journal entry#4

 

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Sociological Social Psychology:

Emotional Labour

Katherine Watson, PhD

Sociology 230

Emotional Life

• Emotion is profoundly social
• Social object and a social force
• Shaped by cultures, social structures and power
• Emotional experience results from the meaning that individuals make of

social interactions.
• The role of expectations in social interaction.

Social Regulation of Emotions

• Emotion norms also shape the way we experience and express
emotion.
• Feeling Rules: social norms that tell us how we should and shouldn’t feel in

particular situations.
• Violation of feeling rules may be perceived as inappropriate and/or deviant. Many

people attempt to change their feelings to be consistent with social norms.
• Display Rules: social norms that tell us how we should express our emotion.

• Violation of display rules are considered inappropriate or deviant expressions of
emotions.

Emotion Management

• Arlie Hochschild, The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human
Feelings

• Emotion work: management of feelings to create appropriate displays
• Emotional labour: effort to bring about a feeling state (emotional

management) at work. “Selling your feelings”.

• Consider situation, frame and feeling
• Evocation
• Suppression

Emotion Management

• Surface Acting:
• pretending to have feelings and displaying emotions that are not actually felt. Deceiving

others but not ourselves.
• Deep Acting:

• Attempts to experience the emotions that are required to be displayed.

• Emotional Dissonance
• discrepancies between expressed and felt emotions which can lead to estrangement

from actual feelings.

Emotional Labour

• Workplace
• Emotions are a commodity and have exchange value

• Bhave and Glomb ( 2009) measured occupations in the U.S. that require
highest amount of emotional labour.
• degree of caring for others
• Interacting with customers
• Conflict
• Dealing with angry or unpleasant people

Emotional Labour

• Working with the public;
• and communicating with others outside the organization

• Top Jobs with High Levels of emotional labour
• Lawyers
• Correctional officers
• Registered Nurse
• Bill collectors
• Law enforcement
• Dispatchers
• Social Workers
• Public Transport

Emotional Labour

• Therapists
• Receptionists
• Retail Sales
• Managers (PR)
• Wait staff
• Education (Teachers; Principals)
• Counselors
• Tourism

• Impact on workers not always recognized
• Can be both positive and negative

Emotional Labour

• Characteristic emotions are associated with social role identities.
These are normative states that individuals try to attain.

• For example: Nurses should be compassionate; Teachers should be
caring; flight attendants should be happy

Emotional Labour

• Status Shields: norms and expectations that protect higher status
individuals from negative emotions.
• Protection from others (such as patients or clients)
• Also a shelter from the demands of engaging in emotional labour.

• For example Attorneys and physicians (high status) vs. nurses and
administrative assistants or paralegals (lower status).

• Disadvantaged groups do most of the emotional labour in lower status jobs
• These jobs are often held by women and visible minorities.

Racialized and Classed Contexts: Shifting Audiences and
Changes in Emotional Labor Among Restaurant Servers.
B. Billingsley

• where customer satisfaction is of paramount importance, service
sector employees are likely to experience minimal control in how
much emotional labor is required for their job
• “Communities of coping” are particularly important to restaurant

servers in high-stress environments because they help to prevent
burnout and build solidarity. Servers value and also benefit
emotionally from the strong ties they have with one another.
• mutually reinforcing consequences of emotional labor: building a

sense of community among servers and reproducing racialized and
classed perceptions about customers.

Racialized and Classed Contexts

• concepts of “frontstage” and “backstage” spaces (Goffman), and argue that
workers’ emotional labor with customers occurs in the frontstage whereas
the consequences of dealing with emotional labor are likely to take place in
the back-stage
• how well servers manage their emotional labor and presentation of self

directly impacts how much money they make.
• Tipping.
• Because of the need for venting, joking, and bantering to process stress

from emotional labor, backstage spaces become a host for communities of
coping.
• Two-faced racism: non-disclosed racialized perceptions in frontstage

spaces, that are instead expressed openly in back- stage spaces

Conclusion

• Emotional labour micro-macro levels of analysis
• Social roles
• Power and status

Racialized and Classed Contexts: Shifting Audiences and
Changes in Emotional Labor Among Restaurant Servers

Brianna L. Billingsley, Southwestern University

This ethnographic study examines the importance of context in the emotional labor
of restaurant servers. While the emotional labor of workers in the service industry has
been studied extensively, little attention has been paid to the differing audiences and
demands of restaurant servers in the front- and backstages and the ways these spaces
and performances are racialized and classed. Relying on organizational materials, face-
to-face interviews, and participant observation conducted from September through
December 2013, this article addresses this gap. Findings indicate that the emotional
labor that servers engage in the frontstage is processed in backstage spaces where ser-
vers interact out of earshot of customers. In this space, servers mitigate the stress associ-
ated with the emotional labor demands from the frontstage by relying on racialized and
classed discourse about their customers, processes that may, in turn, contribute to the
reproduction of social hierarchies.

Introduction

I stand at the bar of The Copper Brewhaus on a busy Sunday evening placing drinks on a
tray. Two cocktail waitresses, Carina (Latina) and Rachel (white), stand beside me waiting
for their drinks to be made. . . Clearly frustrated, Carina sighs and then explains, ‘I had a
party leave me $4 on a fucking $75 tab last night! I was so pissed.’ Without hesitation,
Rachel asks, ‘Were they black?’ Carina responds, ‘No, they were some ghetto-ass rednecks.’
They both laugh, grab their drinks, and head to their respective tables.

Ethnographic field notes, September 1, 2013

The phrases “service with a smile” and “the customer is always right”
have become fixed parts of American popular culture and underscore expecta-
tions between customers and employees in a variety of business settings, partic-
ularly in the restaurant industry. These types of display rules regarding the
emotional labor of restaurant servers are well known (Chu 2002; Cohen 2010;
Hochschild 1983; Kim 2008); yet, as the interaction between Carina and
Rachel indicates, servers also engage in racialized and classed, behind-the-
scenes banter about customers that runs counter to frontstage expectations. This
type of “two-faced racism” (Picca and Feagin 2007) and classism has not been
studied as a possible component of restaurant workers’ emotional labor or
through the use of ethnographic research.

Sociological Inquiry, Vol. 86, No. 4, November 2016, 641–657
© 2016 Alpha Kappa Delta: The International Sociology Honor Society
DOI: 10.1111/soin.12135

While existing scholarship has examined the consequences of emotional
labor on workers and their responses to such demands (Abraham 1998; Bailey
and McCollough 2000; Duke et al. 2009; Evans 2013; Kim 2008; Korczynski
2003; Leidner 1999; Warhurst 1996), little scholarly attention has been paid to
the ways these performances appear to rely on and reinforce social hierarchies
while helping to strengthen co-worker bonds. In this article, I systematically
examine two oftentimes mutually reinforcing consequences of emotional labor:
building a sense of community among servers and reproducing racialized and
classed perceptions about customers. It is important for sociologists to study
the consequences of emotional labor in highly stressful work environments
because they have implications for the interactional perpetuation of inequalities
both in the work setting and beyond.

Literature Review

This article relies on the existing body of literature on emotional labor in
the workplace (Duke et al. 2009; Hochschild 1983; Leidner 1999), specifically
how workers who are required to engage in emotional labor as a central part of
their job manage the accompanying strain (Abraham 1998; Bailey and McCol-
lough 2000; Evans 2013; Kim 2008; Korczynski 2003; Warhurst 1996). It fur-
ther relies on the previous work done on “two-faced racism” (Picca and Feagin
2007) and the acceptance of racialized and classed stereotypes among restaurant
servers (Barkan and Israeli 2004; Brewster 2012; Brewster and Rusche 2014;
Dirks and Rice 2004; Mallinson and Brewster 2005).1 Because there are differ-
ent spaces within the same work environment, researchers rely on Erving Goff-
man’s (1959) concepts of “frontstage” and “backstage” spaces, and argue that
workers’ emotional labor with customers occurs in the frontstage (Chu 2002;
Evans 2013; Hochschild 1983; Leidner 1999; Wharton 2009), whereas the con-
sequences of dealing with emotional labor are likely to take place in the back-
stage (Korczynski 2003; Wharton 2009).

The Production and Processing of Emotional Labor

Arlie Hochschild first coined the term “emotional labor” in 1983 to
describe how flight attendants and bill collectors are required to “induce or sup-
press feelings in order to sustain the outward countenance that produces the
proper state of mind in others” (7). Irrespective of context and the emotional
display rules required, work-related emotional labor oftentimes has stressful
consequences for workers (Chu 2002; Cohen 2010; Evans 2013; Hochschild
1983; Kim 2008). In an organizational context where customer satisfaction is
of paramount importance, service sector employees are likely to experience
minimal control in how much emotional labor is required for their job (Duke
et al. 2009; Leidner 1999; Paules 1991). Both high “perceived organizational

642 BRIANNA L. BILLINGSLEY

support,” or how much an organization cares for and values its employees
(Duke et al. 2009), and social support systems among employees help to miti-
gate the stress caused by emotional labor among service employees (Abraham
1998; Bailey and McCollough 2000; Korczynski 2003; Warhurst 1996).

Social support among workers creates “communities of coping” (Korczyn-
ski 2003, p. 58), where employees take part in venting (Bailey and McCol-
lough 2000), joking, and bantering to cope with the pressure associated with
emotional labor (Abraham 1998; Warhurst 1996). In industries where employ-
ees are economically dependent on customer tips, the content of employee
venting often centers on inadequate tipping (Paules 1991). However, one area
that has received far less sociological attention is how members of these “com-
munities of coping” may, at times, use racialized and classed stereotypes and
comments to process the emotional labor related to their work.

Trends in Racialized Discourse and Behavior Among Restaurant Servers

Previous research has found that some servers harbor perceptions about
customer behavior, such as tipping, that are explicitly racialized and classed
(Brewster 2012; Brewster and Rusche 2014; Dirks and Rice 2004; Mallinson
and Brewster 2005). Most troublesome is that servers may allow these biases
to affect how they manage their presentation of self (Barkan and Israeli 2004;
Brewster 2012; Brewster and Rusche 2014; Dirks and Rice 2004; Mallinson
and Brewster 2005). That is, when servers immediately size up customers to
determine whether they will likely tip well, various types of biases may influ-
ence how servers actually treat customers (Barkan and Israeli 2004; Brewster
2012; Brewster and Rusche 2014; Dirks and Rice 2004; Mallinson and Brew-
ster 2005). In a self-perpetuating cycle, customers who are perceived as good
tippers (white, wealthy individuals) are generally viewed as better tippers; this
perception frequently leads to better service and then higher tips (Barkan and
Israeli 2004; Dirks and Rice 2004). I examine when and why servers articulate
stereotypes about customers and how co-workers respond.

Field research on the specific language used to process stress from emo-
tional labor in groups is conspicuously lacking, a dearth that is especially note-
worthy given the established body of research on emotional labor (Duke et al.
2009; Evans 2013; Korczynski 2003), and, more specifically, the racialized and
classed attitudes of servers (Barkan and Israeli 2004; Brewster 2012; Brewster
and Rusche 2014; Mallinson and Brewster 2005). Furthermore, Hochschild’s
(1983) definition does not completely capture the unique working conditions of
restaurant servers: Unlike most others in the service industry, the incomes of
servers are almost exclusively determined by their customers. Thus, how well
servers manage their emotional labor and presentation of self directly impacts
how much money they make.

RACIALIZED AND CLASSED CONTEXTS 643

Because of the need for venting, joking, and bantering to process stress
from emotional labor, backstage spaces become a host for communities of cop-
ing. Interestingly, researchers argue that because racialized stereotypes have
become less socially acceptable, they have become less visible in frontage
spaces (Myers and Williamson 2001). Instead, they are expressed in backstage
spaces (Myers and Williamson 2001; Picca and Feagin 2007). This form of
non-disclosed racialized perceptions in frontage spaces, where they may be
challenged or deemed unacceptable, that are instead expressed openly in back-
stage spaces with other white people, is referenced as “two-faced racism”
(Picca and Feagin 2007). Restaurants are unique in that while all servers may
not be white, servers still have an empathetic audience of fellow servers in
backstage spaces. This audience can create a space for servers to express biases
about customers that they would not be made in the frontstage. No study has
examined how the use of racialized and classed stereotypes may be a coping
strategy utilized by servers to process the required demands of emotional labor
or has used qualitative data to do so. This article addresses this gap by using
multiple qualitative methodologies to explore restaurant servers’ frontstage
emotional labor, their front and backstage coping strategies, and the positive
and negative consequences of these strategies for servers and customers.

Methodology

This qualitative study employs two major methodologies, participant
observation and in-depth interviews. An examination of organizational materi-
als, such as the restaurant’s official Web site and the official investor’s manual,
showcases that the restaurant projects itself as a fun atmosphere with many
options for drink and entr�ee selections, is profitable, and is growing as a
company. From September to December 2013, I held the dual role of server
and participant observer and was able to conduct 58 hours of ethnographic field
work. I was able to observe all employees (approximately 100 combined
servers, managers, server assistants, hostesses, and kitchen crew members),
but I focus my observations and analysis on the interactions among the 47
servers.

The majority of my observations occur in the backstage. While the back-
stage is usually a physical space, such as beverage stations, the break area, the
dish-washing area, in the kitchen, at the bar, and at the computer stations where
monetary transactions and orders are processed, it is also any area where ser-
vers cannot be heard by customers. Before beginning data collection, I told all
members of the staff that I would be conducting research, a fact that I
reminded them of regularly during the course of my fieldwork. No staff mem-
bers opted out of the research process, and there were no noticeable changes in
their interactions with me during the course of my observations.

644 BRIANNA L. BILLINGSLEY

I rely on an inductive approach. During shifts, I wrote notes on an order
pad in my server book. I then typed these notes as soon as possible after shifts.
Entries averaged five pages, single spaced, per shift. I read through my notes
numerous times to see what themes emerged and then created categories and
placed all relevant data into these themes. Afterward, I contextualized my find-
ings in the existing scholarship.

In addition to my fieldwork, I conducted six face-to-face interviews with
servers in local coffee shops and restaurants about their work-related experi-
ences. Rather than turning toward models designed for statistical descriptive
research with large surveyed samples, this study found value in a small sample
of servers who gave insight and context to the ethnographic field notes (Small
2009). These interviews were semi-structured, used an interview schedule, were
digitally recorded, and were then transcribed by the author. The interview
schedule consisted of 45 questions, such as “What is the worst and what is the
best part of working in the restaurant industry?” All servers were invited to
participate in interviews through the restaurant’s online message board, through
personal interactions at work, by phone, or via personal e-mail. Interviews had
an average length of 1 hour.

Respondents’ ages range from 21 to 38, averaging 30 years. No noticeable
difference by age is apparent in the responses given. Interviewees have an aver-
age of 10 years of experience in the restaurant industry. Respondents include
three men and three women; of the men one identifies as Latino, one as white,
and one as biracial. Of the women, all three identify as white. Four out of six
interviewees have been at this particular location of The Copper

Brewhaus

since it opened 17 months prior, and one interviewee has worked with the
company for 10 years, but had recently transferred to this location. Intervie-
wees’ experience and depth of knowledge of the company provides invaluable
insight into the social work culture and trends I observe (Table 1).

While a more diverse interview sample would have been beneficial, I
observe more diversity in perspectives in the field. However, the racial demo-
graphic of the wait staff at the research site, which is 70 percent white, is not
representative of the surrounding community and the restaurant’s clientele.
Approximately 54 percent of the surrounding community identifies as white, 29
percent as Latino, 9.8 percent as black, 5.2 percent as Asian, and 2 percent as
another racial category (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2009–2013). The median
household income for the city is $69,533, and 8.6 percent of the population is
living below poverty level (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2009–2013). The med-
ian annual salary for restaurant servers in Texas is $19,770 (Bureau of Labor
Statistics 2013).

My positionality as a white woman and an experienced server with a
working-class background are worth noting. At the onset of the study, I had

RACIALIZED AND CLASSED CONTEXTS 645

more than 6 years of experience in the restaurant industry and was able to
build rapport with employees easily because of this insider status. Also, given
that 70 percent of the wait staff are white and 72 percent are women, my posi-
tion as a white woman facilitated interactions during data collection. Specifi-
cally, I was allowed access to certain information and opinions from women
and white servers that I do not feel would have been expressed in front of me
had I been of a different gender, class, or racial background (Picca and Feagin
2007).

Contextualizing the Production of Emotional Labor at the Copper
Brewhaus

The Copper Brewhaus is a high-stress, demanding work environment that
emphasizes the importance of hierarchy and bureaucratic procedures. It was
founded in the 1970s. By 2010, this large restaurant chain’s fiscal net income
was over $25 million. There are over 120 established locations across the Uni-
ted States. There is a high degree of standardization; everything from scooping
butter to greeting customers has a script that servers must follow. The restau-
rant monitors the emotional labor of its servers with a required step-by-step
script that must be completed at each of their tables. This script includes
phrases that are said verbatim by servers and begins with them greeting the
table by finding a focal point of conversation. All six interviewees express frus-
tration with their delivery of the script because of its inauthenticity.

Table 1
Interviewee Demographics

Respondent Gender
Race/

Ethnicity Age

Years in the
restaurant
industry

Length of time
with The Copper

Brewhaus

Carlos Man Latino 36 19 years 10 years with The
Copper Brewhaus
(5 months at this
location)

Monica Woman White 35 19 years 1 year 5 months
Walter Man Biracial 38 1 year 5 months 1 year 5 months
Kelly Woman White 23 8 years 7 months
Sal Man White 24 8 years 1 year 5 months
Cassy Woman White 21 5 years 1 year 5 months

646 BRIANNA L. BILLINGSLEY

The script standardizes the production of the “human connection” The
Copper Brewhaus wants servers to make at each table to increase the likelihood
of a return visit from each customer (Hochschild 1983; Paules 1991). To
ensure the script is being implemented, management uses secret shoppers who
have a hidden checklist of the step-by-step script with them at the table.
Because servers never know whether they are actually waiting on a “secret
shopper,” there is an element of added stress in waiting tables at this particular
establishment and others that use similar techniques. Unknowing servers are
scored, and the grade is then passed on to management, who pins the score
report to the bulletin board in the kitchen for all employees to read, indicating
that deep acting is a regulated work expectation at The Copper Brewhaus
(Hochschild 1983).2

Management at The Copper Brewhaus strictly monitors servers’ presenta-
tions of self by requiring servers to consistently reproduce a script written by
its corporate offices and directed by its regional-level management. When man-
agement lacks confidence in their employees’ abilities to produce emotional
labor effectively, they incorporate procedures to ensure they consistently exert
positive attitudes (Duke et al. 2009; Leidner 1999; Paules 1991). At the begin-
ning of one shift, Rick (white), the General Manager, tells the servers, “I want
you to be personally offended when you see your tables dirty. I want you to
say ‘my heart hurts’” (Field notes 10/6/13). Additionally, twice during inter-
views and once in the field, three different servers use the word “robots” to
express how they feel management expects them to perform (Field notes 9/14/
13, Interviews Monica 9/30/13 and Kelly 10/15/13), causing one server to
break down crying as she explains that management had not allowed her to
take a break in between working two consecutive six-hour shifts (Field notes 9/
14/13).

Although high levels of “perceived organizational support” can reduce the
stressful effects of emotional labor (Duke et al. 2009), this type of support is
almost non-existent at The Copper Brewhaus. There are 21 cases in field notes
of employees feeling undervalued or expressing that the restaurant has a blatant
disregard for their well-being during work, which usually involves not being
permitted a break, food, or a voice by management or corporate executives. In
one instance, Drew (white), a manager, calls another female server “a fucking
bitch” in front of me when she is not nearby because she repeatedly forgets her
tipping books on her tables (Field notes 10/6/2013). This lack of organizational
support is noted by all interviewees. Walter, a biracial server, describes his
interactions with management:

You know, they’re very hard on us. . .I remember one of them was kind of just yelling, like
putting his hands up in the air, and I said, ‘Treat me like I’m here. I just work hard. Just

RACIALIZED AND CLASSED CONTEXTS 647

don’t get on me like that’. . . [The manager] needs to stop yelling and start respecting the
employees. (Interview 10/13/2013)

Walter’s, and my own, experiences with management highlight the clear
power dynamic that exists between servers and their managers, who have the
power to yell at servers in the backstage and belittle or reprimand them in front
of others, all of which may make servers feel extremely uncomfortable and
unsupported. I now turn to an analysis of the patterns of processing emotional
labor in the backstage and of how there are coexisting negative and positive
consequences from this processing.

Findings

Backstage: Processing High Levels of Stress from Emotional Labor

The intensive emotional labor required to be successful in the frontstage
fosters a need for spaces where employees can together process taxing experi-
ences in the workplace. Although primarily in the food and drink prep areas,
the backstage is an interactional space where employees can converse out of
earshot of customers and management. Unlike in the frontstage, servers in the
backstage rely on social ties and communal forms of resistance, such as vent-
ing, joking, and bantering with other employees to express frustration with cus-
tomers who are perceived to be insensitive, bad tippers, excessively
demanding, or who may lie to management in order to obtain a reduced or free
bill total at the server’s expense. By venting backstage, “communities of cop-
ing” are fostered (Korczynski 2003).

During observations, I note 57 instances of server solidarity, that is,
instances where servers joke or vent with each other or console, help, and
defended one another during moments of processing emotional labor. Here is
one such interaction:

It is a busy Saturday shift as I stand at a point of sales computer sending in an order.

Clara (white) briskly walks up to the computer next to me and begins flipping through her
server pad while furiously tapping at the touch-screen computer. She looks flustered. She had
just been sat with three tables at once while her other two tables are waiting to pay. All of
the sudden, a customer (white, male) walks up to us and says in a condescending voice,
‘Clara, we are going to have to bail.’ Clara takes a deep breath and looks at him. He contin-
ues, seeming more agitated, ‘We will just guestimate the price and leave cash on the table.’
He smiles smugly and walks away. Clara says unbelievingly, ‘Can you believe that guy?’ I
respond, taken aback that he used her name and spoke to her in that tone, ‘What a jerk.’
Later, she and I recount the story in the server ally. Servers defend her and console her by
sharing similar stories. Jokes are made about her being too slow of a server, but they are said
in good humor. (Field notes 9/7/2013)

648 BRIANNA L. BILLINGSLEY

In accordance with the emotional display rules of the frontstage, Clara’s
interactions with the customer are respectful, calm, and professional. However,
as soon as she is out of earshot she vents her frustrations to her co-workers in
the backstage. Expressing such disdain, especially after an interaction that is
perceived as particularly disrespectful, occurs regularly during shifts.

Being able to commiserate with co-workers serves an important function:
It enables employees to acknowledge the grueling emotional demands of often-
times having to deal with rude and demanding customers. By doing so collec-
tively, servers are able to form “communities of coping,” or bonds of
understanding with each other (Korczynski 2003). Five out of six interviewees
describe this connection between co-workers as a vital part of their daily work-
day. Sal, a white server, explains the following:

I love my team. I love my co-workers. I always have a smile on my face at work. . . They’re
great people. . . With my guests I am completely different. With my guests I am very by the
book, to the point, my [script is] hit every time and that’s it. I’m here for one thing. If I can
create a connection in the first few minutes, first greet, I will go off of that, but it’s not
always gonna happen. . . Because [my co-workers] have no problems airing out to me so I
feel it’s perfectly fine with me to air out to them.

Interviewer: How important is that ‘airing out’ process?

Extremely. Extremely. There are lots of frustrations that are caused in the serving restaurant–
tables, managers, customers. But being able to release is good. Keeping it bottled up–you will
blow up. It’s good to have someone. (Interview 10/15/13)

The difference between the warmth Sal says he feels toward his co-work-
ers with the utilitarian “going by the book” description of his interactions with
customers is revealing.3 This form of surface acting in front of guests appears
to be a common aspect of Sal’s workday. However, such acting is also associ-
ated with stress and burnout (Cohen 2010; Kim 2008; Wharton 2009). The
camaraderie that some servers have with their co-workers can be viewed as a
positive response to the surface acting and “frustrations” they can experience
when waiting tables.

The level of condescension that some customers show servers cannot be
overstated, and it takes a heavy toll on workers. Particularly in such situations,
the understanding and support expressed by co-workers in the backstage are
crucial. Lacy’s experiences illustrate these points:

Lacy (white) stands next to Jasmine (Latina) and I at a point of sales station. She says,
‘Everything at my tables is sucking ass. . . My table was pissed because someone sold my
ticket off the screen, but didn’t run it [out of the kitchen] so their food sat there for like ten
extra minutes and I got like quadruple sat, so I didn’t have time to figure it out. . . you know?

RACIALIZED AND CLASSED CONTEXTS 649

I just thought the kitchen was taking forever. Low and behold my food is dying in the
window. . . They didn’t seem that mad at first, but they left me this really pissy note.’ Lacy
shows Jasmine and I the debit card slip she has in her hand. It reads, ‘Next time something
goes wrong in the kitchen you need to let the customer know immediately!’ Jasmine says,
‘That is so fucking condescending. I would be so pissed. I can’t stand it when people get so
mad but they have no idea what is going on behind the scenes.’ Lacy looks angrily up at the
ceiling. She says, ‘I am pissed. The thing is, is that I didn’t even know what was wrong to
tell them. You know? I’d like to see [a customer] handle a seven table section and not make
one mistake.’ (Field notes 10/6/2013)

Although servers’ interactions with customers are as scripted as possible,
the behavior of each customer is unpredictable, and there are few negative
ramifications if customers choose to be condescending or inconsiderate. The
same is not true for servers. Regardless of how rude a customer is, or how
little control they have over an issue their customer may have with their din-
ing experience, servers must maintain a professional demeanor to meet man-
agerial expectations and not compromise a potential tip. The server is left
few options except to communicate their frustration with co-workers who
have likely experienced similar interactions with customers. However, some-
times the strategies that workers use to deal with the required emotional labor
of interacting with patronizing customers rely on and reproduce racial and
classed biases.

How Negative and Positive Consequences of Emotional Labor Coexist in the
Backstage

In the opening quote of this article, recall that Carina vents to Rachel
about how frustrating it is to receive a poor tip. Their conversation includes
stereotypes that are perhaps intended to be humorous, but are harmful nonethe-
less. My field notes are replete with examples of racialized and classed com-
ments made by servers to their co-workers as they vent about customers. Of
the 32 instances when servers made negative comments about their customers,
slightly less than half, 14, include the use of one or more explicit classed or
racialized stereotypes or pejorative terms. These backstage comments, which
are a central part of their venting practices and which also help to solidify
bonds among co-workers, are a form of “two-faced racism” (Picca and Feagin
2007). For a variety of reasons, these types of comments would never be
uttered in the frontstage to customers yet they are a common strategy that ser-
vers use to vent together in the backstage.

Servers’ racialized comments most often target black patrons, who are then
followed by Asian and Middle Eastern customers, who servers often mistakenly
refer to as “Indian,” and then Latino customers. White customers receive the
fewest racialized comments. Racialized and classed remarks range from venting

650 BRIANNA L. BILLINGSLEY

about clients who order beer and dessert after closing because they are Latino
when a server wants to go home (Field notes 9/14/13) to quips about patrons
ordering too many lemonade refills because they are black when a server is
very busy (Field notes 8/30/13). In both field notes and interviews, it is also
assumed that black customers are consistently bad tippers. Even though stated
in light-hearted and seemingly positive ways, servers express surprise when
their stereotypes are disproven. For instance,

Rachel (white) says to three other female servers and I, ‘Well I’m happy–I just got a $30
tip. . .This couple sat down in cocktail and ran up a $70 tab. I was like, great–they will proba-
bly tip me like 12 percent because they were really ghetto and black–you know what I
mean?’ Without verbal responses, two servers smile, I say nothing, and one rolls her eyes in
understanding. She continues, ‘Well, they handed me a hundred dollar bill and were like
‘keep the change.’ I was like ‘hell yeah, I’ll keep the change.’ (Field notes 9/8/13)

Rachel relies on her social ties with co-workers as well as assumed shared
experiences with and perceptions of black customers to discuss her positive
experience with these black customers (Korczynski 2003). Worth noting is that
her comments are not free from racialized assumptions; she uses the “black and
ghetto” trope to describe the customers, a stereotype that evokes sympathetic
responses from her co-workers.

Racial biases toward black customers are also expressed by other servers
in more explicitly negative ways. For example, the following field note excerpt
reveals the following:

In the server ally, Larry (white) says in a troubled tone as he agitatedly punches an order into
the computer, ‘Everything is going wrong.’ I scoop ice while Roxanna (biracial) makes
drinks. She says, ‘Like what?’ He responds, ‘Oh just all my orders and stuff–I had a kid’s
pizza come out half burnt–it was as black as my table.’ Roxanna laughs out loud. I continue
scooping ice. Roxanna grumbles, ‘Yesterday I had all but two black tables.’ Larry rolls his
eyes and they exit. (Field notes 9/8/13)

When food orders are not running smoothly, servers must effectively
address the problem, which can be emotionally stressful, especially when the
situation is out of their immediate control. While venting about the issue with
his order, he makes a racist comment about his table which his co-worker
acknowledges by venting about the number of black tables she waited on the
day before. In this backstage space, servers’ regularly articulate racialized
biases to the extent that they become a normal currency for social interactions
(Picca and Feagin 2007) and an accepted part of the work culture. Notably,
these comments are made when servers are building communities of coping
with one another as a way to process work-related emotional labor.

In another instance in the field, I wait on a table of approximately 40
black customers. Without invitation, several servers seek me out to console me:

RACIALIZED AND CLASSED CONTEXTS 651

A forty-top of black customers are sat to celebrate an older gentleman’s birthday. Jasmine
(Latina) and I are taking care of them. Roxanna (biracial) stands next to me as I put the
table’s drink orders into the computer. She says in a genuinely empathetic voice, ‘I am sooo
sorry girl.’ I say, ‘What?’ even though I know she was referencing that I am waiting on the
40-top of black patrons. She asks, ‘You got that big top right?’ I nod. She says matter-of-
factly, ‘You aren’t going to get shit (referencing tips).’ I focus on the computer screen.

(Field notes 8/28/13)

In backstage conversations between servers, it is assumed that all workers
will share the same biases of black customers. However, this is not always the
case. My personal disagreement with Roxanna’s assumptions sheds light on the
silent, less observable experiences some servers may have when co-workers’
venting and bantering relies on and even reinforce systematic racialized and
classed stereotypes. However, it is worth noting that in my 58 hours of obser-
vation, I do not observe one instance where a co-worker challenges the stereo-
typical assumptions articulated by another. In interviews, servers reiterated
racialized and classed stereotypes as opposed to challenging them.

Interviews disclose that servers also use class stereotypes and identify
lower-class customers as particularly problematic. Four out of six interviewees
describe people they perceive as lower-class patrons as acting more demanding
during interactions than their middle- to upper-class counterparts, reflecting
stereotypes heard in the field. When talking about his frustrations with cus-
tomers who do not tip well, Sal, a white server, reveals,

The lower-class. They send you more. . .They will request things and not think about it more
often. Anything. Anything extra. They always want extra things for free. That goes back to
black tables too. I guess every class has their own people that do these things. . .There are
black people who you could have the perfect table and it just seems like every other table,
but there is also those two dollar tips you are going to get and you’re running your ass off
for nothing for these black people. (Interview 10/15/13)

Sal’s explanations help to highlight how classed and racial stereotypes can
become conflated. Server biases about customers also include opinions about
who is more or less desirable to wait on (Brewster 2012; Brewster and Rusche
2014; Dirks and Rice 2004; Mallinson and Brewster 2005). Sal feels as though
the amount of work and emotional labor he puts in when waiting on black
patrons is not reflected in the tip he receives. Sal’s strong biases against lower-
class customers and customers of color, coupled with his previous comments
about the importance of venting with his co-workers, are apparent when he is
at work too. During two separate conversations about black customers, Sal
vents his biases in a backstage setting while processing emotional labor from
the frontstage (Field notes 8/28/13). These comments may serve the positive
function of relieving stress from emotional labor, but they continue to perpetu-
ate racialized and classed stereotypes.

652 BRIANNA L. BILLINGSLEY

Interestingly, all six interviewees note that white patrons can be
demanding or unfair tippers. These types of white customers, as well as fair
tipping black and lower-class customers, are oftentimes seen as an exception.
Once a stereotype becomes an accepted part of reality by a person, s/he may
tend to excuse those who do not fit that stereotype as an exception or use them
as affirmations to the existing stereotype by making a comparison (Goodwin
et al. 2000; Peffley, Hurwitz, and Sniderman 1997). In an interview, Kelly, a
white server, states,

Alright. I’m going to say it. Black people don’t know how to tip. They will run you most of
the time and they will, they will verbally tip you. They’ll compliment you. . . And then they’ll
leave nothing. But I don’t know, last night I had a black table tip me twenty on a fifty dollar
ticket. And I mean it really shocked me. I say don’t judge a book by its cover, but I’m just
as guilty of doing it as any other server. (Interview 10/15/13)

This example mirrors the logic Rachel uses when she illustrates how
racialized and classed stereotypes are maintained during server interactions as a
way to relieve stress. Every interviewee uses an “exception to the rule” logic to
explain black and lower-class patrons who had tipped them fairly and had not
“run” them. Even their multiple experiences with fair and generous black and
lower-class customers are not enough to dislodge or challenge their racialized
and classed stereotypes about patrons (Goodwin et al. 2000; Peffley, Hurwitz,
and Sniderman 1997).

Thus, not only do servers articulate racialized and classed stereotypes in
their interviews, they also embody them in their interactions with fellow servers
in the backstage while relieving stress with co-workers. These moments can be
stated humorously or in frustration while processing the emotional labor from
their job. Regardless, they are often said based on the assumption that all ser-
vers share these same experiences and attitudes. Though manifested in a differ-
ent context, the pejorative comments servers make to one another further
illustrate how the “two-faced racism” (Picca and Feagin 2007) of servers is
actualized in the daily workplace. They are also used, at least in part, to
assuage the frustrations associated with having little to no control over their
interactions with customers. Regardless of the reason, these types of comments
help to build a sense of community among some workers but at a heavy price
—they reproduce racialized and classed assumptions of customers.

How Reproducing Racialized and Classed Stereotypes to Process Emotional
Labor is Harmful

These types of stereotypes are likely to affect the quality of service servers
provide for some of their customers (Barkan and Israeli 2004; Brewster and
Rusche 2014). Like Sal, it is reasonable to assume that servers, who believe

RACIALIZED AND CLASSED CONTEXTS 653

black or lower-class customers will be bad tippers and/or demanding, are
unable to manage the emotional labor demands of their job as effectively as
they would with white or wealthy customers. For instance, one evening, as I
expedite food in the kitchen, the following interaction with Roxanna, a biracial
server, occurs as she vents about a table’s dissatisfaction with their meal:

Roxanna grabs a chicken dish from the window and says, ‘Is that my alfredo?’ I say ‘no’ and
grab it back. I explain to her that it is her dish but it has been made incorrectly. She says
seeming annoyed, ‘Oh, its fine I’ll just take this one. It doesn’t really matter–[the customers]
have already sent back the dish once because it was too ‘watery’ so they have been waiting a
long time.’ I say sarcastically, ‘Don’t you think they will notice?’ She says, ‘Don’t worry
about it; they’re just this unhappy black couple. They won’t even know the difference.’

(Field notes 8/31/13)

Not only does Roxanna process her emotional labor by venting about the
customer, she allows her perceptions to interfere with her professional perfor-
mance. This particular server makes comments referencing her poor perception
of black patrons on nine separate occasions throughout my observations, and
here, she mentions the race of the customer as an explanation for why it is
okay to deliver the wrong dish to her table: black customers tend to be so una-
ware that they accept being served the wrong dish. Thus, Roxanna’s way of
dealing with her “unhappy” demanding customers is highly racialized, although
her customers may not be able to pinpoint it as such.

It appears that some servers automatically size up their customers as either
advantageous or cost-ineffective to wait on by relying heavily on classed and
racialized assumptions (Barkan and Israeli 2004; Brewster 2012; Brewster and
Rusche 2014; Dirks and Rice 2004; Mallinson and Brewster 2005). These
assumptions are upheld and made visible during server interactions when they
vent, joke, and banter as a way to counter the stress of emotional labor. These
examples of how processing stress can be racialized or classed further highlight
an often unseen form of inequality; when servers vent, joke, and banter
together to process stress from emotional labor, stereotypes about white patrons
who have ambiguous class markers are not cited. This pattern suggests that the
solidarity and camaraderie created by servers to collectively resist emotional
labor in the backstage can simultaneously carry negative consequences into the
frontstage for lower-class customers and customers of color when discourse
reinforces widely accepted racialized and classed attitudes.

Discussion and Conclusion

This study examines how restaurant servers in a highly stressful, bureau-
cratic restaurant setting manage work-related emotional labor in the frontstage
and then process it in the backstage, out of earshot of customers. Because

654 BRIANNA L. BILLINGSLEY

racialized and classed biases are socially taboo and articulating such stereotypes
would likely jeopardize their tips, servers verbalize them in backstage spaces
among co-workers who are assumed to share their beliefs (Myers and Wil-
liamson 2001; Picca and Feagin 2007). My article sheds light on how negative
biases are intricately woven into the ways that servers joke and vent with each
other in the backstage about their customers to process the strain associated
with emotional labor. Work stress, in particular, rude, demanding, and low-tip-
ping customers, prompts servers to rely on and reproduce harmful racial and
class biases. When others do not challenge such statements, it creates a climate
where articulating and acting on such biases becomes at the very least tacitly
encouraged. Although these interactions are meant to relieve stress, these back-
stage processes maintain and reproduce social class and racial hierarchies both
within the restaurant and beyond its walls. Interestingly, although management
is also a source of server frustration and stress, it is seldom the target of racial-
ized or classed comments.

By exploring the importance of context in the ways that emotional labor is
both required and managed, this article adds to the existing literature by reveal-
ing how race, racism, classism, and collective displays of solidarity are integral
parts of this process. To manage the emotional labor associated with their work
in the frontstage, servers enact various types of strategies in the backstage.
Oftentimes, their tactics focus on building solidarity with one another. How-
ever, some of their interactions rely on and reproduce racialized and classed
stereotypes of customers, especially people of color or perceived to be lower
class. These customers, even when they seemingly have done nothing wrong,
are made fun of, spoken poorly about, and intentionally given the wrong
orders. Furthermore, this study helps us to understand the ways race and class
play out in a context that is not explicitly racialized or classed.

Given that venting, joking, and bantering are supposed to counter eventual
burnout from emotional labor (Korczynski 2003), it would be interesting for
future research to examine whether this holds true for servers of color and/or
of low socioeconomic backgrounds when the content of the conversations
reflects the perceptions captured in this study. Although servers of color in this
study also participate in racialized and classed discourse, it is worth noting that
the study takes place in a predominantly white work setting. Future research
should examine patterns in the perceptions of servers of color in similar set-
tings and in settings where there is more racial diversity, including among man-
agement. To address these workplace processes, restaurants like The Copper
Brewhaus may want to add information on racial and class biases and microag-
gressions in their work training manual. They should also consider, when possi-
ble, diversifying their waitstaff, a strategy that might curtail the prevalence of
assumptions being made in the backstage about certain customers.

RACIALIZED AND CLASSED CONTEXTS 655

“Communities of coping” are particularly important to restaurant servers in
high-stress environments because they help to prevent burnout and build soli-
darity. Servers value and also benefit emotionally from the strong ties they
have with one another. However, as my findings indicate, these communities,
which allow servers to manage stress associated with the demands of emotional
labor in the frontstage, also have negative consequences. Notably, they rely on
and reproduce racialized and classed stereotypes. It is incumbent upon restau-
rants to foster a working environment where stress is mitigated in a way that
does not contribute to the reproduction of social hierarchies.

ENDNOTES

Please direct correspondence to Brianna L. Billingsley, The Department of Sociology and Anthropol-
ogy, Southwestern University, Georgetown, TX, 78626 USA; tel.:512 863 1412; e-mail: billingsleybree@
gmail.com.

Much gratitude to Dr. Maria R. Lowe for her guidance, support, and many contributions throughout
this research. I would also like to acknowledge the members of the Fall 2013 Sociology Capstone course,
Dr. Reginald Byron, and Dr. Sandi Nenga for their assistance. Finally, I owe a debt of gratitude to all of
the respondents who shared their stories and time with me.

1In his classic work, Goffman (1959) describes the frontstage as a part of the performance
where the situation at hand is defined for the audience. The backstage is described, on the other
hand, as where informal behavior and information suppressed in the frontstage become apparent.

2Hochschild’s (1983) findings on emotional labor indicated that deep acting is embedded in
workplace expectations in some institutions. Deep acting expects workers to feel a certain way.

3Hochschild’s (1983) concept of surface acting is defined by the disconnect between an
actor’s external display and internal feelings.

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