under
the umbrella of special education, so children who are gifted and talented often compete for
funding with those who have learning disabilities or are intellectually disabled.

The stereotype of the intellectually gifted as poorly
adjusted, socially awkward, and prone to mental illness
is misguided. Research has found the opposite to be
true. Gifted people are at least as well adjusted as their
non-gifted peers (Olszewski-Kubilius, 2002; Reis &
Renzulli, 2004). The most serious problem affecting
many highly gifted schoolchildren is keeping them
stimulated. Not all educational environments provide
the academic or emotional support that will optimize

learning. What Lewis Terman said nearly 100 years ago in some ways still rings true: Unless
gifted children “are given the grade of work which calls forth their best efforts, they run the
risk of falling into lifelong habits of submaximum efficiency. The danger in the case of such
children is not over-pressure, but under-pressure” (Terman, 1916, p. 16). Evidence shows
that social adjustment, self-esteem, and mental health in general all improve when gifted chil-
dren participate at least part time in specialized programs that offer more intellectual chal-
lenges than standard classrooms (van der Meulen et al., 2014). At the same time, though,
parents must also allow their gifted children opportunities outside of mainstream academics,
like summer enrichment classes that can be found at many colleges and universities. Just like
others, those who are intellectually advanced also need enrichment in music, athletics, art,
and other activities.

9.4 Howard Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences
In Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences, Howard Gardner (1993) argues that
there are multiple intelligences or many components to intelligence and that it can be
exhibited in different ways. For example, if Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates had been terrible
at using words, or mega-record producer Quincy Jones was a poor math student, would they
be deemed unintelligent? Indeed, poor performance in one or both of those conventional aca-
demic areas would strongly impact traditional notions of intelligence, since IQ tests include
both math and linguistic skills. However, while established intelligence tests assume that two
people with the same numeric IQ are equally intelligent, Gardner sees people as having unique

Critical Thinking

In which subject areas should schools pro-
vide special education services (programs
for gifted and talented) if students show
exceptional aptitude?

Section Review
Describe the range of individuals who fall outside the mainstream for intelligence and learn-
ing. What kinds of specialized learning environments are available for such individuals?

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309

Section 9.4 Howard Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences

profiles of intelligence. He outlined a case for at least eight types of intelligences. Campbell,
Campbell, and Dickinson (2004) elaborate on his ideas by showing the occupational strengths
of each one (see Table 9.2).

Table 9.2: Gardner’s multiple intelligences

Type of intelligence Description

Verbal–linguistic Represented by having a good command of language. It allows people to
express their thoughts clearly and precisely. While this skill is important for
everyone, it is especially important for authors, journalists, and those in the
business world.

Logical–mathematical Includes tasks such as deciding if the correct change was received from a clerk,
balancing a checkbook, or paying bills. Physical scientists and those who work
with numbers need mathematical intelligence.

Spatial Refers to the ability to think three dimensionally, to be able to take a flat pic-
ture or an architectural drawing and mentally visualize its existence.

Bodily–kinesthetic Related to muscular movement and specific physical skills. Professional danc-
ers, athletes, craftspeople, and surgeons have this type of intelligence.

Musical Includes sensitivity to rhythm, melody, pitch, tone, and other aspects of music.
Expressions of musical intelligence are seen among those who are good at
composing or performing music, as well as those who can analyze the compo-
sitions of others.

Interpersonal Refers to the ability to understand and interact effectively with others. Such
intelligence involves not only the ability to understand the obvious meaning of
what others say, but also to recognize the hidden meaning behind words and
nonverbal communication. Such skills are important for teachers, psycholo-
gists, business professionals, parents, and others.

Intrapersonal Refers to the ability to understand oneself, to be able to explore the depths
of the mind and emotions, drawing conclusions and personal insights. Those
with good intrapersonal intelligence understand their personal strengths and
weaknesses and plan accordingly.

Naturalistic Proposed by Gardner in 1999, after his original seven intelligences. People
who are “nature smart” excel at understanding the patterns and meaning of
nature, from cloud formations and wind patterns to smells and the feel of
earth. This type of intelligence is important to farmers, botanists, ranchers,
and ecologists.

As Table 9.2 shows, each of the intelligences has distinct importance. A person who dem-
onstrates ability in one area is not necessarily more or less intelligent than a person who
demonstrates different abilities. Even though intelligence is biologically based, education is
an important determinant in transforming potential into a usable process (Connell, Sheridan,
& Gardner, 2003). What sets Gardner’s theory apart is the notion that intelligence is more
than just mental abilities: it includes physical, social, and creative abilities as well. Gardner
says that observing these intelligences in context is more appropriate than trying to measure
them with a test. The difficulty of measuring the multiple intelligences is one of the criticisms
of this theory.

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Section 9.5 Triarchic Model of Intelligence

9.5 Triarchic Model of Intelligence
Like the multiple intelligences concept, Robert Sternberg (1984, 2008) theorizes that intel-
ligence is not a single mental function; rather, it is made up of three interacting components.
Sternberg’s triarchic model of intelligence consists of parts related to traditional analyti-
cal intelligence, practical intelligence, and creative intelligence (see Figure 9.4). People can
display common sense and specific kinds of wisdom, or show exceptional creativity. This
kind of aptitude is distinguished from the more common “academic” intelligences that are
devoted more fully to words and logic. According to Sternberg, important goals are achieved
by establishing a balance among the three components in what is referred to as “successful
intelligence.”

Psychology in Action: Multiple Intelligences

Multiple intelligences is a popular theory because it highlights that there are more ways than
one to be smart. In Denmark, Danfoss Universe designed Explorama, a theme park based on
multiple intelligences. The goal of the park is to provide hands-on education in science and
technology. Gardner’s ideas about multiple intelligences shaped the overall design of the park
and resulted in separate sections that focus on each of the different intelligences. The theme
park has become a popular destination. In addition to families who visit, businesses provide
workshops and seminars where participants are able to map their own intelligences depend-
ing on how well they navigate the different sections of the park. By engaging in the variety of
activities, people can have an enjoyable experience while finding their preferred ways to learn
(Chen, Moran, & Gardner, 2009).

Educators have responded with great interest to multiple intelligences. Programs and, in some
cases, entire schools have been developed based on the multiple intelligences concept (e.g.,
the Gardner School of Arts and Sciences). Findings from studies show that adults learning sub-
jects as diverse as law, information literacy, and English as a second language benefit from
instruction based in multiple intelligences as well (Kallenbach & Viens, 2004; Mokhtar, Majid,
& Foo, 2008).

In workplace settings, researchers study how teams use multiple intelligences to tackle prob-
lems. Weller (1999) says that teams could be more productive if members could identify their
particular intelligences and use them collaboratively with other team members when they
need to address complicated issues. Instead of just talking about a problem, they might try to
draw it out or create a simulation. Similarly, business trainers can use the theory to include
activities that appeal to participants’ areas of strength (Green, Hill, Friday, & Friday, 2005).
Gardner would say that instead of asking people how smart they are, we should ask them how
they are smart.

Section Review
Identify a person you admire who you think fits each of Gardner’s intelligences. Then describe
how that person has demonstrated his or her aptitude.

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http://universe.dk/en/experience/attractions/explorama/

http://gardnerschool.org/

311

Analytical
Abilities

• Ability to… Acquire knowledge, think critically,
and evaluate information.

Creative
Abilities

• Ability to… Employ information and knowledge
to generate ideas and design solutions.

Practical
Abilities

• Ability to… Apply context of social structure,
culture, and immediate environment.

Successful Intelligence:
A balance among selecting

and shaping the environment
and adapting it to achieve
social and personal goals.

Section 9.5 Triarchic Model of Intelligence

Analytical Abilities
The type of knowledge that is often measured in academic settings is useful for analyzing,
evaluating, and comparing and contrasting information (Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2000). Stu-
dents of all ages are rewarded for this kind of learning. We acquire it from textbooks and

the Internet and hear it during lectures. In addition,
the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), Graduate Record
Examination (GRE), Medical College Admission Test
(MCAT), and other widely used standardized tests
reinforce this system by encouraging the memori-
zation of specific kinds of information. Sternberg
calls this kind of reflection and transfer of informa-
tion analytical intelligence. Though there is a fair
amount of criticism of standardized tests (espe-
cially among those of us who take them!), evaluat-
ing how much raw information a person possesses
is a valuable exercise. Colleges know, for instance,
that on average students who score well on the SAT
will be more successful during their freshman years
than students who do poorly.

Analytical intelligence is especially important in
math and science, where there is often only one cor-
rect answer. For example, without knowledge about
the components of chemistry, anatomy, psychology,
and perhaps math, advanced pharmacology is dif-
ficult to master. Similarly, in order to become an
expert in political science, real estate, or art history,
a student needs to store many pieces of seemingly

Fuse/Thinkstock

The ability to memorize and transfer
information commonly reinforced by
standardized tests only highlights the
analytical component of intelligence.

Figure 9.4: The triarchic model of intelligence

According to the triarchic model, successful intelligence is composed of a balance among analytical,
creative, and practical abilities.

Source: Based on Sternberg, R. J. (1998). Principles of teaching for successful intelligence. Educational Psychologist, 33, 65–72.

Analytical
Abilities
• Ability to… Acquire knowledge, think critically,
and evaluate information.
Creative
Abilities
• Ability to… Employ information and knowledge
to generate ideas and design solutions.
Practical
Abilities
• Ability to… Apply context of social structure,
culture, and immediate environment.
Successful Intelligence:
A balance among selecting
and shaping the environment
and adapting it to achieve
social and personal goals.

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312

Section 9.5 Triarchic Model of Intelligence

disparate pieces of information. Remember, however, that Sternberg stressed the importance
of balance among intelligences; analytical intelligence is only one component of intelligence
and it is distinct from practical intelligence and creative intelligence.

Practical Intelligence
We use acquired knowledge and skills to adapt to everyday activities—whatever they may
be. For example, there is an important language in pick-up basketball games; musicians and
salespeople need specific kinds of skills in order to best sell themselves or a product; thriving
in some neighborhoods requires knowledge of the right places and the right kinds of people.
Each of the contexts requires a distinct cognitive process. Psychologists recognize that people
develop “real-world” intelligence—what is commonly referred to as “street smarts.” It is sepa-
rate from what an IQ test might measure and distinct from general cognitive ability (Taub,
Hayes, Cunningham, & Sivo, 2001). Because it revolves around practical problem solving in
everyday life, Sternberg calls it practical intelligence.

Practical intelligence is not just street smarts. Sternberg et al. (2000) give the example of
a supervisor who demands results from subordinates who do not yet have the capabilities
to succeed, therefore making everyone work harder while remaining unsuccessful (p. 213).
A supervisor who demonstrated practical intelligence would realize that subordinates need
additional skills and resources to efficiently complete specific tasks. “Smarter” supervisors
would thus move ahead in the organization while those without practical intelligence would
struggle. In order to improve their practical skills, inexperienced managers could request
mentoring from more experienced supervisors. So practical intelligence is not something that
we learn only by observation and experience, we can also learn it through formal and infor-
mal instruction.

Creative Intelligence
For intelligence to be most useful, it must also be applied. Without this kind of creative intel-
ligence, someone may have a particular knowledge base (e.g., the science of renewable
energy) and may understand the different industries and personalities involved (e.g., current
energy policy, the social structure of the coal industry), but lack the ability to generate new
ideas based on this information. Creative thinkers can defy the crowd, seeing alternative ways
of defining and solving problems that others often do not see. Creative abilities are involved
in exploring, discovering, and imagining. This component of intelligence helps people react to
new situations and adapt to or improve their immediate environment.

Sternberg’s ideas are often overshadowed in education
by the intuitive nature of Gardner’s theory. However,
the triarchic theory can be useful as well. Much of the
struggle in education today focuses on the teaching of
critical thinking skills. Instead of simply memorizing
material and repeating it (more analytical intelligence),
critical thinking entails generating ideas and synthesiz-

ing information. The increased focus on state and national standards in education reinforces
immersion in specific content that precludes generating ideas. Without the creative side of
intelligence, Sternberg would argue that students cannot be completely successful.

Critical Thinking

In what way does Sternberg’s model
account for culture and age?

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313

Section 9.6 Other Types of Intelligence

One specific example of this dichotomy is the way that math is usually taught in schools. In
algebra, for instance, students ordinarily memorize step-by-step processes so that they can
demonstrate a particular skill. In this process, creative ways to solve problems are frowned
upon. In fact, even if an answer is incorrect, showing many steps in a math problem is often
rewarded while a correct answer that shows no steps is usually not awarded any credit at
all. Perhaps a better balance between the analytical side (learning the processes) and the
creative side (generating different methods and solutions) would allow for greater practical
implementation (using math successfully in different situations).

Applying the Triarchic Model
Tests of triarchic intelligence differ from standard IQ tests in that they force the taker to
employ personal experience, use creative ideas, and understand social issues. They also have
more than one possible answer (Diehl et al., 2005). For instance, two people looking for ways
to cut business costs may create very different solutions, depending on how they approach
the situation. Sternberg describes the intelligence needed by entrepreneurs. People who are
in business for themselves need creative intelligence to come up with new ideas. They need
analytical intelligence to decide whether their idea is a good one. Then they need practical
intelligence to figure out how to market their ideas to people who have never heard of them
before.

A single intelligence by itself would not be adequate. According to Sternberg (2004), people
who have only high analytical intelligence make poor entrepreneurs because they can’t gen-
erate new ideas. Having divergent approaches highlights the difference between the analyti-
cal intelligence necessary for success in school and the more practical and creative abilities
applied on the job. Indeed, many businesses are now requiring applicants to perform problem-
solving tasks that are unrelated to the job description (e.g., “Measure four gallons of water
using only a three-gallon and a five-gallon bucket”). Employers want to see that applicants
can use their intelligence within the balanced domains that are characteristic of Sternberg’s
model.

Section Review
Sternberg’s model values the balance between the three elements. Assess the balance of the
three elements in your chosen profession or field of study.

9.6 Other Types of Intelligence
Although Gardner and Sternberg’s models have shifted the traditional discussion to be more
inclusive of a wider array of abilities, researchers continue to identify new ways of being
intelligent, such as having emotional intelligence or being creative.

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Section 9.6 Other Types of Intelligence

Emotional Intelligence
Emotional intelligence, sometimes referred to as EQ, is a set of abilities that enable a per-
son to process and use emotional information (Salovey & Mayer, 1989). Reasoning is used
to enhance emotions and emotions are used to enhance reasoning. Emotionally intelligent
people are thought to be self-aware, mature, sensitive to their own feelings and how these
feelings can change, and able to manage their emotions so they are not overwhelmed by them.
Compared to someone who often acts out, a person who is reflective when frustrated dem-
onstrates higher emotional intelligence. Expanding on the foundation set forth by Salovey
and Mayer, Daniel Goleman and his colleagues have identified five practical components of
emotional intelligence, which often overlap (see Table 9.3).

Table 9.3: Components of emotional intelligence

Component Description Example

Empathy When we show compassion and empathy we
demonstrate the ability to understand motiva-
tions and feelings of others. This facilitates
emotional connections and drives intimate
relationships.

Limiting distractions when providing
attention to someone who needs sup-
port; communicating at a later time to
follow up.

Motivation A commitment to goals and self-improvement.
Demonstrating motivation includes showing
initiative and completing tasks.

Following through on plans to prepare
for an exam, even though friends have
pressured you to socialize instead.

Self-aware-
ness

A part of relationship-building is understand-
ing how our behavior affects the reactions
of others. We need to understand our own
strengths, weaknesses, moods, and impulses
in order to create adaptive emotional
reactions.

Hesitating and rethinking before
sending an inflammatory electronic
message

Self-regulation Controlling impulses and regulating moods
in potentially emotional situations. Self-
regulation leads to intrapersonal growth
through self-discipline, and interpersonal
growth by promoting goodwill.

Using “I statements” (e.g., “I am disap-
pointed”) rather than making accusa-
tions (“You lied!”) or yelling as a first
response.

Social skills The ability to identify social cues and to
respond appropriately in social situations. It
includes promoting common interests and
building rapport.

Researching a company’s interests
and activities before sitting for an
interview.

Source: Adapted from Boyatzis et al., (2000).

There is a clear link between emotional intelligence and what Gardner calls interpersonal
and intrapersonal intelligence. These emotional intelligences are what enable a person to use
emotional information to help navigate the social environment either in the family, at work,
or in leisure activities. People can be academically smart and be able to solve well-defined
problems in school, but they may not be able to use their reasoning ability in the workplace
to resolve conflicts, collaborate with others, or adapt to change (Van der Zee, Thijs, & Schakel,
2002). Understanding that we need to behave differently depending on the context demon-
strates relatively higher EQ than not paying attention to (or understanding) circumstances.

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315

Section 9.6 Other Types of Intelligence

In some situations, people who have high EQ are more likely to be successful than people who
have high IQ (Goleman, 2005). In today’s world, interacting with others is increasingly impor-
tant in the work environment because many organizations rely on teamwork and collaboration

(Druskat & Wolff, 2001). A study that exam-
ined the emotional intelligence of senior
managers found that those with high emo-
tional intelligence were more satisfied with
their jobs, more committed to the success of
the organization, and better able to manage
work and family stress (Carmeli, 2003).

There is evidence that emotional intelligence increases with age. When older adults are asked
to identify different emotions by looking at pictures in a laboratory setting, they performed
more poorly than younger adults. In contrast, the opposite occurs in a natural setting. When
older adults identify different emotions in familiar social situations, they are better able to
recognize and appraise emotions than their younger counterparts. This may be because older
adults have more experience dealing with emotions in a dynamic context (Sze, Goodkind,
Gyurak, & Levenson, 2012). In late life, adults adopt different perspectives and goals that
focus more on interpersonal relationships, thus increasing their ability to deal with a range of
emotions (Seider, Hirschberger, Nelson, & Levenson, 2009). This ability is part of successful
aging, a topic that will be explored in Chapter 16.

Creativity
Although Sternberg recognized creativity as part of
intelligence in his three-part model, other theorists
highlight creativity as a unique form of intelligence
that can increase across the lifespan. Albert Einstein
is said to have remarked, “Creativity is intelligence
having fun.” There is actually some truth to the ste-
reotype of the “creative genius” because a higher
level of creativity is associated with increased intel-
ligence. Many scholars believe that creativity is dif-
ferent from intelligence, but like intelligence, cre-
ativity is hard to define. Why are works by famous
painter Jackson Pollack considered so much more
creative and valuable than similar works made by
schoolchildren? Computers can easily generate
images like those painted by Piet Mondrian, whose
paintings include intersecting straight lines filled
in with primary colors, yet collectors are not inter-
ested in that kind of “creativity.”

We know that some kinds of creativity, like writing,
do not peak until middle adulthood. Creativity and
practical intelligence often combine to produce
experts in their fields, whether that is repairing
cars, farming, composing, or designing aircraft. (According to Sternberg, though, experts have
a difficult time making lasting contributions unless they also excel at communicating their
ideas.) Creative experts have a lot of experience with various types of problems that often

Namuth Hans/Science Source/Getty Images

Artists such as Piet Mondrian and
Jackson Pollock can be referred to as
“creative geniuses.”

Critical Thinking

How does self-reflection and self-regulation
relate to a person’s emotional intelligence?

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316

Section 9.7 The Influence of Advancing Age on Cognition

need solutions. Their minds often skip steps that a novice would normally follow, or they
twist a step in a unique way. Experts cannot always explain how they came to use a creative
solution; they just knew to do it.

Other times, creativity follows systematic hard work
and direction. Steve Jobs was famous for finding cre-
ative solutions to technology or design problems that
he was told were impossible to solve. He simply insisted
that designers, marketers, and computer programmers
work until they found a solution. Although at times he
was sharply criticized for his manner in forcing this
“alternate reality” onto overworked employees, he was
also eminently successful precisely because of his high

degree of creative thinking (Isaacson, 2011). Dacey (1999) found that highly creative adults
have some common characteristics, including those from the following list.

• Creative adults prefer to make their own decisions and plans.
• They prefer their own judgment to that of others and tend not to back down in the

face of criticism or disagreement.
• They are most resourceful when faced with unique circumstances or problems.
• They show an imaginative use of many different words.
• They show more flexibility in their approach to problems, are eager to try new

avenues, and are not bound to accepted rules or ideas.
• They show originality (the most critical factor in creativity) and do not fall back on

typical solutions.

It has been argued that creativity begins to decline as we move into late adulthood, but it is
difficult to separate associated declines in cognition and senses. Alternatively, it is suggested
that the age-related decline in creativity is best thought of as a change in style and how it is
expressed, perhaps due to physical changes in senses and movement, rather than being exclu-
sive to degeneration (Mazzucchi, Sinforiani, & Boller, 2013).

Critical Thinking

Is creativity a form of intelligence? If you
answered “yes,” what are some of the issues
associated with defining and measuring
creativity?

Section Review
Describe how emotional intelligence and creativity are related to intelligence. In what ways do
these concepts include reasoning and understanding?

9.7 The Influence of Advancing Age on Cognition
We will begin this last section of cognitive development with a discussion of what we know
about aging and cognitive health. The landmark Seattle Longitudinal Study provides a wealth
of information about this topic and has enormously expanded our knowledge of what to
expect as we age. Besides the lead researchers, others have looked at patterns of aging from
this study and focused on two forms of intelligence referred to as fluid intelligence and crystal-
lized intelligence. Finally, we will explore various methods to exercise our minds in the same
way that movement exercises the body.

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317

45
50

Age Group (Years)

T-
S

c
o

re
M

e
a
n

25 32 39 46 53 60 67 74 81 88

Numeric Ability
Verbal Ability
Verbal Memory

Spatial Orientation
Perceptual Speed

Inductive Reasoning

Section 9.7 The Influence of Advancing Age on Cognition

The Seattle Longitudinal Study
The Seattle Longitudinal Study (SLS), introduced in Chapter 2, has been a particularly valu-
able source of information regarding adult cognition. In a continuing long-term research proj-
ect of about 6,000 men and women that began in 1956, changes in cognitive abilities have
been tracked every 7 years over several decades (Schaie, 2013; Schaie et al., 2005). By testing
participants on 6 primary abilities originally described by Thurstone (1938), the study was
able to show which skills declined, which remained the same, and which grew over time. Data
originating from the study quickly began to debunk the conventional notion that aging was
best thought of as a downhill slide.

In fact, it may surprise you that the SLS has not found any long-term, consistent pattern of
cognitive decline. Individual difference is the rule, and uniform cognitive aging appears not to
exist (Schaie & Willis, 2010). There is some evidence of an age-related decline in problem-
solving ability beginning in the 30s, but there is no corresponding decline in memory for
pieces of fact-based information until many decades later. Importantly, researchers generally
found that there is no overall decrease in mental abilities until at least age 60 (see Figure 9.5).
On average, it is not until people are their 60s that they even need more time to learn new
information (Glisky, 2007).

Figure 9.5: Results from Seattle Longitudinal Study

Pioneering research by K. Warner Schaie and his colleagues shows that there is no overall decrease in
mental abilities until at least age 60. Thereafter, although abilities decline on average, no generalized
pattern exists that can predict individual outcomes.

Source: Schaie, K. W., Willis, S. L., & Caskie, G. I. L. (2004). The Seattle Longitudinal Study: Relationship between personality and
cognition. Aging, Neuropsychology, and Cognition, 11(2–3), 304–324. Copyright © 2004 Routledge. Reprinted by permission of
Taylor and Francis.

40
35
45
50
Age Group (Years)
T-
S
c
o
re
M
e
a
n
s
25 32 39 46 53 60 67 74 81 88
55
Numeric Ability
Verbal Ability
Verbal Memory
Spatial Orientation
Perceptual Speed
Inductive Reasoning

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318

Section 9.7 The Influence of Advancing Age on Cognition

According to data from the SLS, between the ages of 60 and 74, nearly all of us will show sta-
tistically significant reductions in abilities, though again, there is no universal pattern of cog-
nitive decay. Even an expected comprehensive decline over the 7 years between age 74 and 81
has not been found to exist. Fewer than half of the participants in the study have showed major
declines in global cognitive functioning over that period (Schaie, Willis, & Caskie, 2004). Per-
haps most striking is the finding that although the majority of individuals show a significant
decline in at least one primary mental ability by age 60, virtually no one in the SLS has shown
declines in every area, even up to age 88 (Siegler et al., 2009). Much of the variation in out-
comes could be due to an assortment of personal factors. There are individual variations in
biology and genetics, personality, and relationships that influence intellectual development.
For example, participating in physical exercise, which promotes cognitive health, varies by
inherited athleticism, degree of self-motivation, and amount of social support.

Another important finding from the SLS was the discovery of several historical cohort effects.
On numerical ability, people born between 1903 and 1924 out performed those born earlier
and later; on inductive reasoning, every generation was superior to the preceding one. Ver-
bal recall improved among all cohorts up to those born in 1952, but has declined since then.
And, lending support to the Flynn Effect, in general, later-born cohorts have outperformed
earlier born cohorts (Schaie & Zanjani, 2006). The great overall variation in results allows
us to recognize what we can expect developmentally compared to what might be out of the
ordinary. We cannot easily dismiss changes in memory, mood, or personality as part of the
aging process. The SLS informs us that sudden cognitive declines in healthy individuals are
quite unusual.

Fluid and Crystallized Intelligence
Others have differentiated patterns of aging in reasoning ability versus patterns established
by accumulated knowledge. Fluid intelligence refers to the ability to process information,
see relationships, use abstract reasoning, and analyze information. Think of the term “fluid”
as analogous to movement. It represents the ability to mentally manipulate and reorganize
multiple pieces of information. In order to study fluid intelligence, adults are given spe-
cific and standardized reasoning tasks that are often timed. In these controlled situations,
researchers find a steady age-related drop in fluid ability beginning after age 30 or so (see
Figure 9.6). According to Horn and Hofer (1992), this kind of cognition declines with age as
brains become less able to hold multiple bits of information simultaneously.

In contrast, crystallized intelligence can be thought of as something durable. It can be
described, like specific stores of information. For example, as people age their stored vocabu-
lary and knowledge of history increases. More is learned about the events they live through as
well as those they hear about. Though some information is forgotten, that which is forgotten
is far surpassed by what is continually remembered. Crystallized intelligence usually grows
well into later adulthood. The average 70-year-old knows more trivia and can do crossword
puzzles much better than the average 30-year-old.

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319

Crystallized intelligence
(pragmatics)

Life course (years)

25 70

Fluid intelligence

(mechanics)

P
e

rf
o

rm
a

n
c
e
Section 9.7 The Influence of Advancing Age on Cognition

In reality, crystallized intelligence cannot easily be separated from fluid intelligence. For
example, even though a younger plumber may have superior fluid intelligence and faster reac-
tion time, the acquired crystallized intelligence of a more experienced plumber is likely to be
advantageous as well. In fact, when younger and older adults are compared in real-life tasks
involving skills already learned, such as how to reconcile a bank statement (or fix a plumbing
leak), there is little difference in abilities (Bialystok & Craik, 2006). Therefore, while some
kinds of intelligence may deteriorate with age, other increases can balance out the outcomes
for adults of different ages.

These examples show how both fluid and crystallized intelligences are often used simultane-
ously, especially when seeking creative solutions (and can be related to Sternberg’s idea of
triarchic balance). People use their crystallized, accumulated knowledge to help them rea-
son abstractly and solve problems. People in their 20s who are at the “peak” of their fluid
intelligence are usually not pursued to head companies; those who are just beginning higher
education often seek out returning older students for their wisdom. Exercising both abstract
reasoning processes and the rote memory skills indicative of crystallized intelligence rein-
forces mental sharpness. Although differentiating between fluid and crystallized intelligences
is important to understanding development, outside of a laboratory they cannot be easily
separated.

Figure 9.6: Fluid and crystallized intelligence

Although fluid intelligence begins to decline relatively early, crystallized intelligence continues to
increase with age. What kinds of implications does this pattern have for overall competence and
intelligence?

Source: Adapted from Baltes, P. B., Staudinger, U. M., & Lindenberger, U. (1999). Lifespan psychology: Theory and application to
intellectual functioning. Annual Review of Psychology, 50, 471–507. Copyright 1999 Annual Reviews. All rights reserved.

Crystallized intelligence
(pragmatics)
Life course (years)
25 70
Fluid intelligence
(mechanics)
P
e
rf
o
rm
a
n
c
e

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Section 9.7 The Influence of Advancing Age on Cognition

Cognitive Training
As you learned in Chapter 6, main-
taining physical fitness is the most
important element to preserve cog-
nitive health. Evidence continues to
accumulate that when the body exer-
cises, the mind benefits too. Research
shows that both aerobic activity and
resistance training help older adults
improve their information-processing
speed, verbal memory, spatial mem-
ory, and overall intellectual function-
ing, even when there is mild cognitive
impairment (Baker et al., 2010; Liu-
Ambrose et al., 2010; Nagamatsu et al.,
2013; Prince et al., 2011).

Recall also that remaining busy socially
and engaged cognitively appear some-
what beneficial as well. Instead of sim-
ply investigating whether everyday
activities like reading and doing crossword puzzles are correlated with health and longevity,
SLS researchers and others have explored whether specific kinds of training improve cog-
nitive functioning. Exercises might include solving puzzles, doing multipart work requiring
manipulation of information, or discussing complex subjects with others. These studies show
that with training older adults can indeed improve reasoning ability and processing speed,
augment memory, and enhance visual searching skills. Researchers found that effects lasted
up to 2 years and were amplified by additional training (Ball et al., 2002; Boron, Turiano, Wil-
lis, & Schaie, 2007; Schaie, 2005; Willis et al., 2006). Other studies have found that for people
80 years and older, the combination of physical activity with cognitive training produces the
most robust cognitive benefit (Shatil, 2013).

Importantly, it is unclear whether or not specific kinds of training transfer to tasks outside of
laboratory testing. However, because of the consistency of these studies, the Internet is now
rich with cognitive training activities. Although research has yet to validate the long-term
effects of specific exercises, there is convincing evidence that greater lifetime cognitive activ-
ity in general reduces neurodegeneration (e.g., Serra et al., 2015).

iStock Editorial/Thinkstock

Remaining engaged, socially and cognitively, as
these seniors in Singapore are doing, can have
benefits.

Section Review
Describe how cognition changes as we age.

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321

Summary & Resources
Summary & Resources

Chapter Summary
Defining what intelligence is remains one of the most enduring concepts in psychology.
Understanding how much weight we should give to innate skills versus learned behavior
is complicated, and not easy to separate. Traditional models of intelligence have relied on
psychometrics to provide both an overall IQ as well as a way to compare subscales of spe-
cific strengths and weaknesses. Outside of research, IQ testing is most often used to properly
identify and service those who are at the extremes of intelligence.

For most individuals, other models of intelligence have more practical value. Gardner’s the-
ory of multiple intelligences and Sternberg’s triarchic model conceptualize intelligence as
more than the ability to acquire only certain kinds of information. Psychologists also study
creativity and emotional intelligence as additional ways to understand the development of
cognition. Perhaps no one has provided more information in the study of aging and cogni-
tion than K. Werner Schaie and his colleagues in the Seattle Longitudinal Study. The wealth
of data over the last 60 years has allowed us to redefine how we look at aging and cognition.
Undoubtedly, the cognitive stability we see has an effect on psychosocial development over
the lifespan as well, a topic we will visit over the next several chapters.

Summary of Key Concepts
Nature, Nurture, and Intelligence

• The ability to retain information is an important part of what we refer to as intel-
ligence. Traditionally, psychologists have viewed intelligence as innate, and twin
studies also suggest a strong biological component to intelligence. However, psychol-
ogists have determined that the environment (e.g., family, schooling, socioeconomic
group, culture, etc.) also plays a large role in intelligence.

• While traditional measures of intelligence suggested that intelligence was mostly
fixed at birth, there is convincing evidence that learning is an integral part of cogni-
tive development.

Traditional Models of Intelligence

• Measuring intelligence by standardized tests is called psychometrics. An intelligence
quotient (IQ) is a number that compares a person’s cognitive ability to an average
score.

• The Stanford-Binet and Wechsler Scales remain the mostly widely used measures of
intelligence. Rather than simply providing one IQ number that signifies intelligence,
modern versions of these instruments address strengths and weaknesses in several
areas.

Extremes of Intelligence

• The lower end of the intelligence scale is defined by intellectual disability, whereas
the upper end defines giftedness.

• Both ends of the extremes of intelligence are entitled to special services so that edu-
cation is appropriate to their needs. There are different approaches for educational
services depending on the type of behavior exhibited and available resources.

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322

Summary & Resources
Howard Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences

• Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences describes eight types of intelligences:
verbal–linguistic, logical–mathematical, spatial, bodily–kinesthetic, musical, inter-
personal, intrapersonal, and naturalistic.

• This theory highlights many ways to be smart and has implications for instructional
approaches in schools and problem solving in workplaces.

Triarchic Model of Intelligence

• Sternberg’s triarchic model of intelligence consists of traditional analytical intelli-
gence, practical intelligence, and creative intelligence. Overall intelligence is a func-
tion of the balance among the three components.

• Analytical abilities, which are important in math and science, are useful in analyzing,
evaluating, and comparing and contrasting things.

• Practical intelligence involves solving practical problems in everyday life. It tends to
grow in early adulthood and decline in late adulthood.

• Creative intelligence, involved in exploring, discovering, and imagining, helps people
react to new situations and adapt to or improve their environment.

Other Types of Intelligence

• Emotional intelligence, which increases with age, is a set of abilities that enables a
person to process and use emotional information.

• One model of emotional intelligence has four different factors—perceiving emotions,
reasoning about emotion, understanding emotion, and managing emotion—that
describe our emotions as a form of intelligence.

• Some theorists emphasize creativity as a unique form of intelligence that increases
across the lifespan as the result of hard work or focused motivation.

The Influence of Advancing Age on Cognition

• We now understand that there are distinct cognitive differences between young and
old and there are both cognitive gains and losses as we age.

• Research (particularly the Seattle Longitudinal Study) has shown that aging does
not always lead to cognitive decline; rather, there is much individual variation due to
personal factors such as biology, genetics, personality, and relationships.

• While we may associate aging with memory loss, older adult students often have
cognitive advantages over younger students because of their life experiences.

• Fluid and crystalized forms of intelligence show different trajectories as we age,
but their combined effect may offer more insight about the practical effects of age-
related changes in cognition.

• Cognitive training has been found to have some preventive effect against cognitive
decline and dementia, though laboratory results are hard to generalize.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions

1. Now that you have completed the chapter, how would you define intelligence?
2. Discuss some methodological problems with online tests of intelligence.

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Summary & Resources

3. In order for an ability to be considered an intelligence, Gardner (1999) said it would
need to meet eight criteria: an identifiable brain area, plausible place in evolutionary
history, indicative of a set of core operations, ability to be encoded (like numbers or
musical notes), a developmental progression that includes a mastery component,
the existence of people who show exceptional or special (savant) abilities, experi-
mental support from psychological tasks, and psychometric support. Choose one of
Gardner’s intelligences and articulate how it meets the criteria.

4. Gardner has discussed the possibility of existential and spiritual intelligences. But
he is not ready to include them in his theory because they fail to meet one or more
of the eight criteria. Which of the criteria do you think are lacking for existential and
spiritual intelligences?

5. In what industries is emotional intelligence more or less important than others?
6. How would a student with low emotional intelligence behave in a classroom versus

a student with high emotional intelligence?
7. Using the triarchic model, compare and contrast what successful intelligence might

be for a computer programmer and a CEO.

Additional Resources
Web Resources

• Edutopia: an online test of multiple intelligence
http://www.edutopia.org/multiple-intelligences-assessment

• Lumosity: cognitive training exercises
http://www.lumosity.com/

Further Research

• American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of men-
tal disorders [DSM] (5th ed.). Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing.

• Bouchard, T. J., Lykken, D. T., McGue, M., Segal, N. L., & Tellegen, A. (1990). Sources of
human psychological differences: The Minnesota study of twins reared apart. Sci-
ence, 250, 223–228.

• Bouchard, T. J., & McGue, M. (1981). Familial studies of intelligence: A review. Sci-
ence, 212, 1055–1059.

• Flynn, J. (1987). Massive IQ gains in 14 nations. What IQ tests really measure. Psy-
chological Bulletin, 101(2), 171–191.

• Gardner, H. (1993). Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences. New York:
Basic Books.

• Schaie, K. W. (2005). Developmental influences on adult intelligence: The Seattle Lon-
gitudinal Study. New York: Oxford University Press.

• Schaie, K. W. (2013). Developmental influences on adult intelligence: The Seattle longi-
tudinal study (2nd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.

• Sternberg, R. J. (1984). Toward a triarchic theory of human intelligence. Behavioral
and Brain Sciences, 7, 269–287.

• Sternberg, R. J. (2004). Culture and intelligence. American Psychologist, 59(5),
325–338.

• Terman, L. M. (1916). The measurement of intelligence: An explanation of and a
complete guide for the use of the Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon
Intelligence Scale. Cambridge, MA: Riverside Press.

• Thurstone, L. L. (1938). The primary mental abilities. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.

mos82599_09_c09_297-326.indd 323 2/11/16 8:37 AM

http://www.edutopia.org/multiple-intelligences-assessment

http://www.lumosity.com/

324

Summary & Resources

Key Terms
analytical intelligence The ability to take
apart, evaluate, compare, contrast, critically
reflect upon, and transfer information.

concordance rate The statistical probabil-
ity that two traits will be shared.

creative intelligence The ability to explore,
discover, imagine, react to new situations,
and adapt to or improve the environment.

crystallized intelligence The ability to
use knowledge, experience, vocabulary, and
verbal memory.

deviation IQ A statistical measure that tells
us how much a particular IQ score deviates
from the average.

emotional intelligence A set of abilities
that enable a person to process and use
emotional information.

fluid intelligence The ability to see rela-
tionships, use abstract reasoning, and ana-
lyze information.

Flynn effect The observation that average
IQ scores have been rising for the general
population over the past 70 years.

g (general intelligence) The quanti-
fied definition of intelligence theorized by
Charles Spearman.

gifted Having an IQ of 130 or above on a
standardized IQ test.

inclusion The process whereby students
are placed in a standard classroom for all or
most of the school day.

intellectual disability Having an IQ below
70 on a standardized IQ test and/or having
functional impairments in adaptive living,
including areas of communication, social
skills, and daily hygiene.

intelligence quotient (IQ) A number mea-
suring an individual’s intelligence, calculated
by finding the ratio of mental age to chrono-
logical age and multiplying the quotient by
100.

learning disability Can be broadly defined,
depending on state and local statutes. Tra-
ditionally defined as a person who performs
poorly in one intellectual area despite
appearing to have average to above average
capabilities.

least restrictive environment A school
placement for children with special needs
that is as similar as possible to a classroom
of children who do not have disabilities.

mainstreaming A process in which school-
children with special needs are placed in a
regular classroom for part of a day, such as
the period reserved for math.

mental age (MA) The average cognitive
abilities that are consistent with a particular
age, regardless of the chronological age of
the individual.

mild intellectual disability Having an IQ
from 55 to 70 on a standardized IQ test.

moderate intellectual disability Having
an IQ from 40 to 55 on a standardized IQ
test.

multiple intelligences The theory that
there are many independent components
to intelligence and these can be exhibited in
different ways. Gardner’s theory of multiple
intelligences describes eight types: verbal–
linguistic, logical–mathematical, spatial,
bodily–kinesthetic, musical, interpersonal,
intrapersonal, and naturalistic.

normal distribution Depicted as a bell
curve, the normal distribution assumes 68%
of a population falls within the average for
any one trait.

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Summary & Resources

practical intelligence Problem solving and
adaptation in everyday life.

profound intellectual disability Having an
IQ of below 25 on a standardized IQ test.

psychometrics The measurement of psy-
chological traits, such as intelligence, using
standardized quantitative tests.

severe intellectual disability Having an IQ
from 25 to 40 on a standardized IQ test.

Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test A com-
mon test of intelligence.

triarchic model of intelligence Stern-
berg’s theory of multiple intelligences, which
consists of traditional analytical intelligence,
practical intelligence, and creative intelli-
gence; overall intelligence is a function of the
balance among the three components.

Wechsler Scales A group of intelligence
scales that includes the Wechsler Intel-
ligence Scale of Adults, the Wechsler Intel-
ligence Scale for Children, and the Wechsler
Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence.

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219

7Cognitive Development

Blend Images/Superstock

Learning Objectives

After completing this chapter, you should be able to:

• Compare and contrast the Piagetian processes of assimilation and accommodation.

• Describe Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development and identify major changes that occur at each stage.

• Discuss different approaches to postformal thought.

• Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of sociocultural theory.

• Summarize how cognitive development takes place according to information processing theory.

• Outline the stage model of memory.

• Describe how memory changes over the lifespan.

220

Prologue

Chapter Outline

Prologue

7.1 Introduction to Piaget’s Cognitive Development Theory
Organization and Adaptation

7.2

Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

Sensorimotor Stage (Ages 0–2)
Preoperational Stage (Ages 2–7)
Concrete Operations Stage (Ages 7–11)
Formal Operations Stage (Age 12)
Piaget in the Classroom
Evaluation of Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

7.3

Beyond Formal Thought

Perry’s Scheme of Cognitive Development
Reflective Judgment Model
Logic and Emotion
Schaie’s Stage Theory of Cognitive Development

7.4

Sociocultural Theory

Social Constructivism
Zone of Proximal Development and Scaffoldi

Vygotsky in the Classroom
Evaluation of Vygotsky’s Theory of Cognitive Development

7.5 Information

Processing

The Basics of Information Processing: Encoding, Storage, and

Retrieval

Fetal Learning: Early Signs of

Information Processing

7.6 The Stage Model of Memory
Sensory Memory
Short-Term Memory

Long-Term Memory

Perceptual

Attention

7.7

Memory Across the Lifespan

Episodic Memory

Working Memory

Semantic Memory

Summary & Resources

Prologue
We have all heard that a child is a “sponge for knowledge.” But how does that process actually
occur? How do we evolve from what William James called the “blooming buzzing confusion”
of infancy into childhood, where we begin to automatically navigate the world?

221

Section 7.1 Introduction to Piaget’s Cognitive Development Theory

It is not long before we learn to reflect on our own learning about the world, perhaps even
falling back on the circular argument that we learn some things because we “understand it
better” or “it’s easier to learn” as we get older. In this way, we take for granted the mental pro-
cesses that underlie cognitive development. However, the way in which children experience
the world is fundamentally different from the way in which adults learn. These aspects of
cognition change as we age, but, contrary to popular belief, the aging process does not always
lead to cognitive decline.

This chapter focuses on how various theories view cognitive development and the empiri-
cal evidence that supports each one. The theories provide a gateway for Chapters 8 and 9 to
explore how the study of cognitive development is applied. By investigating how we under-
stand the world, we can discover ways to improve cognitive fitness and also devise early
intervention strategies that can compensate for cognitive deficits.

7.1 Introduction to Piaget’s Cognitive Development Theory
As introduced in Chapter 2, Jean Piaget was fascinated by what children could not do. He
noticed that children of similar ages made the same kinds of mistakes in thinking and prob-
lem solving. This caused him to be convinced that children become cognitively more sophis-
ticated as a result of maturation and the way they interact with and manipulate the world.
He believed that intellectual development conforms to four fixed, discontinuous stages from
infancy to adolescence, which are biologically predetermined (see Chapter 1). When children
are provided opportunities to learn, they advance within each stage until maturational pro-
cesses prescribe the next stage.

Piaget developed his cognitive theory by clinical (rather than experimental) observation and
case studies—primarily of his own children. He carefully recorded their behaviors through-
out their childhoods. He also manipulated the environment and constructed problems, like
finding hidden items, that helped him discover the processes underlying thought. He theo-
rized that advancement in thinking is organized around increasingly sophisticated cognitive
structures while children adapt to demands of the environment.

Organization and Adaptation
Through the process of organization, children make sense out of mental information in
much the same way that they understand physical structures. All the parts make up the whole
structure. For example, infants often find great joy when they conduct experiments from their
high chairs. When food is placed on the tray, they like to drop it on the floor, often leaning over
the side with interest. They repeat the dropping pattern over and over again, in the same way
that an older child would continue to reconstruct a tower of blocks that persistently falls.
Dropping food may at first be a random activity, but it becomes more deliberate as infants
organize all the dropping experiences into a cognitive structure called a schema.

A schema is like a concept. As we grow, we combine information to construct increasingly
sophisticated schemas. Infant schemas are based on concrete activities, such as grasping,
sucking, and throwing. Toddlers might develop schemas for specific categories, such as “dogs”
or “cats.” Children progress from the immediate sensory and motor experiences of infancy to

222

Section 7.1 Introduction to Piaget’s Cognitive Development Theory

those that are more speculative and theoretical, and indicative of adolescence. For example,
infants may get to understand how food “explodes” after it is thrown as well as the potential
for parents to behave in particular ways afterwards. Because adolescents have more sophis-
ticated cognition, they can understand the consequences of throwing food—both what it
might look like and the reaction of others—without experimenting with the behavior. This
example also shows how children adapt to increasingly complex ways of thinking.

Adaptation is the process of adjusting
to new demands of the environment,
including consequences of behavior. In
our example, it is much less acceptable
for an older child to throw food.
(Though some parents might find it
difficult to accept, from a Piagetian
perspective, throwing food is not
unexpected.) The transition from ran-
dom observations to purposeful trial-
and-error experiments to thoughtful
reflection is not a passive activity
whereby children simply acclimate to
what is directed at them. On the con-
trary, Piaget stressed that the organi-
zation of experiences into schemas is
an active process. For example, a
“grasp and throw” schema for a 1-year-
old might include only soft objects like
foam balls and banana pieces that can
easily mold within a hand. A child soon learns that other small, malleable objects can be
grasped and thrown in a similar fashion. Piaget called this process of interpreting new objects
or events within an existing schema assimilation. New “throwable” objects are assimilated
into the prevailing schema.

Instead of always assimilating information into existing
structures, sometimes we have to adapt current under-
standing to what is being experienced. For instance,
the infant in the previous example cannot assimilate an
inflatable beach ball into the existing “grasp and throw”
schema because more than a simple grip is needed to
gain control of the large ball. The schema does not fit
the environment, so the infant must either adjust the
schema or create a new one. Modifying an existing

schema or constructing a new schema to fit changing awareness of reality is called accom-
modation. When larger, slipperier objects like beach balls are encountered, the schema will
be modified to accommodate new ways of thinking.

iStock/Thinkstock

Through adaptation, older children and adolescents
can consider consequences of behaviors such as
throwing food.

Critical Thinking

Describe the processes of assimilation and
accommodation with regards to learning
how to use a new video game controller or
smartphone.

223

Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

Although the distinction among Piaget’s stages epitomizes discontinuity, the processes of
assimilation and accommodation are more continuous. There is a constant adjustment in
emphasis between them. Furthermore, over time the balance between them changes. Accord-
ing to Piaget, when children are able to incorporate new information about the world into
existing schemas, they are in a state of cognitive equilibrium. That is, when assimilation is the
primary mode of understanding new information, there is a certain congruency between the
mind and the environment. This process of being able to maintain a stable understanding of
the world is called equilibration.

Inconsistencies arise when children cannot assimilate incoming information into exist-
ing schemas. In these cases, disequilibrium exists and there is a shift in the balance toward
accommodation. When this situation occurs, children are said to be in a state of disequilibra-
tion. They become aware of a sense of inadequacy, which becomes a natural motivation for
learning. For instance, when people cannot figure out how to get to the next level in a video
game because behaviors (i.e., game movements) do not fit into existing schemas, they are in
a state of disequilibrium, which drives learning. The cognitive discomfort motivates change
and a search for equilibrium.

In sum, children are naturally interested in the world and have much to learn, requiring enor-
mous cognitive resources. Not everything they know at any given point fits perfectly with the
world. New experiences introduce information that challenges what children know, which
motivates discovery and cognitive advancement. Piaget would say that existing schemas are
either organized in a way that promotes understanding or they are not. If they are, then there
is equilibration and new information is understood conceptually within an existing cognitive
framework. Disequilibration occurs when experiences do not fit into existing schemas. In this
case, accommodation will trump assimilation until equilibration occurs once again.

Section Review
Describe the processes of assimilation and accommodation and their association with
equilibration.

7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development
Piaget noticed a great deal of consistency in the timing of cognitive changes among children.
There are specific times when there is relative equilibrium and other times when there is
more disequilibrium. The similarity across children led Piaget to develop the stage theory
of cognitive development. As summarized in Table 7.1, four stages represent discontinu-
ous aspects of cognitive growth. Piaget emphasized the qualitative differences between each
stage, which occur after only brief transitional periods. Although distinct changes in thinking
exist between stages, as children continue to grow through assimilation and accommodation,
growth during each stage remains more fluid and continuous.

224

Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

Table 7.1: Key features of Piagetian stages

Stage Theory Application

Sensorimotor
Ages 0–24 months

• Thought develops using
sensory and motor activities

• Development of object
permanence

• Symbolic thought at the end
of this period

Children repeat behaviors to
discover patterns. They look for
objects that “disappear,” includ-
ing parents.

Preoperational
Ages 2–7

• Egocentrism
• Judgment based on

appearance
• Difficulty with classification
• Inability to conserve

Children play make-believe. They
engage in games with rules.

Concrete
Ages 7–12

• Conservation
• Logical thought
• Transitivity
• Seriation
• Multilevel classification

Children are interested in
(concrete) rules. They can find
solutions to complex problems,
if they can be found in a step-by-
step fashion. They can use mul-
tiple systems of classification.

Formal
Ages 12 and older

• Abstract reasoning
• Deductive reasoning
• Hypothetical thinking

Adolescents hypothesize about
different outcomes, including
short-term and long-term plan-
ning. They can make abstract
arguments, taking into account
multiple perspectives.

Source: Based on Piaget, J. (2006). The origin of intelligence in the child. New York: Routledge. (Originally published 1953.)

In the same way that children cannot be forced to walk before they are physically ready, they
cannot perform certain intellectual tasks, either. Cognitive stages will emerge in the same way
that walking, running, hopping, and skipping will spring forth from normal physical oppor-
tunities. Piaget would say that intellectual tasks need prerequisite abilities, just like walking
precedes skipping, but with ordinary stimulation intermediate tasks will eventually be mas-
tered anyway. At the same time, though, if early skills are not promoted, later skills may be
relatively inferior. Cognitively, children need varied intellectual experiences in order to later
master more sophisticated thinking abilities.

Sensorimotor Stage (Ages 0–2)
The first of Piaget’s stages is the sensorimotor stage, which lasts from birth to about age 2.
Infants gain cognitive understanding primarily through their senses and movements, which
are coordinated through reflexes. That is, initial voluntary behaviors arise from innate, invol-
untary reflexes. For instance, newborns will reflexively close their hands when objects are
placed in them, but during the first 6 weeks of life they learn to grasp voluntarily. During the
next few months, children gradually learn to integrate behaviors. They may combine grasping
and sucking reflexes into a coordinated activity whereby they grasp an object and then suck
on it. Children continue to use their sensory and motor (movement) abilities to fulfill goals.
This behavior is demonstrated by repeating actions and forming habits, like preferring one
toy to another.

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Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

During the second year, infants move from habit-like activities to more experimental ones.
They enjoy touching new objects, throwing toys repeatedly to see how they might land differ-
ently, repeating movements that result in unique sounds (like banging two objects together),
and experimenting with vocal sounds. Infants demonstrate little more than reflexes at the
beginning of the sensorimotor stage, but by the end, they show vast cognitive changes. To
differentiate further among the complex developmental advances of the sensorimotor stage,
Piaget divided it into six substages.

Substage 1: Reflexes (Birth–1 month)
Newborns exhibit involuntary responses to stimuli and begin the assimilation process to
sources of stimulation. For instance, infants assimilate visual and auditory stimuli by visually
tracking where the stimulation originated. Orally, neonates will at first reflexively suck just
about any object. Soon thereafter, they will adapt their responses in order to differentiate
and understand when specific nipple-like stimuli are present. This is the process of accom-
modation. Depending on the characteristics of the nipple, including its shape and the stream
of milk that is expressed, the sucking reflex is later modified as infants begin to assimilate to
their feeding environment. That is, the range of sucking and feeding behaviors is expanded.
Because this stage focuses on reflexes, infants do not yet coordinate different activities. For
instance, they will not track a finger in order to grasp it. During this substage, infants build
on innate reflexive processes. Gradually, those reflexes become voluntary behaviors that chil-
dren use to interact with the world.

Substage 2: Primary Circular Reactions (1–4 months)
Infants in this stage do not yet have extensive capability to actively explore the environment,
so the focus is on their own bodies, what Piaget called primary behaviors. They develop repet-
itive behaviors, or habits, based on actions that they find pleasurable. For instance, when
infants accidentally suck on a finger, it brings pleasure. They will be motivated to re-create
that behavior. Piaget (2006 [1953], p. 97) described his 12-week-old son Laurent becoming
aware of his own spontaneous finger and arm movements. On subsequent days, Laurent pur-
posely brought his arm into view and derived joy when he saw it. The actions became both
coordinated and repetitive. Infants are not just “looking for the sake of looking.” Instead they
are actively “looking in order to see” (p. 70). Similarly, the innate grasping reflex is gradu-
ally replaced by voluntarily extending the arm to purposefully clutch objects. Because these
actions become repetitive, they are referred to as circular.

Substage 3: Secondary Circular Reactions (4–8 months)
Infants now have the motor capability to create experiences that are outside their bodies.
Individual behaviors are secondary because babies experience the effects of their actions on
external objects, not just themselves. For example, babies will become fascinated if an acci-
dental movement of a rattle causes a new sound. They will then want to reproduce the sound.
These accidental occurrences lead to new schemas. By chance, babies may sweep food off of a
tray. In doing so, they may become interested in seeing the way it flies or feels when squished,
which leads to actions that will re-create the prior outcome. Infants in this stage also begin to
imitate behaviors, but only if they have already produced the behavior. That is, they will show
interest in novel actions like clapping, but they do not have the cognitive flexibility (cannot

226

Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

adapt) to imitate the clapping behavior unless they have already discovered clapping on their
own (Kaye & Marcus, 1981).

Substage 4: Coordination of Secondary Circular Reactions (8–12 months)
Next, infants learn to coordinate multiple circular reactions. In substage 4, infants now have
intentional (goal-directed) behavior. That is, they know their actions will bring about certain
effects. For instance, an infant might knock over a basket of toys specifically to obtain one that
was hard to reach. Piaget famously demonstrated the coordination of schemas by hiding an
appealing toy behind a cover. To recover the toy, infants had to successfully coordinate visual
and motor schemas (“tracking,” “pushing aside,” and “grasping”).

Searching for a hidden object reveals that infants begin to understand that objects continue to
exist even when they cannot be seen. According to Piaget, this mastery of object permanence
is one of the most important accomplishments of infant cognitive development. Infants also
use their understanding of object permanence to engage in intentional behavior. For instance,
when a primary caregiver begins to leave, a 1-year-old child may begin to cry with the inten-
tion of not being left alone (see also separation anxiety in section 10.5). Children may lift their
arms in hopes of being held or attempt to run away when it is time to nap. Also in this substage,
infants will imitate behaviors initiated by others, like making faces, stacking particular kinds
of items, or playing pat-a-cake. Whereas substage 3 infants need to discover behaviors (like
clapping) on their own before they are capable of imitating the behavior, now they can gener-
ate what they see (e.g., stacking blocks) without first discovering the behavior on their own.

Substage 5: Tertiary Circular Reactions (12–18 months)
At the tertiary (third) level, infants demonstrate versatility by purposefully creating new sche-
mas. Children will be intrigued by the different reactions and devise experiments to change
outcomes. They become “little scientists” as they engage in trial-and-error activities instead
of giving in to frustration. For instance, if a barrier prevents access to an appealing stimulus,
they may devise a way to bypass the barrier, such as dragging a bucket on which to stand in
order to climb over the barrier. Trial-and-error problem solving is also demonstrated when
children take toys apart and then attempt to fit them back together.

Toddlers will also devise experiments like crashing toys into several different objects to make
different sounds or to observe different trajectories. Like in substage 3, children will repeat
their experiments, but now they can modify their actions to create new experiences. For
instance, Piaget placed a stick outside his daughter Jacqueline’s playpen, knowing that it was
an attractive object. At first, Jacqueline tried to pull the stick horizontally into the playpen
through the vertical bars. After failing a number of times, a bit of trial-and-error led to her
tilting the stick in such a way that it fit through. After she achieved success, the next time the
stick was presented she pulled it through almost at once (Piaget 2006 [1953], pp. 305–307).

Substage 6: Mental Representation (18–24 months)
Toward the latter half of the second year, children begin to construct internal depictions of
objects and events, called mental representation. They are then able to imitate behaviors
many hours or days after they were observed initially. For instance, children remember how to
throw a tantrum after observing one at a party. This emergence of deferred imitation shows
that children must have some kind of internal mental representation for images and behaviors.

227

Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

Piaget demonstrated this substage with the playpen-and-stick problem, at which Jacqueline
first failed. With his two younger children, Piaget waited until 18 months before present-
ing the problem so that there would not be any practice effects. In both cases, the younger
children bypassed the trial-and-error that was typical of Jacqueline when she was younger.
Instead, they contemplated the problem and subsequently brought the stick into the playpen
without much difficulty (Piaget, 2006 [1953]). The children were able to succeed because
they had mentally combined objects and made internal representations in such a way that
allowed mental rotation of the shapes.

Preoperational Stage (Ages 2–7)
At birth, children have no internal representation of people, objects, or events; by the end of
the sensorimotor period, they can imitate actions that they were exposed to days earlier. They
have transitioned from a focus on their own bodies to an orientation on the world. These cog-
nitive advancements mark the transition to Piaget’s preoperational stage, which lasts from
about age 2 until about age 7.

Preoperational means that children do not yet perform logical, reversible mental actions
called operations. Instead, this growth period is marked by an extraordinary advancement
in mental representation. Children begin to represent schemas by images or words—what
Piaget called symbols, or symbolic representation. Make-believe play and language are
key to children’s understanding the world through mental structures, including images and
objects that are not present. For instance, they play dress-up, make cities out of blocks, and
set up house using plastic toys. A wood block may serve as a make-believe telephone; leaves
become pancakes in a make-believe kitchen. When children use these symbols, they are think-
ing in a more sophisticated manner because the real objects are missing.

Language provides the most efficient use of symbolic representation. Words are used for
thinking, as when children plan, which also demonstrates an understanding of the past, pres-
ent, and future. Words are also used to combine images and actions that have not been imag-
ined before, like flying over the zoo while holding on to helium balloons.

This stage is also characterized by inadequate use of logic, primarily because children view
things from only one perspective. That is, they have difficulty separating their thoughts and
ideas from another person’s thoughts and ideas. Children assume others have the same physi-
cal perspectives and mental thoughts as they do, even though it may not be logical to adults.
Piaget called this lack of dimensional thinking egocentrism. That is why children are not
capable of understanding that loud noises can bother others, when banging pots and pans
is so much fun. If you ask them over the telephone, “What do you see?” preschoolers will
sometimes reply, “That” to indicate what only they see. They are not capable of adjusting their
perceptions to incorporate the views of others.

Piaget and Inhelder (1969) devised the “Three Mountains Task” to observe egocentricity and
to find out when children decenter, or become able to consider problems from multiple
points of view. As shown in Figure 7.1, children were seated in front of plaster mountains. A
doll was then placed on a side of the platform different from where the child was sitting.
Piaget and Inhelder then asked the participants to choose the photo that showed the doll’s
view. At age 4, children always pointed to photos that represented their own perspective
rather than the doll’s view; at age 7, children correctly chose the doll’s view, demonstrating a

228

A. Child seated here

C. Doll seated here

D. B.

Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

disappearance of egocentric thought. They had advanced from a stage of limited perspective
to one that included another person’s point of view. When children begin to use organized,
logical mental processes, they engage in operations, the next step in Piaget’s model.

Figure 7.1: Piaget’s Three Mountains Task

Piaget and Inhelder showed children a model of three mountains. The three mountains were
distinguished by a snowcap, a small shack, and a cross. Children were asked to pick out the
photograph that showed the view from the perspective of a doll sitting, for instance, at position C,
while the child sat at a different position. Preoperational children were not able to see the perspective
of the doll, whereas older children were able to do so.

Source: Adapted from Piaget & Inhelder (1969).

A. Child seated here
C. Doll seated here
D. B.

Piaget theorized that part of the limitation in preoperational thinking is because of centra-
tion, the process of limiting attention to only one characteristic in any given situation. Unlike
older children and adults, young children are often not capable of simultaneously considering
two different aspects of a problem. Instead, preoperational children center on only one prob-
lem or aspect of communication at a time. For instance, if two equal amounts of liquid look
different, children will think they are different amounts. A preoperational child may complain
about running out of paint if it is contained in a large bottle. But if the paint is transferred and
completely fills a small plastic cup, the child is likely to be satisfied.

Centration was demonstrated most famously by tasks involving conservation, the awareness
that changing the appearance of a substance does not change properties like mass, number, or
volume. In a task of conservation of liquid, children are presented with two equal-sized bea-
kers and confirm that they contain the same amount of colored liquid (see Figure 7.2). They
are then instructed to pour one of the beakers into a taller, thinner container. When they are
later asked which beaker contains “more,” preoperational children will identify the taller con-
tainer. Theoretically, they center their attention on only the height of the taller liquid in the
thinner beaker. Children also demonstrate a lack of conservation when they think that a num-
ber of spread-out coins represents “more” than the same number of coins bunched together.
In addition to volume and number, children also show lack of conservation of substance (e.g.,
different shapes of the same amount of clay), length, and area.

229

1. Conservation of substance

The experimenter presents two identical modeling clay
balls. The subject admits that they have equal amounts
of clay.

2. Conservation of length

3. Conservation of number

4. Conservation of liquids

One of the balls is deformed. The subject is asked
whether they still contain equal amounts.

Two sticks are aligned in front of the subject.
The subject admits their equality.

One of the sticks is moved to the right. The subject is
asked whether they are still the same length.

Two rows of counters are placed in one-to-one
correspondence. Subject admits their equality.

One of the rows is elongated (or contracted). Subject is
asked whether each row still contains the same number.

Two beakers are filled to the same level with water.
The subject sees that they are equal.

The liquid of one container is poured into a tall tube (or
a flat dish). The subject is asked whether each still
contains the same amount.

A
B
C
D
Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

Concrete Operations Stage (Ages 7–11)
Piaget called his next stage concrete operations, and it lasts from about age 7 to age 11. It is
characterized by a shift to logical thinking. Cognition moves beyond egocentrism and now
includes the ability to see things from multiple perspectives. Unlike their younger counter-
parts, concrete operational children can imagine what objects look like and can draw them
from different angles. The use of logic announces new capabilities like reversibility. Children

Figure 7.2: Conservation

Children begin to understand conservation in the latter part of the preoperational period. Piaget is
well known for demonstrating conservation of volume, but he showed similar developments for
substance, length, and number.

1. Conservation of substance
The experimenter presents two identical modeling clay
balls. The subject admits that they have equal amounts
of clay.
2. Conservation of length
3. Conservation of number
4. Conservation of liquids
One of the balls is deformed. The subject is asked
whether they still contain equal amounts.
Two sticks are aligned in front of the subject.
The subject admits their equality.
One of the sticks is moved to the right. The subject is
asked whether they are still the same length.
Two rows of counters are placed in one-to-one
correspondence. Subject admits their equality.
One of the rows is elongated (or contracted). Subject is
asked whether each row still contains the same number.
Two beakers are filled to the same level with water.
The subject sees that they are equal.
The liquid of one container is poured into a tall tube (or
a flat dish). The subject is asked whether each still
contains the same amount.
A
B
C
D
A
B
C
D
© 2016 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution.

230

A. B. B. C.

Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

understand that a ball of clay that is rolled into a snake can be transformed back to a ball and
liquid poured from a small glass into a taller one is the same liquid; they mentally reverse the
actions to demonstrate the logical conclusion. Children also now understand mental order-
ing. If stick A is longer than stick B and stick B is longer than stick C, concrete operational
children can mentally infer that A is longer than C (see Figure 7.3); preoperational children do
not. This ability to mentally seriate by logic is called transitivity (or transitive inference). It
is the ability to infer how two items relate without explicitly comparing them to each other.
Abstract thinking, like analyzing various outcomes of a potential risky activity, is still out of
reach.

Figure 7.3: Transitive inference

Mental interference is demonstrated by transitivity problems. Children are given information that
stick A is longer than stick B and stick B is longer than stick C. Concrete operational children make the
mental inference that A is longer than C, whereas preoperational children do not.

A. B. B. C.

Formal Operations Stage (Age 12)
Whereas concrete thinkers base conclusions on what makes the most logical sense, at about
12 years of age, children and adolescents begin to think abstractly. Specific experiences are
not necessary to form conclusions. For instance, formal thinkers are able to ponder what
might be the best qualities in a person even if they have not met a person with those charac-
teristics. According to Piaget, they make inferences about what might or could be (including
using multiple variables) in a process called hypothetico-deductive reasoning. He called
this kind of advanced thinking formal operations. It is the first time that formal logic, or the
ability to make inferences, appears. Formal operations begins during adolescence and contin-
ues into adulthood. Adolescents can now think about the future, combine complicated plans,
and accurately predict outcomes. (See Figures 7.4a and 7.4b.) Complex ideas like “love” and
values are not just repeated concepts, as in the concrete stage, but are abstractly constructed
using multiple sources.

231

E M 2 5

6 M 2 F

Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

The advancement in thinking can explain in part why adolescents have more conflicts with
their parents. Younger children may not like rules, but for the most part they “understand”
the logic of them (even if the “logic” is an unrelated consequence) and will comply when suf-
ficiently motivated. By contrast, teenagers can make alternative arguments because they can
simultaneously weigh alternative outcomes. For instance, a 9-year-old will comply with the
demand to complete homework before dinner if that is what the rules of the house dictate.
However, 14-year-olds may become obstinate and want to make their own rules. If teenagers
simply refuse to do their homework before dinner, what is the worst that might happen? No
dinner? “Fine.” No privileges? “Fine.” The abstract thinker understands that parents do not
always have the ability (or will) to force compliance.

Figure 7.4a: Concrete versus formal operational thinking

These cards can demonstrate the difference between concrete and formal operations. They are from a
set that has numbers on one side and letters on the other. The rule is, “If a card has a vowel on one
side, then it has an even number on the other.” Which cards need to be turned over in order to
determine if the rule is true? Not every formal operational adolescent or adult will be able to get the
correct answer, but concrete operational children almost surely will not.

E M 2 5

Figure 7.4b: Answer to Figure 7.4a

Both the “E” and the “5” cards need to be turned. It is a more abstract concept to understand that a
vowel cannot be on the reverse of the “5.” There does not need to be a vowel on the reverse of the “2”
because the rule is that vowels have an even number, not that even numbers have vowels.

6 M 2 F
© 2016 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution.

232

Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

Adolescent Egocentrism
According to Piaget, formal operations begins a period where we are able to distinguish our
own thoughts from those of others. These developmental changes bring about another period
of egocentrism, called adolescent egocentrism. David Elkind (1976) maintains that this new
kind of thinking is accompanied by a view that feelings and experiences are unique; he refers

to this inflated sense of self-importance as the per-
sonal fable. Because of the personal fable, adolescents
are more likely to engage in dangerous activities like
unprotected sex, street racing, or car surfing, believing
in their own invulnerability. They often view their feel-
ings as particularly special. These distortions can pro-
duce negative self-worth, too, as when depressed teens
think, “Nobody understands what I am going through”
(Alberts, Elkind, & Ginsberg, 2007).

In addition, abstract thinkers may be overly concerned about what others are thinking about
them because they can hypothesize about the future and reflect on their own thinking pro-
cess (including the process of metacognition, described in more detail later in this chapter).
Adolescents may believe that behaviors and appearance are scrutinized more publicly than
they actually are, from the one pimple that has emerged recently to the few hairs that might
be out of place. Elkind says this behavior reflects an imaginary audience, where adolescents
inaccurately view themselves as the focus of everyone’s attention.

Piaget in the Classroom
Piaget’s theory has perhaps had the most profound impact on schooling in the United States,
especially early childhood education. Skilled preschool educators traditionally acknowl-
edged the special nature of young learners and adjusted activities accordingly. The focus on
the developmental stages of young children was an important change from past generations,
when children were often thought of as little adults. Piagetian theory states that develop-
mental stages are mostly fixed and dependent on a natural course of maturation, as long as
children are given adequate opportunities for learning and discovery. Because stages vary
somewhat for each child, accelerating activities that ordinarily must wait for development is
not likely to be an efficient way of learning. Elkind also warned against pushing children too
much, lest they be “hurried” before they were developmentally mature (Elkind, The Hurried
Child, 1980). Yet the recently adopted common core standards (and their predecessor, “No
Child Left Behind”) do not particularly embrace individual exploration, nor do they always
take into account individual differences.

Critical Thinking

Speculate on ways in which Elkind’s ideas
about adolescent egocentrism integrate
with what we know about brain develop-
ment, as discussed in Chapter 5.

Activity
Do you know the game “20 Questions” (http://www.ehow.com/how_13517_play-20-questions
.html)? Play with an adult and then a child who has clearly not reached formal operations. Ask
both participants to find “something in a typical house.” In what ways are the child’s questions
and the adult’s questions different?

233

Section 7.2 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

Evaluation of Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development
Piaget laid the groundwork for the study of cognitive development. His theories have had a
profound impact on our understanding of how children learn. His unprecedented descrip-
tions of how thought gradually unfolds have withstood the rigor of thousands of research
investigations. Perhaps because of his storied accomplishments, Piaget’s theories also receive
a fair amount of scrutiny.

Perhaps the most common criticism is Piaget’s idea that development occurs in four consis-
tent, discontinuous stages (e.g., Kellman & Arterberry, 2006). He emphasized that within each
stage, children do not progress very much in their thinking strategies. On the other hand, new
stages marked a transition to a different kind of thinking. However, research has found that
stage development is much less consistent. Transitions between stages are long, and children
can perform some kinds of advanced tasks but not others. Further, performance on some
tasks can be improved with experience or instruction. If development were purely matura-
tional that would not be the case (Ping & Goldin-Meadow, 2008).

Similarly, research also suggests cultural experiences affect the timing and length of stages, as
well as the order and rate at which some operations are attained (Gauvain & Perez, 2007; Mis-
try, Contreras, & Dutta, 2012). For instance, attainment of conservation varies widely among
cultures in Australia, New Guinea, Mexico, and Senegal. Transferring farm produce from one
container to another has been shown to accelerate the understanding of volume conservation;
Mexican children from a village of pottery-makers learn conservation of mass (clay rolled into
a long thin piece has the same mass and volume as the original ball) long before conservation
of number. The reverse is true for children who are in formal education in the United States
(Dasen, 1977, 1984; Greenfield, 1966; Price-Williams, Gordon, & Ramierez, 1969).

Therefore, Piaget’s focus on stages may be culturally biased and dependent on relevant knowl-
edge and skills, especially formal schooling (Neimark, 1979). Indeed, in one study, about half
of college students who majored in physics, political science, or English were found to be
deficient in formal operations if the problem was outside their major area of expertise. In
contrast, 80–90% attained formal operations when the task matched their field (De Lisi &
Staudt, 1980). Perhaps cognitive development is either more continuous or is influenced by
experience to a greater extent than Piaget surmised (Cole, 2006; Kuhn & Franklin, 2006). Just
like the specific deficiencies found among college students, others have suggested that overall
Piaget focused on what children cannot do, rather than on what they can. Perhaps with the
right design or motivation, children will perform better than expected on Piagetian tasks (Fla-
vell, Flavell, & Green, 1983; Gelman, 2006; Gelman & Kalish, 2006).

Although Piaget’s pioneering observations have accurately showcased the qualitative changes
in cognition, they may have led him to underestimate capabilities. For instance, Piaget theo-
rized that object permanence, a centerpiece of the sensorimotor period, does not develop
until children are at least a year old. Creative experiments show this conclusion to be too nar-
row. In one study, children between the ages of 1 and 4 months were first shown interesting
objects, and then the lighting was turned off. Although the objects were no longer visible to
the children, infrared cameras discovered that the infants continued to search for them. This
experiment demonstrated that children may indeed be aware of objects after they “disap-
pear,” perhaps for as long as 90 seconds (Bower & Wishart, 1972).

234

Section 7.3 Beyond Formal Thought

Finally, Piaget’s ideas continue to be studied and are still usefully applied within the context
of childhood. However, he also fell short of accurately describing how we grow beyond child-
hood to navigate the complexities of society, including the many ambiguous situations that
adults seem to handle better as they mature. These developments will be explored next.

Section Review
Describe the key features and milestones of each of Piaget’s four stages of development. What
are the major contributions and criticisms of Piaget’s theory?

7.3 Beyond Formal Thought
When deductive reasoning emerges during adolescence, beliefs are logical and need little jus-
tification if they are based on experts or personal experience. And because reasoning is based
on logic and experience, there are fewer gray areas. On the other hand, adult thinkers under-
stand that logic cannot always provide absolute answers. Decision making is more nuanced
and correct solutions can vary from one situation to another (Sinnott, 1998). Therefore, mod-
ern psychologists suggest that cognition continues to evolve beyond formal operations.

Gisela Labouvie-Vief is often credited as a leading advocate of this school of postformal
thought, where it is theorized that adults become engaged in increasingly more complex kinds
of reflection. Compared to adolescents, adults are better able to consider multiple points of
view, pragmatism, moral judgment, and emotion in place of strict rules of logic (Labouvie-
Vief, Grühn, & Studer, 2010). Furthermore, there is an increased tolerance for ambiguity and
potential compromise. Mature thinkers are more likely to recognize the diversity of views.
They realize that the most practical solutions often involve compromise and a willingness to
accept different thinking in different situations.

Perry’s Scheme of Cognitive Development
A similar way of looking at this evolution in thinking is proposed by William Perry (1998).
After studying the intellectual and moral growth of college students, he argued that entering
students tend to use dualistic thinking. They view the world in polarities of right/wrong,
for/against, and good/bad with little middle ground. This type of rigid, absolutist thinking
relies on authorities for answers, including books, professors, and other experts. During col-
lege (and adulthood in general) more reflective, relativistic thinking is used as adults realize
there are fewer absolutes and multiple perspectives.

For example, there is much debate in the criminal justice system about whether or not minors
who commit violent crimes should be charged as adults. Although there are guidelines to
direct actions, judges and attorneys take multiple factors into account when deciding to try
young offenders as juveniles or adults. Subjective factors, like emotions and beliefs, influence
their thinking. This kind of sophistication represents a qualitative change from formal opera-
tions. Rather than only one answer being possible, individuals recognize that even people
with different ideas can be right about the same question, depending on their situation (King
& Kitchener, 2004).

235

Section 7.3 Beyond Formal Thought

Perry’s students indeed moved from
seeing a world marked by absolute
standards and values to one where
diverse societies, cultures, and val-
ues could be endorsed equally. How-
ever, it is difficult to discern whether
changes are due to natural maturation
or, because Perry studied college stu-
dents, if the environment specifically
prescribed the changes he identified.
His conclusions may not apply to a
broader population, but it could also be
argued that his college students were
indeed more cognitively sophisticated.

Reflective Judgment Model
Like Perry’s findings, the reflective
judgment model proposes that there
are distinct stages of postformal cogni-
tive development. According to this model, reasoning goes beyond logic and occurs in three
graduated levels, each with two or three substages (King & Kitchener, 2004). In the first stage
of prereflective thinking, knowledge can be gleaned with certainty. A statement that charac-
terizes this level is, “As long as information is heard from a respected professor or a popular
news site, it must be true.” At this level, there is usually an inability to recognize that two
points of view may be equally logical.

Next comes quasireflective thinking. At this level, knowledge is not always certain, but that is
because there is missing evidence. In education, students are commonly taught that knowl-
edge is subjective. Therefore people are entitled to their own views and judgments should be
withheld. Statements that are typical of this level include, “I would embrace Erikson’s theory
more completely if you could show me concrete evidence.” A higher stage of this level might
be, “Perhaps both Freud and the behaviorists were correct about phobias, but they just use
different evidence.”

During the last level of reflective thinking, knowledge may be uncertain, but reasonable judg-
ments can still be made with critical inquiry and synthesis of ideas. There are “degrees of
sureness.” People gather evidence and opinion and take a reasoned, personal stance. A typical
example is, “There is substantial evidence to support the view that sexuality is determined at
birth. Therefore, society should treat sexual orientation as a continuum of behavior, with all
orientations equally respected.” Like the first level, students hold firm convictions, but they
are based on sound reflection.

Although not universally accepted, evidence indicates that qualitative changes in cognition do
begin sometime during early adulthood (Sinnot, 1998). Students generally move from a posi-
tion of absolutes to non-judgmental acceptance of multiple solutions. Various studies have
found that as educational level increases, so does this kind of reflective judgment (Brabeck,
1984; Friedman, 2004; King & Kitchener, 1994; King, Kitchener, Davison, Parker, & Wood,

imageBROKER/Superstock

The ability of individuals to consider complex issues
with multiple perspectives, like whether minors
who commit a violent crime should be tried as
adults, shows relativistic thinking.

236

Section 7.3 Beyond Formal Thought

1983). These teaching standards are increasingly incorporated into classroom education
(Friedman & Schoen, 2009).

Evaluation of Reflective and Relativistic Thought
While the ability to engage in reflective thought might signify cognitive sophistication, college
students are often encouraged to engage only in quasireflective thought. For instance, to sug-
gest that one culture is “better” than another is often met with gasps in a college community,
especially among experienced students. We are often taught that passing judgment on a cul-
ture is bad protocol and that a goal of a college education is to view every culture with equal
respect.

Though college graduates are theoretically more sophisticated in their thinking, not passing
judgments is actually more indicative of quasireflective thinking than of the more advanced
reflective thought. To be able to see the good and bad of all cultures is only the beginning
of nuanced decision making. Reflective thought allows us to pass judgments on cultures in
which women are subordinated and children are exploited and where education, social move-
ment, and independence are restricted. It is safe to say from an academic standpoint that a
culture that supports equality for everyone is inherently better than those that are racist, sex-
ist, or engage in other forms of institutionalized discrimination or oppression. Yet students
are not routinely encouraged to consider judgments in this way.

Another example concerns values in college education. Professors generally have a reputation
for espousing specific political beliefs (in both directions), a finding that has remained rela-
tively consistent for many decades (e.g., Allgood, Bosshardt, van der Klaauw, & Watts, 2010;
Eitzen & Maranell, 1968; Guimond & Palmer, 1996). Positions are supported both implicitly
and explicitly when, according to the reflective judgment model, young adults are particu-
larly vulnerable to manipulation. Whereas increasing education should be associated with an
appreciation for both sides of the political spectrum, instead students’ views become more
polarized (Hastie, 2007). A more narrow outcome is less indicative of reflective thinking and
more consistent with quasireflective and prereflective thinking.

Logic and Emotion
In addition to understanding multiple points of view, adult thinking is characterized by the
gradual integration of emotion and pragmatism in the place of strict rules of logic, as in the
juvenile offender example earlier in this section (Labouvie-Vief, Grühn, & Studer, 2010). Fur-
thermore, there is an increased tolerance for ambiguity and potential compromise. Mature
thinkers tend to analyze situations and make decisions on the basis of realistic and emotional
grounds, recognizing that the most practical solutions often involve compromise and a will-
ingness to accept different thinking in different situations (Jain & Labouvie-Vief, 2010).

These cognitive shifts are apparent when researchers study how people of different ages
manage social dilemmas. In one study, high school students, college students, and middle-
aged adults were each presented with three different dilemmas. The first was about a past
conflict between two fictitious countries and had little emotional charge. The second con-
cerned a family disagreement about a visit to the grandparent’s house and was more strongly

237

2.5

3.0

3.5

Age Group

P
ro

b
ed

R
ea

so
n

in
g

Livia task
“Visit” story
Pregnancy dilemma

Adolescents Young adults Middle adults

4.0

Section 7.3 Beyond Formal Thought

charged. The last, strongly charged dilemma involved an unwanted pregnancy between a
couple that had opposing views on abortion (Blanchard-Fields, 1986). In the first scenario,
when there was not much emotional content, the level of reasoning between adolescents and
young adults was similar. However, in the other two more emotionally charged situations,
both groups of adults used better reasoning processes than the adolescent group (see Figure
7.5). This study famously demonstrated that maturity of emotions affects level of reasoning.
Postformal adults gradually integrate emotions with cognition, supporting the idea that adult
cognition goes through qualitative change.

Figure 7.5: Effect of age and emotion on reasoning

Blanchard-Fields showed that little difference existed in reasoning ability (probed reasoning)
between adolescents and adults when there was an absence of emotional content. However, when the
dilemma was emotionally charged, adults showed more cognitive sophistication.

Source: Blanchard-Fields, F. (1986). Reasoning on social dilemmas varying in emotional saliency. Psychology and Aging, 1, 325–
333. Copyright 1986 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.

2.5
3.0
3.5
Age Group
P
ro
b
ed
R
ea
so
n
in
g
Livia task
“Visit” story
Pregnancy dilemma
Adolescents Young adults Middle adults
4.0

Schaie’s Stage Theory of Cognitive Development
Based on his work in the Seattle Longitudental Study, K. Warner Schaie specified an alterna-
tive stage model (see Figure 7.6) (Schaie, 1977–78). Rather than changes in the way adults
understand information, Schaie used empirical data from thousands of tests to focus on how
adults’ use of information changes. Before adulthood, he notes that the main task is acquisi-
tion of knowledge, hence the acquisitive stage. We learn and store information to prepare
for the future.

238

ACQUISITIVE

ACHIEVING

RESPONSIBLE

EXECUTIVE

REINTEGRATIVE

YOUNG
ADULTHOOD

MIDDLE
AGE

OLD AGECHILDHOOD
AND

ADOLESCENCE

Section 7.3 Beyond Formal Thought

Early adulthood is a time of transition, necessarily marked by increased efficiency. In practi-
cal terms, a focused field of study replaces a liberal education. There is also a drive toward
independence because there is less parental and societal protection from errors in judgment.
Adults must be fully competent to use their acquired knowledge. Therefore, the achieving
stage begins in the late teens or 20s and is concerned with finding orientations toward goals
of independence. These include social goals such as finding a romantic partner and the right
career.

The foundation for cognition occurs during acquisition and achieving, but during middle age
cognitive function is transformed. It matures into being more organized, integrated, and inter-
pretive to meet increasing levels of personal and community demands. During the responsi-
ble stage (30s to early 60s) and executive stage (30s to 40s), individuals become involved in
community activities and care for the world beyond themselves. Adults care for the needs of
their families (responsible) and may become more interested and involved with larger soci-
etal and political systems (executive). Not everyone experiences the executive stage (Schaie,
Willis, & Caskie, 2004).

The last stage begins in late adulthood. Older people tend to focus on activities that have
particular interest. There is a transition from acquiring information to using information to
streamlining information. If there is no immediate use for information, it becomes less impor-
tant; acquired knowledge that has meaning is integrated into adult tasks. Schaie called this
final phase the reintegrative stage.

Figure 7.6: Schaie’s stages of cognitive development

K. Warner Schaie suggested a stage theory of adult thinking that expands Piaget’s model beyond
formal operations.

Source: From Schaie, K. W. (1977–78). Toward a stage theory of adult cognitive development. The International Journal of Aging
and Human Development, 8(2), 129–138. Copyright © 1978, © SAGE Publications. Reprinted by Permission of SAGE Publications,
Inc.

ACQUISITIVE
ACHIEVING
RESPONSIBLE
EXECUTIVE
REINTEGRATIVE
YOUNG
ADULTHOOD
MIDDLE
AGE
OLD AGECHILDHOOD
AND
ADOLESCENCE
© 2016 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution.

239

Section 7.4 Sociocultural Theory

7.4 Sociocultural Theory
Whereas Piaget felt that cognitive development was constructed by children’s individual
experiences in the world, Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934) focused on the essential nature of social
experiences (Vygotsky, 1978). To Vygotsky, understanding the cultural and social context in
which a child lives contributes to knowledge about how development occurs; hence, his the-
ory is often referred to as a contextual model. The sociocultural theory of cognition there-
fore emphasizes the importance of social interaction in order to facilitate individual achieve-
ment. In that regard, every society has areas of intellectual emphasis. For instance, in the
United States, society stresses the importance of preschool and playgroups. These social
activities provide opportunities for specific kinds of intellectual growth. Engaging in “Circle
Time” has meaning beyond just singing or sharing experiences. There is order, collaboration,
and social structure (teacher as leader), reflecting important parts of society. Subcultures
such as farmers in Iowa, Orthodox Jews in New York, and Mexican Americans in Los Angeles
all provide specific kinds of learning opportunities embedded within a social context.

MIXA next/Thinkstock

Section Review
Explain some contemporary alternatives to formal thought.

Different cultures may place intellectual emphasis on different areas of knowledge,
influencing development from a sociocultural perspective.

iStock/Thinkstock

240

Section 7.4 Sociocultural Theory

Potential distinctions become more explicit when looking at historical differences or compar-
ing, say, a child from a poor farming village in Peru with a child from a technologically rich
part of South Korea. In the United States, children entering kindergarten today have different
tools (and consequently, demands) than current college students had when they were in kin-
dergarten. Even one generation ago, it was unusual for young children to have easy access to
computer technology. Now, as today’s children explore various screen technologies, they nec-
essarily learn to think differently than in the past in order to navigate that part of their world.
Screen tasks that sometimes prove a challenge for older people are second nature for many
young learners. This historical change influences the ways that children approach learning
and problem solving.

Sociocultural theory may also help to explain some gender differences. For instance, when
teachers speak more gently to girls than boys, it may lead to more acting out and lower aca-
demic performance among boys (Hughes, Wu, Kwok, Villarreal, & Johnson, 2012; Silver, Mea-
selle, Armstrong, & Essex, 2005). Perhaps differences in scientific ability between males and
females originate from the way culture and society approach boys versus girls. Indeed, one
study found that parents give more sophisticated explanations to boys than to girls during
visits to a museum (Crowley, Callaman, Tenebaum, & Allen, 2001). The cultural context may
promote differences in the kinds of knowledge to which each of the sexes is exposed.

Social Constructivism
The changing use of technology by young children demonstrates how they construct knowl-
edge based on society and culture. Hence, Vygotsky’s theory is sometimes referred to as social
constructivism. From a Piagetian model, it would be predicted that a child factory worker
in Bangladesh and a technologically advanced child in India would show many similarities in
thought. By contrast, Vygotsky would point to the vastly different social variables that would
have influenced development. Speech and written language, manners, gaming, cooking skills,
and how to operate tablets and farm equipment all provide cultural “tools” that facilitate the
construct development (Bodrova & Leong, 2001). At first, learning is a social experience; it
then transitions to one that is individual. Whereas Piaget was a cognitive constructivist (men-
tally forming schemas), Vygotsky was a social constructivist.

Zone of Proximal Development and Scaffolding
Like learning to read, children first attempt to solve problems within a social context and
then do so independently. Vygotsky described this change from collaborative to independent
learning as a goal of education, and a more sophisticated kind of cognition (Vygotsky, 1978).
Children who initially demonstrate less skill may not be less intellectual; they may simply
have a larger potential range of growth. Instead of focusing on the tasks that children have
learned, Vygotsky was more interested in what children are capable of learning. To under-
stand a child’s level of cognitive development, Vygotsky might demonstrate how to perform
a task and then observe whether or not the child could repeat the process. Vygotsky called
the gap between skills (and knowledge) and the potential for learning, the zone of proximal
development (ZPD). The ZPD refers to the range of activities that a child cannot perform
alone but is capable of accomplishing with the assistance of a higher-skilled adult or peer (see
Figure 7.7). This higher-skilled person is often referred to in research as the more knowl-
edgeable other (MKO).

241

Zo
ne

of
proximal development

kn
o

w
led

g
e and skills that can be learned

wit
h a

ss
is

ta
nc

e
fr

o
m

o
th

er
s

Child’s
demonstrated

skill

Currently unobtaina
ble

Section 7.4 Sociocultural Theory

For a child to learn a task within the zone of proximal development, the MKO provides guided
assistance. Children acquire more knowledge and skill even as the task becomes more com-
plex. The amount of assistance from MKOs diminishes as students master skills and develop
more sophisticated cognitive abilities. In this way, the social environment, especially

Figure 7.7: The zone of proximal development

The zone of proximal development refers to the range of knowledge and skills that a child cannot
learn alone but is able to accomplish with the assistance of a more skilled peer or adult.

Source: Adapted from Vygotsky (1962).

Zo
ne
of
proximal development
kn
o
w
led
g
e and skills that can be learned
wit
h a
ss
is
ta
nc
e
fr
o
m
o
th
er
s
Child’s
demonstrated
skill
Currently unobtaina
ble
© 2016 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution.

242

Section 7.4 Sociocultural Theory

language, is critical as children learn to navigate more on their own. The process of support
for learning is called scaffolding, a fancy term that in its simplest form refers to guided assis-
tance. Though scaffolding was not one of Vygotsky’s terms, it has become an integral part of
social constructivism theory. It epitomizes how the transition from shared learning to inde-
pendence is facilitated.

Vygotsky’s concept of a ZPD has provided a
new way of looking at cognitive capabilities
and individual differences in learning. And
scaffolding has reached into popular vocab-
ulary to represent many types of collabo-
ration and guidance that raise a receiver’s
level of performance. The pitfalls of scaf-
folding include adults and peers who may
be too helpful and thereby reinforce chil-
dren and adults asking for help even when
tasks can be completed without assistance.

Vygotsky in the Classroom
While a Piagetian perspective has remained prominent throughout education, the sociocul-
tural perspective has become more highly integrated within contemporary elementary and
secondary school classrooms. Children regularly engage in social and contextual activities that
include working in small groups, cooperative learning, peer tutoring, and plenty of scaffolding.

A meta-analysis of 36 relevant studies found broad benefits for both learners and “experts”
when peer scaffolding is used (Ginsburg-Block, Rohrbeck, & Fantuzzo, 2006). Cooperative
learning activities provide advantages in academics, behavior, and self-concept. Interest-
ingly, many studies find that more positive learning outcomes exist when boys and girls are
grouped separately. These potential differences certainly warrant further study, especially
because it does not appear that peer tutoring sacrifices the academic needs of more advanced
students. An important finding is that gains extend beyond academics and include positive
psychosocial outcomes as well, especially for lower-income students (Bigler, Hayes, & Liben,
2014; Hattie, 2008).

A concern of collaborative methods is the potential increase in academic dishonesty and
imbalanced workloads if workgroups become a classroom norm (Sutherland-Smith, 2013).
As most college students are aware, when students work together there is a tendency for
some group members to do less than their share of work and for others to make up for the
shortcomings. Learning outcomes may not be as robust when workload distribution is the
responsibility of the group instead of individuals. Even so, the process of working together—
both when it is equitable and when it is not—prepares students for future interactions in
social encounters and work.

Evaluation of Vygotsky’s Theory of Cognitive Development
In contrast to the Piagetian model, sociocultural theory does not address maturational pro-
cesses, even though the thinking of younger and older children appears to be qualitatively
different. Similarly, the theory does not address why younger children cannot think abstractly

Critical Thinking

In recent years, there has been increas-
ing emphasis on collaborative learning in
schools. Explain how Vygotsky’s theory
supports this development.

243

Section 7.4 Sociocultural Theory

even when scaffolding is provided. Although intuitively it makes sense that children would
be more successful when cognitive support is provided, the influence of the simultaneous
emotional support needs to be considered as well (Leerkes, Blankson, O’Brien, Calkins, &
Marcovitch, 2011). One way or another, the process of scaffolding seems to be an important
part of learning.

Though Vygotsky failed to fully explain cognitive development, evidence-based conclusions
support the continued implementation of his ideas in schools and businesses. Certainly
sociocultural theory has yielded greater appreciation of the complex social and cultural
nature of learning and cognitive development, which has been applied extensively in educa-
tional settings. Piaget’s emphasis on self-exploration leading to the discovery of knowledge is
also used widely in education. The major difference remains in how individual knowledge is
initially constructed. Whereas Vygotsky emphasized social construction, Piaget emphasized
cognitive construction. Despite these differences, both theories emphasize the need for expe-
rienced adults and peers to provide guidance rather than specific standards and activities
(see Table 7.2).

Table 7.2: A comparison of the major features of the theories of Jean Piaget
and Lev Vygotsky

Concept Piaget Vygotsky

Constructivism Cognitive constructivism; children
construct knowledge independently

Social constructivism; children con-
struct knowledge through social and
cultural settings

Course of development Universal stages Variable, depending on values and
tools of culture

Context Strong individual Strong sociocultural

Source of development Age/maturation; an emphasis
that nature provides for cognitive
development

The environment and social inter-
action; an emphasis that nurture
provides for cognitive development

Individual differences Little emphasis Moderately strong emphasis

Role of teachers Facilitates and provides opportuni-
ties to explore the world

Facilitates by scaffolding; provides
opportunities with MKOs

Key terms Discontinuous
Assimilation
Accommodation
Schema
Equilibration
Operations
Stages

Continuous
More knowledgeable other (MKO)
Scaffolding
Zone of proximal development (ZPD)

Section Review
Explain how cognitive development occurs from a sociocultural perspective.

244

Section 7.5 Information Processing

7.5 Information Processing
Beyond Piaget and Vygotsky, information-processing theory provides a third major approach
to understanding cognitive development. It is modeled after the way in which information
flows logically in computers. Like computers, we are able to take in, store, and process words,
numbers, and other information. The smooth, linear progression of information processing
epitomizes the continuous view of development. Understanding mathematical concepts, for
instance, progresses from being able to count in sequence, to performing simple arithmetic,
and eventually to engaging in more complex operations. Knowledge of mathematical con-
cepts changes not only in the way information is organized, but also in the sheer volume of
concepts. The same could be said for oral language; music; understanding how chemistry,
physics, and biology function in the world; and so on.

The information-processing approach is consistent with the view that cognition has biological
controls. In this way, cognitive development can be compared to specific skill-based endeav-
ors like playing a musical instrument, running, or drawing. We can all be trained to excel up to
a certain degree, but there are individual biological limitations. Whether for a physical skill or
cognition, maturation directs the gradual unfolding of potential. However, we all use informa-
tion differently depending on our unique experiences and how that information is inputted
into our brains (Mayer, 2012).

The Basics of Information Processing: Encoding, Storage, and
Retrieval
Who is the current Vice President of the United States? What is your address? What was your
bill the last time you went to the grocery store? Answering these questions illustrates the
foundations of information processing. In order to remember information, you must encode it
in some meaningful way. When you first saw your grocery bill, you were able to encode neces-
sary information. Otherwise, you would not have been able to understand what the numbers
meant and take the next steps to pay. However, encoding information is no guarantee that you
will be able to recall it later. In order to use the information later, you need to place it in stor-
age. Like other information you encounter every day, you probably failed to store the amount
of your grocery bill. On the other hand, your address is adequately stored. As such, you are
able to retrieve that information.

In order to understand cognition, we want to follow the information from when it is first per-
ceived to the discovery of how it comes to be used. Therefore, we focus on how information
flows through the system, especially with regard to memory. We become better processors of
information (more advanced cognitively) as we gather more knowledge, encode it in memory,
compare it with other memories, and finally make an appropriate response. There is constant
interchange between storage and processing in order to efficiently take in and use informa-
tion. This feedback loop is illustrated in Figure 7.8.

Information processing is continuous and depends at least partly on context. How we learn
reading demonstrates the influence of context: The key to reading better is using strategies
for processing the symbols on the page. Long-term knowledge about sounds and meanings is
used to decode words; a cognitive feedback loop about the reading passage is used to “update”
comprehension and the meaning of new vocabulary. There is a constant interchange between
storage and processing, which allows retrieval mechanisms to utilize reserved memories.

245

Input Output

Processing

Storage

Section 7.5 Information Processing

Fetal Learning: Early Signs of Information Processing
As we mentioned in Chapter 3, research suggests that the ability to process information begins
before birth. DeCasper and Fifer (1980) famously fashioned a device whereby neonates could
suck on a nonnutritive nipple to control what they heard. Different sucking patterns produced
either their mother’s voice or a stranger’s voice on a taped recording. Not only were the new-
borns able to quickly learn different patterns of sucking, but they also chose to produce their
mothers’ voices over those of other females. Other researchers have found differences in fetal
heart rates as a result of exposure to the mother’s (as opposed to a stranger’s) voice, again
suggesting that in utero (before birth) learning does indeed take place (Kisilevsky & Low,
1998; Krueger & Garvan, 2014; Lee, Brown, Hains, & Kisilevsky, 2007).

In another classic experiment, DeCasper and Spence (1986) asked 16 pregnant mothers to
read the well-known children’s book The Cat in the Hat to their unborn fetuses, two times
each day during the 6 weeks before giving birth. After the children were born, the mothers
read either The Cat in the Hat or another rhyming book. DeCasper and Spence once again used
their device that recorded distinctive patterns of infant sucking. This time the infants showed
a decided preference for the sounds they had heard in utero. So it was not just the sound of the
mother’s voice that the infants were responding to, as could be argued in the earlier experi-
ment (DeCasper & Fifer, 1980), but also the distinctive words of the book! Later experiments
demonstrated that fetuses could distinguish among different languages as well (Mehler et al.,
1988; Moon et al., 1993). These experiments clearly demonstrate that fetuses form memories.

Though the implications of recognizing kinds of auditory stimuli are unclear, popular media
and advertising praise their virtues. There are suggestions about which books to read to fetuses
and whole music programs to introduce fetuses to classical music. There is no reason to assume
these approaches to prenatal learning are associated with the type of long-term benefit that
their manufacturers often promote. These types of toys and devices do, however, remind stu-
dents that, in science, research is king. And research has yet to find that the “Mozart effect” has
any implications in child development (Bangerter & Heath, 2004). On the other hand, a baby

Figure 7.8: The information-processing approach

The information-processing approach views cognitive development as forming a feedback loop. We
attend to information, and then it is processed in a way that it can be stored. Information is then
compared with other memories and processed for output. There is constant interchange between
storage and processing so that memory storage and retrieval are efficient.

246

Impression
or

sensation

Sensory
Memory

Words,
names,

numbers;
maintained
by rehearsal

Short-Term
Memory

Concepts,
meaning

Long-Term
Memory

S
E

N
S

O
R

Y
IN

P
U

Forgotten
almost

immediately

Limited
storage
capacity

Attention

Encoding
and

transfer

Retrieval

F
or

ge
tti

ng
F
or
ge
tti
ng

Section 7.6 The Stage Model of Memory

will recognize its primary caregivers within its first days of life regardless of experiences in the
womb. So although there is increasing evidence that fetuses develop memories and are more
sensitive to sensory stimuli than scientists once thought (e.g., Del Giudice, 2011), it is not yet
clear if any specific kind of prenatal stimulation is beneficial for development.

Section Review
Using an information processing approach, explain how cognition advances.

7.6 The Stage Model of Memory
Because the information-processing model involves the encoding, storage, and retrieval of
information, understanding how memory processes work is an essential part of the theory.
Psychologists understand that there must be some physical (brain) representation of almost
every experience, but there is not a unified idea of how we actually store the information,
either physiologically or behaviorally. One way to conceptualize where memories live is the
stage model of memory (see Figure 7.9). This traditional theory describes how we can con-
nect daily life to three separate memory processes: sensory memory, short-term memory, and
long-term memory (Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968). They represent different types of storage sys-
tems where information is encoded.

Figure 7.9: The stage of model memory

In this model, there are three stores of memory, each with its own characteristics.

Impression
or
sensation
Sensory
Memory
Words,
names,
numbers;
maintained
by rehearsal
Short-Term
Memory
Concepts,
meaning
Long-Term
Memory
S
E
N
S
O
R
Y
IN
P
U
T
Forgotten
almost
immediately
Limited
storage
capacity
Attention
Encoding
and
transfer
Retrieval
F
or
ge
tti
ng
F
or
ge
tti
ng
© 2016 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution.

247

Section 7.6 The Stage Model of Memory

Sensory Memory
When you surf the Internet, there are dozens of ads designed to make you pay attention to
them. However, most people do not “see” them all. Images are part of your field of vision,
but your eyes just sweep over them in an unfocused way. That experience is part of sensory
memory (Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968). This initial stage of memory acts as a filter. Before your
brain can encode something and store it for later retrieval, you first need to perceive the
stimulus. That is, you must first notice a stimulus in order to encode it.

To demonstrate this process for yourself, take a moment to describe in detail what is behind
you without turning. What do you remember? Now turn around and find something behind
you that you did not describe before turning around. Even if it is simply a blank wall behind
you, there are likely to be imperfections in the paint or marks that you did not “notice” before.
At one time, though, images of what is behind you fell onto your retina. Even though you do
not remember every detail about what is behind you, at one time it was part of your sensory
memory.

Short-Term Memory
Now that you have turned around and attended to a stimulus, it is part of your short-term
memory. This storage system is like a temporary “holding area” where information waits for
further processing. It can consist of phone numbers, the title of a book, or names that will
rapidly decay unless they make it into long-term memory.

Contrary to what many think, short-term memory remains relatively efficient as we age. Some
aspects of short-term memory become less efficient, but other areas of cognition compensate
by becoming more efficient. For example, there is no decline in short-term visual recogni-
tion, so rather than memorizing a short grocery list, older shoppers may take a practiced,
visual “walk” around the store (Secular, McLaughlin, Kahana, Wingfield, & Yotsumoto, 2006).
With age, we become better at recognizing organizational strategies that may assist memory,
and we become more proficient at employing them. On the other hand, when there is the
added task of mentally juggling multiple bits of information, like performing several mental
math operations simultaneously, adults show deterioration beginning in middle adulthood
(Kausler, 1994; Schaie, 2005). Visit the following website to participate in the kind of short-
term memory task that researchers use in an experimental setting (http://faculty.washington
.edu/chudler/stm0.html).

Do you have an accurate visual representation of the information processing approach to
cognition? If so, you probably looked at Figure 7.9 until you understood the concept. How you
stored the information was an active interchange between what you already knew and the
fresh information that was presented. Because there is a conscious processing of attention
and mental work, we now conceptualize short-term memory better as working memory
(Baddeley, 2007). Working memory temporarily stores and manages information, similar to
RAM or flash memory in a computer. Like solving a multiple-step puzzle or mentally remem-
bering a string of numbers, working memory provides storage for some bits while manipulat-
ing others.

Although practice improves the efficiency of working memory, its growth depends more on
maturational gains than increased knowledge (Cowan, Ricker, Clark, Hinrichs, & Glass, 2015).

248

Section 7.6 The Stage Model of Memory

This physical development of the brain coincides with an increase in sophistication, and
allows people to more efficiently manage their own thinking and behavior. That is, we become
better at self-analysis and reflection. This kind of “thinking about thinking” is called meta-
cognition. It involves the ability to plan, hypothesize about possible outcomes, and make
reasonable, informed decisions regarding cognitive–behavioral strategies (Flavell, 1976). For
instance, when deciding how to guess on a multiple-choice exam, you might consciously ana-
lyze all the possible answers and consider multiple sources (e.g., lectures, readings, notes)
simultaneously. There is a conscious interchange between momentary thought and long-term
storage (McCabe, Roediger, McDaniel, Balota, & Hambrick, 2010).

Long-Term Memory
We lose anything we process in short-term memory unless we encode or place it in long-term
storage in some way. Sometimes that happens automatically, like the events surrounding a
special occasion, a traumatic incident, or even the object behind you that you still remember.
When that occurs, it becomes part of long-term memory (see Figure 7.10). These memo-
ries are relatively permanent, like the name of a first-grade teacher or your Social Security
number. When long-term memory increases, we can utilize more information resources for
working memory. This is why encoding information about favorite academic interests, music
groups, or social concerns is much easier than learning a new subject. In familiar subjects,
there are more anchors to old memory files to help store and later retrieve memories.

Explicit and

Implicit Memory

Long-term memory can be further divided into the separate components of explicit memory
and implicit memory (see Figure 7.10). Explicit memory refers to information that is con-
sciously available, like favorite foods, typical weather, the name of your best friend, and the
events surrounding a graduation party are all examples of explicit memory. These memories
consist of both episodic and semantic memories. Episodic memories attach to a specific
time and place—episodes of life—such as a wedding, first kiss, or trip to the beach. Episodic
memories are often visual, where we “see” images of an old house or a favorite park. On the
other hand, when we specifically encode memories in words, like the rules of Monopoly or
the definition of the word “cognition,” we are using semantic memory. It includes factual
information like the meanings of social customs, historical details, and names of phone apps.

Whereas explicit memory stores episodes and facts that can be encoded (and recalled) in
words, there is a lack of conscious awareness for implicit memory. A key component of
implicit memory is procedural memory. We sometimes call this “muscle memory,” and it
includes activities like riding a bicycle or making a peanut butter sandwich. When we first
learn how to play a musical instrument, we have to consciously think about moving specific
leg or hand muscles. After a while, the body remembers how to move without consciously
thinking about it. Fingers go to the correct keys seemingly without cognitive effort—just as
recalling an address from semantic memory does not take effort.

In addition to body memories, we are often implicitly predisposed by unintentional or
unplanned memories, what psychologists refer to as priming. For instance, early exposure to
specific genres of music causes us to continue liking what we were exposed to and find other
categories less favorable. People who enjoy listening to rap and hip-hop often dislike country
music, and vice versa. Cognitively, we are primed by the familiar sound that is embedded in
memory.

249

Long-Term Memory

All relatively permanent,
lasting effects of

experience.

Explicit Memory

(also called declarative memory)

Potentially conscious,
recallable information

Implicit Memory

(also called procedural or nondeclarative memory)

Unconscious, non-semantic memory
of tasks and skills, like conditioned responses

(Example: Doing a triple somersault)

Semantic Memory

Stable, abstract knowledge
that underlies language;

principles, facts, strategies
(Example: Recalling the

names of the seven
continents of the world)

Episodic Memory

Personal, autobiographical
knowledge; memory of

events, or episodes
(Example: Remembering

amusement park activities)

Section 7.6 The Stage Model of Memory

Figure 7.10: Components of long-term memory

Explicit memory and implicit memory are two separate components of long-term memory.

Long-Term Memory
All relatively permanent,
lasting effects of
experience.
Explicit Memory
(also called declarative memory)
Potentially conscious,
recallable information
Implicit Memory
(also called procedural or nondeclarative memory)
Unconscious, non-semantic memory
of tasks and skills, like conditioned responses
(Example: Doing a triple somersault)
Semantic Memory
Stable, abstract knowledge
that underlies language;
principles, facts, strategies
(Example: Recalling the
names of the seven
continents of the world)
Episodic Memory
Personal, autobiographical
knowledge; memory of
events, or episodes
(Example: Remembering
amusement park activities)

Psychology in Action: Priming

Some students will remark that certain multiple-choice test items are “tricky,” while others
disagree about the same exams. One reason may be due to priming. Exams are written in such
a way that students are primed to incorrectly answer when the correct answer is unknown.
That is, incorrect choices consist of words and concepts to which you have been exposed,
even if you do not consciously recall doing so. If you guess at an incorrect answer because it
“sounds” correct, chances are that you were primed for it in some way. If you really know an
answer, priming will not matter, because you have conscious awareness of accuracy.

(continued)

250

Section 7.6 The Stage Model of Memory

Perceptual Attention
The way the environment is perceived through sensory memory provides excellent insight
into how aging affects memory. With age, senses diminish. Vision, hearing, smell, and taste
deteriorate. That means that the initial input of sensory memory, and therefore the percep-
tion of the outside world, is filtered differently. Consequently, there is less stimulation avail-
able to short-term memory and less ability to encode information into long-term memory.
Remember that in order for information to have a chance at being stored, it must first be
attended to, as in the earlier example of noticing various advertisements while searching the
Internet. This process of attention is an integral part of the entire storage process.

It has been suggested that there are three parts to attention (Parasuraman, 1998). First is
selective attention, or the ability to sort through features of environmental stimuli to dis-
cover those that are of interest. For example, after choosing to purchase a particular brand of
cell phone, the purchaser might suddenly seem to notice a disproportionate number of them
around. Although this skill appears to diminish with age, differences can be minimized with
practice or when the search is simple, like looking for running shoes in the midst of advertise-
ments for sporting goods (Kramer & Madden, 2008).

Second is vigilance, or the ability to stay on task without your mind wandering. The attention
that is given to a loudspeaker in a fast-food restaurant while listening for your order number
is an example of vigilant attention, as is watching a traffic light until it turns green. Overall,
research suggests that older adults have the same level of vigilance as younger adults as long
as memory requirements are small and their sensory ability to notice the signals is good.

Finally, attentional control is the ability to shift attention from one thing to another—from
watching children play to scrutinizing a tray of cookies that are nearly done baking. Older
adults perform about as well as younger adults on slower, simpler tasks that incorporate
attentional control, but when the assignment is complex or the shifts come more rapidly,
older adults do not perform nearly as well (Dulas & Duarte, 2014; Fisk, Rogers, Charness,
Czaja, & Sharit, 2009).

This idea also contributes to many students’ misperceptions of being a “poor test taker.”
Although some individuals have legitimate learning disabilities or perceptual issues that affect
performance, most people do not. It would be rare to consistently under-deliver on exams
if you truly know the material. Recognizing a number of terms on an exam is not the same
thing as integrating concepts. In the meantime, students who label themselves poor test tak-
ers actually may be priming themselves to underachieve! Conversely, establishing a more self-
affirming mindset (“I will do whatever it takes to learn this material”) is likely to increase
performance (Wakslak & Trope, 2009).

Psychology in Action: Priming (continued)

251

Section 7.7 Memory Across the Lifespan

7.7 Memory Across the Lifespan
In a classic demonstration of learning and memory, Rovee-Collier (1999) placed mobiles
over the cribs of 2-month-old infants, and then attached a ribbon that connected the mobile
to their feet. It took only a few minutes for most infants to learn that by vigorously kicking
they could make the mobile move, demonstrating a physical memory trace that had previ-
ously been thought to be restricted to older infants. Her research prompted researchers to
reconsider previous notions of infantile amnesia (also known as childhood amnesia), or
an adult’s absence of lasting memories from infancy and early childhood. It had been thought
that children could not remember in the same way that adults do until language acquisition
allowed them to encode and rehearse information (Nelson, 1990).

Even though infants and young children demonstrate implicit memories for prior experi-
ences, early memories begin to fade with age and become increasingly unreliable (e.g., Bauer
& Larkina, 2014; Peterson, 2013). One sequential study asked children aged 4 to 13 to recall
three of their “first memories.” At 2-year follow-ups, younger children were unable to recall
their previous first memories. Even after cues were given from the initial interview, the mem-
ories were still not recalled. First memories had essentially changed. It was not until the chil-
dren were 10 years old that they began to consistently recall the same “earliest” memories
(Peterson, Warren, & Short, 2011). So although we do have memories beginning at an early
age, it is not clear which memories become part of the permanent memory trace. In addi-
tion, adults do not always remember events from 2, 4, or 6 years ago either, if they are not
reviewed. Lack of memory durability during childhood may not be an age-related phenom-
enon at all, but instead may be a reflection of how a particular experience has been remem-
bered over time.

Episodic Memory
We understand the development of episodic memory a bit better. It grows rapidly in child-
hood and then declines slightly in middle adulthood and more profoundly in late adulthood
(Shing et al., 2010). Newer episodic memories, like remembering where we placed a package
or the musical program of a recent concert, tend to be compromised with age. The physical
deterioration of brain structures devoted to encoding is the likely cause of this change, but
it does not necessarily indicate any particular problem, like dementia. Further, it is not as
pronounced as many believe. When older people misplace keys, people often jokingly charac-
terize this as a “senior moment”; when it happens to younger people, they simply “misplace
their keys.” Regardless, early episodic memories remain relatively strong (Eakin, Hertzog, &
Harris, 2014; Ward, Berry, & Shanks, 2013). Even adults with moderate dementia are able to
describe the events surrounding the births of their children, their first home, and former jobs.

Section Review
Identify and explain the three stages of memory.

252

Section 7.7 Memory Across the Lifespan

Working Memory
Working memory is often hypothe-
sized to form the basis for overall tra-
jectory of cognitive efficiency (Gilsky,
2007). However, separating specific
memory processes from overall under-
standing of cognitive development is
complicated. Because working mem-
ory includes the ability to mentally
manipulate information, it is tied to
executive control. Further, since areas
in the frontal lobe that are associated
with executive functions do not mature
until early adulthood, it follows that
these memory processes follow a simi-
lar course that cannot be accounted
for solely by increased knowledge
(Cowan et al., 2015). There are paral-
lel increases in processing speed and
attentional resources as well.

There is evidence that although overall cognition remains strong during early adulthood and
most of middle adulthood, working memory begins to decline shortly after it peaks (Jones,
Stephens, Alam, Bikson, & Berryhill, 2015; Schaie, 2013). Declines in working memory are
likely to become noticeable when there is a failure to use effective strategies for storage, which
is only partly determined by experience; there is measureable volume loss in associated brain
regions. These measurable physiological changes, including in neural circuitry and specific
cortical regions of the brain, accelerate in middle to late adulthood (Macpherson et al., 2014;
Wang et al., 2011). However, neural plasticity also explains why memory remains strong
throughout middle adulthood, even in the face of physiological decline (Steffener, Brickman,
Rakitin, Gazes, & Stern, 2009). It is worth reiterating that overall cognition, as measured in
part by tasks of working memory, benefits from cognitive training, increased exercise, social-
ization, and adopting a Mediterranean, DASH, or MIND diet (discussed in Chapter 6). Taken
together, these findings indicate that we are inching closer to discovering ways to stabilize or
reverse working memory decline in our aging population.

Semantic Memory
Though we often associate aging with semantic memory loss, more often middle-aged adults
have cognitive advantages over those who are younger, probably because life experiences
assist in understanding concepts and encoding new information (Schaie, 2013). Among
adults without dementia, semantic memory seems to remain strong throughout the lifespan,
and newer information remains accessible. Older adults continue to gain semantic memory
(Eakin et al., 2014; Ronnlund, Nyberg, Backman, & Nilsson, 2005). On the other hand, from
time to time everyone has the experience of being unable to recall a word until it is jogged
loose by a cue. This is known as the “tip of the tongue” phenomenon. In general, the frus-
tration of not being able to recall the right words, a name, or a movie title becomes more

Wavebreak Media/Thinkstock

A declining working memory becomes noticeable
when strategies for memory storage become less
effective, but it is possible to stabilize or reverse this
decline.

253

Summary & Resources

noticeable beginning in middle adulthood. Although this can be momentarily frustrating,
there is no evidence that this phenomenon is associated with serious cognitive deficits (Fleis-
chman & Gabrieli, 1998; Shafto, Burke, Stamatakis, Tam, & Tyler, 2007).

Section Review
How does memory change across the lifespan?

Summary & Resources

Chapter Summary
Both Piaget and Vygotsky believed that children actively construct their understanding of
the world. Both theorists postulate that children build knowledge out of experience. Piaget
felt that children maintain an independent, natural pursuit of knowledge by acting on the
environment. By contrast, Vygotsky argued that development is largely the result of the
social construct, including language, social resources, and immediate culture. While Piaget
and Vygotsky were largely silent on how thought changes after childhood, others recognize
that adults are better able to consider multiple points of view, pragmatism, moral judgment,
and emotion. These developments replace some rules of logic and add more nuances to
thinking processes.

According to information-processing views, cognitive development occurs within a feedback
loop. We attend to information, and then it is processed in a way that it can be stored. Infor-
mation is then compared with other memories and processed for output. Therefore, rather
than the stage-like changes described by others, information processing is clearly concerned
with incremental changes in thinking ability. Advancements in memory for language and
numbers are examples of these small changes. Greater success in cognitive tasks, like formal
schooling, is reflected in the gradual sophistication of perception, memory, and process-
ing of stored information, overseen by an executive function. Neurocognitive evidence for
this perspective exists as we see physiological development that coincides with behavioral
changes. Another example of this juxtaposition of neurocognitive process and behavior
occurs within the study of language development, a topic we will explore next.

Summary of Key Concepts
Introduction to Piaget’s Cognitive Development Theory

• Piaget theorized that advancement in thinking is organized around increasingly
sophisticated cognitive structures called schemas.

• Children adapt to demands of the environment through the processes of assimilation
and accommodation.

• Children try to maintain a balance between assimilation and accommodation, a pro-
cess Piaget called cognitive equilibration.

254

Summary & Resources
Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development

• Because of the qualitative differences in thinking that Piaget consistently
observed across the same-aged children, he developed a stage theory of cognitive
development.

• Sensorimotor development is the first of four Piagetian stages of cognitive develop-
ment. Children rely on their senses and actions to learn about themselves and how
the world operates.

• A key aspect of the sensorimotor stage is the mastery of object permanence, when
infants begin to understand that objects continue to exist even if they cannot be seen.

• During the preoperational stage, thought is dominated by the growth of mental
representation, but children are limited by their dependence on appearance and a
sense of egocentrism. These limitations are reflected in children’s failure to grasp
the concept of conservation and immature classification skills.

• When children begin to decenter, marked by Piaget’s famous experiments with con-
servation, they have reached the stage of concrete operations.

• Piaget’s final stage, formal operations, begins during adolescence. This stage is char-
acterized by abstract thought, including the use of hypothetico-deductive reasoning.
David Elkind has proposed that formal operations give rise to the personal fable and
the imaginary audience, signifying adolescent egocentrism.

• Piaget’s theories have stood the test of thousands of experiments, but legitimate
criticisms remain. Probably the most common criticism of Piaget’s theory is that
development occurs in four consistent, discontinuous stages. It is also frequently
reported that cultural experiences affect the timing and length of stages, as well as
the order and rate at which some operations are attained

• Piaget’s theory is well regarded in the United States educational system. However,
contemporary educational requirements are often in opposition to Piaget’s concep-
tualization of development.

• Piaget’s focus on what children cannot do may have led him to underestimate
capabilities.

• Piaget also failed to account for changes that might occur in adult thinking.

Beyond Formal Thought

• Gisela Labouvie-Vief is often credited as a leading advocate of of postformal thought,
where it is theorized that adults become engaged in increasingly more complex
kinds of reflection.

• Compared to adolescents, adults are better able to consider multiple points of view,
pragmatism, moral judgment, and emotion in place of strict rules of logic.

• William Perry argued that adults tend to move from viewing the world in polarities
to less rigid thinking. According to him, this change is expressed as a change from
dualistic thinking to relativistic thinking.

• The reflective judgment model proposes that there are distinct stages of postfor-mal
cognitive development. According to this model, reasoning goes beyond logic and
progresses from prereflective thinking to quasireflective thinking and finally to
reflective thinking.

• Adult thinking is also characterized by a gradual integration of emotion and pragma-
tism in the place of strict rules of logic.

• K. Warner Schaie is most interested in understanding how adults’ use of information
changes. He identifies five stages of cognitive development.

255

Summary & Resources
Sociocultural Theory

• Vygotsky theorized that cognitive development is mediated by social interaction.
Children internalize the actions of their culture by participation. The context for
learning contributes to individual growth.

• The zone of proximal development focuses on the tasks a child cannot perform alone
but could with assistance. Therefore, it focuses on the potential of children rather
than on what they already know.

• Although not a term coined by Vygotsky, scaffolding has become closely linked with
his theory and teachings.

• Sociocultural theory fails to fully explain limitations in more advanced thinking
among young children.

• Vygotsky’s sociocultural approach to cognitive development has had a strong impact
on contemporary education, especially with regards to collaborative activities.

• Jean Piaget’s stage theory and Lev Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory represent two of
the three major theories of cognitive development. Though inconsistent at times,
they share a constructivist point of view.

Information Processing

• The information-processing model of memory explains that we sense environmental
stimuli and then construct memory in three stages: encoding of information, storage
of information, and retrieval of memories to conscious awareness.

• Executive function refers to increased sophistication that allows people to efficiently
manage their own thinking and behavior. Two primary aspects of executive function-
ing are metacognition and self-regulation.

The Three Stages of Memory

• The stage model of memory describes how we can connect three separate memory
processes to daily life: sensory memory, short-term memory, and long-term memory.

• Sensory memory acts as a filter; before the brain can remember something, it first
needs to perceive the stimulus. After you attend to a stimulus, it becomes part of
your short-term memory. Short-term memory is temporary and will rapidly decay
unless information is encoded into long-term memory.

• The conscious processing of short-term memory is most often conceptualized as
working memory. Working memory temporarily stores and manages information,
similar to RAM or flash memory in a computer.

• Unlike short-term memories, which become lost over time, long-term memories are
fairly permanent. Long-term memories can be further broken down into explicit and
implicit memories.

• Explicit memory (including both episodic and semantic memories) refers to infor-
mation that is consciously available. Implicit memory involves a lack of conscious
awareness, like priming and memories for physical skills.

Memory Across the Lifespan

• We know that memory traces begin during infancy, but we are unsure how and
when they become durable.

• While we may associate aging with memory loss, older adult students often have
cognitive advantages over younger students because of their life experiences.

256

Summary & Resources

• Healthy older adults continue to gain semantic memory, while early episodic memo-
ries remain robust.

• There is evidence that although overall cognition remains strong during early adult-
hood and most of middle adulthood, working memory begins to decline shortly after
it peaks. Biopsychological evidence indicates a strong physiological basis for the
development of working memory.

• It is normal to have more difficulty finding a particular word or name beginning with
middle adulthood.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions

1. In what way do the section review questions facilitate postformal thought as concep-
tualized by Perry and others?

2. If you were tutoring another student, how would you determine that person’s zone
of proximal development?

3. How does social constructivism influence how literacy is promoted in education?
4. Describe the processes of perceptual attention when listening to a song in a noisy

restaurant.
5. Describe the differences between sensory memory, short-term (and working)

memory, and long-term memory with regards to reading and understanding the
information in this chapter.

Additional Resources
Further Research

• Atkinson, R. C., & Shiffrin, R. M. (1968). Human memory: A proposed system and its
control processes. In K. W. Spence & J. T. Spence (Eds.), The psychology of learning
and motivation (Vol. 2, pp. 89–195). New York: Academic Press.

• Baddeley, A. D. (2007). Working memory, thought and action. New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press.

• Piaget, J. (2006). The origin of intelligence in the child. New York: Routledge. (Origi-
nally published 1953.)

• Piaget, J., & Inhelder, B. (1969). The child’s conception of space. New York: Norton.
• Rovee-Collier, C. (1999). The development of infant memory. Current Directions in

Psychological Science, 8, 80–85.
• Schaie, K. W. (1977-78). Toward a stage theory of adult cognitive development. Jour-

nal of Aging and Human Development, 8, 129–138.
• Vygotsky, L. (1978). Mind and society: The development of higher psychological pro-

cesses. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Key Terms
accommodation The modification of an
existing schema or the construction of a new
schema to fit changing awareness of reality.

achieving stage Part of K. Warner Schaie’s
work, a stage of cognitive development that
begins in the late teens or 20s and is con-
cerned with finding orientations toward
goals of independence.

257

Summary & Resources

acquisitive stage Part of K. Warner Schaie’s
work, the concept that the main cognitive
task before adulthood is the acquisition of
knowledge.

adaptation The process of adjusting to new
demands of the environment.

assimilation The interpretation of new
objects, events, or actions within an existing
schema.

attentional control The mental ability to
selectively shift attention from one thing to
another.

centration The cognitively limiting process
of centering attention on only one character-
istic of a situation.

childhood amnesia See infantile amnesia.

concrete operations The third of Piaget’s
four stages of cognitive development; char-
acterized by the advancement in the use of
logic.

conservation The understanding that a
change in appearance does not change the
properties of an object.

decenter The change from an egocentric
perspective to one that considers more than
one aspect of a problem.

deferred imitation The ability to imitate
behaviors observed at a previous time.

disequilibration When children experi-
ence relatively more accommodation than
assimilation; results in a natural motivation
for learning.

dualistic thinking According to William
Perry, the idea that younger thinkers view
the world in polarities with little middle
ground.

egocentrism Thinking based on one’s own
perspective, not another person’s.

episodic memories Long-term, explicit
memories attached to a specific time and
place, or episode of life, such as a wedding,
a dinner from two days ago, or last week’s
committee meeting.

equilibration The mechanism by which
children attempt to strike a balance between
assimilation and accommodation.

executive stage Part of K. Warner Schaie’s
work, a stage of cognitive development
when individuals become involved in com-
munity activities and care for the world
beyond themselves.

explicit memory Long-term memories that
are consciously available.

formal operations The last of Piaget’s four
stages of cognitive development; character-
ized by an advancement in thought that is
abstract and hypothetical.

hypothetico-deductive reasoning The
capacity to think about multiple factors lead-
ing to multiple outcomes.

imaginary audience Part of adolescent ego-
centrism, when adolescents believe they are
“on stage” or that others are paying atten-
tion to them more than they actually are.

implicit memory Long-term memories
that we do not purposely encode; we are not
consciously aware of them, but our actions
and preferences are often influenced by
them.

infantile amnesia An adult’s inability to
retrieve memories stored during infancy and
early childhood. Also known as childhood
amnesia.

258

Summary & Resources

long-term memory Stage of memory used
when short-term memories are encoded for
long-term storage rather than forgotten after
immediate use.

mental representation The construction
of internal depictions of objects and events.

metacognition The ability to plan, hypoth-
esize about possible outcomes, and make
reasonable, informed decisions regarding
cognitive-behavioral strategies.

more knowledgeable other (MKO)
Higher-skilled person employed to provide
assistance within a child’s zone of proximal
development.

object permanence Awareness first
achieved during the sensorimotor stage of
development that indicates knowledge that
objects continue to exist even when there is
no perception of them.

operations Logical thought including
reversibility and the ability to perform men-
tal manipulations.

organization The process whereby chil-
dren make sense out of mental information.

personal fable Refers to the belief of
some adolescents that they are uniquely
invulnerable.

postformal thought A school of thought
which theorizes that adults become engaged
in increasingly more complex kinds of
reflection.

preoperational stage The second of
Piaget’s four stages of cognitive develop-
ment; marked by an advancement in mental
representation and an absence of logic.

priming When we are implicitly pre-
disposed by unintentional or unplanned
memories.

procedural memory A part of long-term,
implicit memory often called “muscle mem-
ory.” Consists of sequential bodily actions
that we do not have to think about.

reflective judgment model Cognitive
model that proposes distinct stages of post-
formal thought.

reintegrative stage Part of K. Warner
Schaie’s work, the last stage of cognitive
development when older people tend to
focus on activities that have particular
interest.

relativistic thinking In contrast to dual-
istic thinking, reflective thinking is char-
acterized by fewer absolutes and multiple
perspectives.

responsible stage Part of K. Warner
Schaie’s work, the stage of cognitive devel-
opment when adults care for the needs of
their families.

reversibility The ability to mentally
reverse operations. A characteristic change
that marks the stage of concrete operations.

scaffolding Guided assistance, or social
support for learning.

schema Piaget’s term for the mental repre-
sentation of actions, events, or phenomena.
In the information-processing theory of
cognitive development, it refers to a mental
structure in long-term memory that aids in
organization and retrieval of information.

selective attention The ability to attend
to selected messages or other stimuli in the
environment while blocking out others not
of interest occurring at the same time.

semantic memory Long-term, explicit
memories encoded in words, including fac-
tual memory and information, such as social
customs, historical details, and people’s
names.

259

Summary & Resources

sensorimotor stage The first of Piaget’s
four stages of cognitive development;
marked by infants gaining cognitive under-
standing primarily through their senses and
movements.

sensory memory The initial stage of
memory that acts as a filter, perceiving some
stimuli and not others.

short-term memory A temporary “holding
area” where information waits for further
processing.

social constructivism An alternative con-
ceptualization of Vygotsky’s sociocultural
theory of cognition. It refers to the ways that
children construct knowledge based on soci-
ety and culture.

sociocultural theory of cognition
Vygotsky’s theory of cognitive development;
emphasizes the importance of social and
cultural context in learning.

stage model of memory The theory that
describes how we can connect daily life to
sensory memory, short-term memory, and
long-term memory.

stage theory of cognitive development
Piaget’s theory that views cognitive growth
as a qualitative change that occurs from
childhood through adolescence.

symbolic representation The mental capa-
bility to use symbols to represent objects.

transitive inference See transitivity.

transitivity The ability to compare two
objects based on the property of a third. Also
known as transitive inference.

vigilance The ability to stay on task with-
out your mind wandering.

working memory Another term for short-
term memory, emphasizing that this is where
the conscious processing of attention and
mental work takes place.

zone of proximal development (ZPD) The
range of knowledge and skills that a child
cannot perform alone but is capable of
accomplishing with the assistance of a
higher-skilled adult or peer.

PSY

130

Guidance Report

Week 3

Introduction: Cognitive Development from Middle Childhood throughout Early Adulthood

This week will focus on cognitive and language development and intelligence throughout the lifespan. Subject matter includes, but is not limited to, cognitive development; issues in education; and measurements for aptitude, intelligence, memory, and communication disorders.

Overview:

Activity

Due Date

Format

Total Points

Cognitive Maltreatment and Neural Development

Day 3
(1st Post)

Discussion Forum

Learning and Learning Disabilities

Day 7

Journal

Adolescent Cognitive Development

Day 7

Written Assignment

Required Resources

Required Text

Mossler, R. A., & Ziegler, M. (2016). Understanding development: A lifespan perspective. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc.

· Chapter 7: Cognitive Development

· Chapter 8: Language Development

· Chapter 9: Intelligence

Required

Reference

Perry, B. D. (2009).

Examining child maltreatment through a neurodevelopmental lens: Clinical applications of the neurosequential mode of therapeutics (Links to an external site.)

. Journal of Loss and Trauma, 14(4), 240-255. doi: 10.1080/15325020903004350 (PsychINFO: 2009-10040-002). Full text article available at http://childtrauma.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/TraumaLoss_BDP_Final_7_09

Recommended Resources

Recommended References

Center on the Developing Child at Harvard University. (2013, Oct 31).

InBrief: The science of neglect (Links to an external site.)

[Video file]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bF3j5UVCSCA

University of the Rockies. (2006).

Observational learning: The research of Albert Bandura (Links to an external site.)

. [Video file]. Intelecom Online Resources Network.

University of the Rockies. (2006).

Use of reinforcements and punishment in shaping a child’s behavior (Links to an external site.)

. [Video file]. Intelecom Online Resources Network.

Cognitive Maltreatment and Neural Development

Chapter 5 of the course textbook discusses the brain development of the child in early life as well as the impact of accidents and maltreatment. The required article by Perry (2009) illustrates and defends an approach to child maltreatment based on neurodevelopmental analysis that seeks to understand and treat abuse victims with reference to the areas of the brain affected.

Based on these readings, account for or respond to each of the following in your initial post:

· Analyze the findings of the Perry study, addressing the strengths and shortcomings of the neurodevelopmental approach. Are there limits to this sort of approach, and if so, what alternative approach might add something to a neurobiological analysis?

· Offer a real life experience, alternative study, or recent news report that in some way illustrates or casts light upon Perry’s findings.

In your responses to no fewer than two of your classmates, compare and contrast your respective responses to the Perry study and illustrative examples, offering constructive criticism of your respective arguments and conclusions. Additionally, identify any insights you have gained as a result of reading the responses of others. This assignment is worth 5 points of the total course grade.

Learning and Learning Disabilities

Chapters 7 and 9 of the course textbook discuss theories of learning and information processing as well as various methods of assessing intelligence and testing achievement.

Based on the required textbook readings and references, address or respond to each of the following:

· Briefly summarize the key components of the IDEA, NCLB, and ESSA legislation regarding learning disabilities, including the types of disabilities meant to be covered under these laws.

· Reflect on whether and/or how these laws are informed or supported by theories of cognitive development, learning, and intelligence discussed in the course textbook.

Add graphics, tables, diagrams or additional sources that help emphasize your points and enhance your personal learning experience.

This assignment is worth 4 points of the total course grade.

Adolescent Cognitive Development

Chapter 7 of the course textbook examines theories of cognitive development during adolescence and later adulthood. For this assignment, refer to the textbook and two peer-reviewed journal articles to compare and contrast the theories and models of two cognitive theorists with respect these stages of human development.

In your paper, account for or respond to the following:

· Briefly summarize the main elements of each theorist’s analysis of cognitive development during the transition from adolescence to early adulthood.

· Compare and contrast the two approaches to this critical and difficult stage of development, illustrating in what ways, and with respect to what issues, each approach provides insights and/or exhibits shortcomings.

· Compare and contrast cognitive development during adolescence versus early adulthood, evaluating whether and to what extent one or the other stage is more or less amenable to one of the two frameworks examined.

· Be sure to integrate terms and research associated with major cognitive theories into your analysis such as egocentrism, inductive reasoning, or fluid/crystalized intelligence.

Your paper should be 1200-1600 words in length and cite and integrate at least two peer-reviewed journal articles.

This assignment is worth 10 points of the total course grade.

Guidance Report

Chapter 7 will help you to “Compare and contrast the Piagetian processes of assimilation and accommodation. Describe Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development and identify major changes that occur at each stage. Discuss different approaches to postformal thought. Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of sociocultural theory. Summarize how cognitive development takes place according to information processing theory. Outline the stage model of memory. Describe how memory changes over the lifespan” (Mossler & Ziegler, 2016, para.1).

Reference

Mossler, R.A., & Ziegler, M. (2016). Understanding development: A lifespan perspective. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education.

Piaget’s Theory

Piaget’s theory. (n.d.). Retrieved from

http://psychologynoteshq.com (Links to an external site.)

Special Activity

Do you know the game “20 Questions” (

http://www.ehow.com/how_13517_play-20-questions .html (Links to an external site.)

)? Play with an adult and then a child who has clearly not reached formal operations. Ask both participants to find “something in a typical house.” In what ways are the child’s questions and the adult’s questions different?

Here are some additional resources to help with the complexities of this chapter:

“The Classics!”

http://cdn2.ahalife.com/assets/uncategorized-new/11089532-original
Baddeley, A. D. (2007). Working memory, thought and action. New York: Oxford University Press.
Piaget, J. (2006). The origin of intelligence in the child. New York: Routledge. (Originally published 1953.)
Piaget, J., & Inhelder, B. (1969). The child’s conception of space. New York: Norton.
Rovee-Collier, C. (1999). The development of infant memory. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 8, 80–85.
Schaie, K. W. (1977-78). Toward a stage theory of adult cognitive development. Journal of Aging and Human Development, 8, 129–138.
Vygotsky, L. (1978). Mind and society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Chapter 8 will help you to: “Evaluate evidence that supports learning theory, nativism, and the interactionist perspective of language development. Differentiate between expressive and receptive language. Describe the beginnings of oral communication and identify language milestones. Describe characteristics of disorders of communication. Discuss the changes in language that take place during middle childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Summarize how Piaget and Vygotsky view the relationship between speech and cognition. Support the usefulness of two types of reading instruction” (Mossler & Ziegler, 2016, para. 1 ).
Reference
Mossler, R.A., & Ziegler, M. (2016). Understanding development: A lifespan perspective. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education.
Skinner’s operant conditioning quadrants. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://biologyofbehavior.com (Links to an external site.)

Skinner:

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3f/B.F._Skinner_at_Harvard_circa_1950
Vygotsky’s Theory:

https://cmapspublic3.ihmc.us/rid=1GJXJ9SBB-18F65R2-Z07/Vygotsky%27s%20Theory.cmap?rid=1GJXJ9SBB-18F65R2-Z07&partName=htmljpeg (Links to an external site.)

Vygotsky:

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/7/7e/Lev_Vygotsky (Links to an external site.)
Additional Helpful Resources:
The Dyslexia Foundation, Information about dyslexia http://dyslexiafoundation.org/ (Links to an external site.)
National Aphasia Association, Information about different types of aphasia h (Links to an external site.)
ttp://www.aphasia.org/ (Links to an external site.)
National Center for Learning Disabilities, Information about learning and attention issues http://www.ncld.org/ (Links to an external site.)
Chomsky, N. (2000). The Chomskyan era. In N. Mukherji, B. N. Patnaik, & R. K. Agnihotri, The architecture of language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Retrieved from http://www.chomsky.info/books/architecture01.htm (Links to an external site.)

Guidance:
This week, among other important topics, we address the issue of adolescent cognitive development.  I would like to explore this with you, in this format, in terms of the implications of earlier cognitive development, the pace of modern early education and the emotional implications for young people.
As you recall from your readings and earlier psychology courses, children before about age 6 or 7 are in what Piaget called the preoperational stage of mental development.  One of many features of this age: they have not yet learned that things retain certain qualities despite external changes in appearance. Many of us know what it’s like to try to convince two preschoolers that the tall, skinny glass of chocolate milk and the short, round glass of chocolate milk contain the same amount – a useless, frustrating exercise for all involved! Children at this stage cannot reverse operations. Pour the milk back and forth like a mad scientist, from tall skinny glass to short round glass and back, and the typical preschooler will assure you that now there’s more…now there’s less…now there’s more… This is why, classically, addition was introduced in first grade, and subtraction in second grade! By second grade, most children are 7 and are able to reverse operations. Now, children meet subtraction in kindergarten. Most children can’t really understand (yes, a few can) so they memorize it as best they can. However, they are at risk of internalizing a dangerous self-belief: that the grownups think I ought to be able to do this stuff, but I don’t understand it, so I must be dumb/not good at math/etc. Fast forward to adolescence. Here is where abstract thinking – the ability to consider concepts, not just material facts – really develops. It starts for some early, but most children are not really there even at age 11 or 12. Yet, again, modern schools often insist on introducing pre-Algebra at as early as 4th grade, when most children are 9 or 10. I would point out that NASA put men on the moon with engineers who didn’t take Algebra until 9th grade, so it didn’t seem to hurt their accomplishments! However, we have 4th graders again valiantly memorizing (for the most part – again, some exceptions exist) and also internalizing the, “I’m dumb because the grownups clearly think I ought to be able to understand this,” but they cannot. After all, a 9-year-old is concrete! You say, “2x = y,” and they want to know what “x” is. You say, well, x could be anything (abstract thinking) and a 4th grader is going to be rightfully skeptical. How could it be anything? X has to be SOMETHING. They are caught up in the hands-on, concrete world…and learning not so much algebra as inadequacy. Fit that against Erikson’s school years’ psychological challenge of learning confidence and work ethic, versus developing a pervasive sense of inferiority, and a great many children are set up to feel “inferior” in some important ways.
Thus, by the time the child reaches adolescence, even with normal, healthy cognitive development, there can be deep self-doubt and anxiety about learning.  What might the ramifications of this be in terms of developing a firm sense of identity, career/education choices, ethical or political identity, and other important aspects of the psychosocial challenge of identity formation?

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