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Increasing Success Among Diverse Student Populations

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Expand your comprehension of understanding equity by selecting another identified group, and explain, using literature, what programs should be established for this group.

9
Through an illustrative example of Together We Achieve at
Parkland College in Champaign, Illinois, this chapter outlines an
institutional approach for improving conditions for Black men on
campus

Black Men Attending Community
Colleges: Examining an Institutional
Approach Toward Equity

Lorenzo Baber, Randy Fletcher, Edmund Graham

Persistent opportunity gaps for underrepresented men of Color1 in the
United States remain a significant social justice issue in our society, a core
element of the community unrest and resistance observed throughout
the nation over the last year. Among the targeted areas for improve-
ment from community leaders and governmental policy makers is the
strengthening of college readiness and completion among this underserved
population. Research has documented the persistent disparate outcomes
for underrepresented men of Color (MOC) in postsecondary education,
particularly Black2 men. In every measure related to postsecondary
success—enrollment, persistence, and degree attainment—stratified
outcomes for Black men’s experience are observed. Among the young adult
population (18–24 years old), Black men have the lowest postsecondary
enrollment rates, 34%, compared to 41% overall (National Center for
Education Statistics, 2014). Black men have the highest percentage of
postsecondary attrition at both 2-year (79%) and 4-year (65%) institu-
tions (National Center for Education Statistics, 2012). Whereas 30% of
the working adult population (25–64 years old) holds a postsecondary
credential, the proportion is 18% among Black working adult men.

A growing body of research on underrepresented men of Color in
postsecondary education focuses on those attending 2-year institutions.
Community colleges serve as a primary postsecondary pathway for under-
represented men of Color. Wood, Palmer, and Harris (2015) report that
nearly 72% of Black men in postsecondary education begin at a community

NEW DIRECTIONS FOR COMMUNITY COLLEGES, no. 172, Winter 2015 © 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) • DOI: 10.1002/cc.20167 97

Understanding Equity in Community College Practice : New Directions for Community Colleges, Number 172, edited by
Erin L. Castro, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/capella/detail.action?docID=4187279.
Created from capella on 2020-08-27 05:36:00.

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98 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

college, making the 2-year context an important site for educational equity.
Similar to general scholarship on men of Color in higher education, how-
ever, research on those attending community colleges tends to emphasize
psychological paradigms to address disparate outcomes. Although individ-
ual resistance to structural norms (e.g., “grit”) is a component of success,
it cannot fully explain disparate outcomes within social institutions. This
approach limits attention to constitutive influences of structural practices
that contribute to shaping individual actions within a social system. Kezar
(2011) amplifies the importance of focusing on institutional policies and
practices when addressing inequalities in higher education. An individual
focus on reducing disparate outcomes for underrepresented men of Color
is problematic as it supports meritocratic ideology in higher education and
cultural deficit perspectives. As Castro (Chapter 1) describes, persistence
of outcome inequalities in community college contexts requires new
approaches to better address the roots of disparate opportunity.

The purpose of this chapter is to enable community college leaders
to identify institutional barriers and consider organizational changes that
support success among underrepresented men of Color. First, we briefly
summarize current social realities and institutional practices that dispro-
portionately shape outcomes for underrepresented men of Color attending
community colleges. Next, we present an illustrative example of an institu-
tional approach in addressing inequalities for Black men—the Together We
Achieve (TWA) program at Parkland College in Champaign, Illinois. We
conclude the chapter by outlining remaining challenges for implementing
scalable and sustainable program interventions that aim to improve success
rates for underrepresented men of Color.

Social Realities for Black Men in the United States

Any discussion about Black men in the United States must begin with ob-
servations about their economic and sociocultural position in our larger
society. Although many view the election of a Black male president as a
signifier for a postracial era, evidence suggests otherwise. For example, as
of April 2015, the unemployment rate stands at 9% for Black men com-
pared to just over 4% for White men (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015).
Hamilton, Austin, and Darity (2011) report similar disparities when exam-
ining median income levels. Even when holding degree attainment constant
across racial/ethnic categories, Black men earn 71% less than their White
male counterparts. Black men are also disproportionate victims of the ris-
ing prison industrial complex in the United States. According to the Pew
Research Center (2013), Black men are six times more likely than White
men to be incarcerated. To place this trend in historical context, between
1960 and 2010, the incarceration rate for Black men tripled, making them
more likely to be incarcerated than any other demographic group. Recent
high-profile incidents of unarmed Black men killed during confrontations

NEW DIRECTIONS FOR COMMUNITY COLLEGES • DOI: 10.1002/cc
Understanding Equity in Community College Practice : New Directions for Community Colleges, Number 172, edited by
Erin L. Castro, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/capella/detail.action?docID=4187279.
Created from capella on 2020-08-27 05:36:00.

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BLACK MEN ATTENDING COMMUNITY COLLEGES 99

with law enforcement have sparked civil protests in several cities and public
outrage.

Considering the alarming economic statistics alongside sociocultural
realities for Black men provides a much-needed context for community col-
lege leaders attempting to remedy or correct educational inequity. Despite
persistent systematic inequity, Black men are routinely framed as individu-
als with problems, individuals who have cultural deficiencies, and individ-
uals who lack the motivation and determination to succeed. As such, em-
phasizing micro-level processes when focusing on reducing disparities for
Black men allows intergenerational reproduction of structural oppression
to flourish. Meritocratic ideologies further propagate focus on Black men
rather than larger systemic inertia that has positioned them in disadvan-
tageous ways—emphasis on getting Black men on “the right track” rather
than a focus on the track itself. It is critical for community college practices
to challenge these narratives rather than supporting them as institutional
norms.

Common Practices Related to Men of Color at Community
Colleges

Given the framing of disparities for men of Color as products of individual
dispositions rather than outcomes of structural inequalities, it is not sur-
prising that psychological paradigms shape programmatic efforts for this
underserved population (Kaufman & Feldman, 2004; Kezar, 2011; Wood,
Palmer, & Harris, 2015). Policy makers and administrators in higher edu-
cation tend to focus on repositioning the “unmotivated” Black men closer
to dominant forms of cultural capital (e.g., emphasis on individualism
and competition) with little acknowledgement of structural practices that
shape disparities. Employing this perspective is particularly troublesome at
community colleges given the role these institutions serve as postsecondary
entry point for Black men. As a primary path of access for this traditionally
underserved population in higher education, it is critical for community
colleges to adhere to their historical function as a gateway to postsecondary
success for traditionally marginalized populations in higher education
(Bragg, 2001; Dowd, 2007). Furthermore, as an individual focus tends to ac-
centuate quantifiable measures of success, opportunities to reduce system-
atic origins of inequality for Black men attending community colleges are
missed.

In their comprehensive review of published scholarship over the last
15 years on men of Color attending community colleges, Harris and Wood
(2013) confirm the focus on individual agency in research and practice.
Examinations of factors that influence student success of men of Color3

tend to focus on integration (academic and social), individual dispositions
toward environments (campus and community), and affective responses
to campus contexts (formal and informal). Integrative factors include

100 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

engagement with supportive faculty members and interactions with stu-
dent peers. Individual dispositions include rejection of capitalistic val-
ues and embracing behaviors that reify stereotypical notions of men of
Color. Affective variables are reflected by strong sense of belonging at the
institution and construction of intersectional identities. Each set of do-
mains encourages institutions to focus on micro-level dynamics when ad-
dressing disparate outcomes among men of Color attending community
colleges.

Part of the issue, as Harris and Wood (2013) note, is that social in-
tegrationalist perspectives primarily inform research on men of Color in
community colleges. Integrationalist frameworks, such as Vincent Tinto’s
model of student departure, exemplify the practice of treating socially
produced outcomes and patterns as rooted in individual actions (Kauf-
man & Feldman, 2004). As critics note in labeling college departure as a
value-neutral action, assimilation frameworks often fail to acknowledge the
unique social position and related experiences, both prior and during en-
rollment, for men of Color. Elaborating this point, Rendon, Jalomo, and
Nora (2000) state, “Absent from the traditional social integrationist view
are the distinctions among cultures, differences among students with re-
gard to class, race, gender, and sexual orientation, and the role of group
members and the institutions in assisting students to succeed” (p. 139). In-
deed, Harris and Wood (2013) conclude their literature review with a call
for implementation of policies and programs that center the role institu-
tions play in the success or failure of men of Color attending community
colleges.

Unfortunately, many community colleges fall short in addressing insti-
tutional conditions that disproportionately shape academic and social ex-
periences of Black men on campus. If programming does exist for Black
men, they are often the result of passionate efforts from individual fac-
ulty/administrators or located in a specialized student services office. In
either situation, the opportunity to influence larger institutional norms is
limited. Similarly, a significant limitation of contemporary community col-
lege research is the lack of qualitative research in examining institutional
approaches toward addressing norms and practices that disproportionally
influence experiences of Black men on campus. As Harris and Wood (2013)
note, “Most of the published research on MOC in community colleges
has been conducted from the quantitative research tradition. . . . Quali-
tative research can illuminate how MOC experience community colleges,
why notable trends and outcome inequities persist, and what meanings
these students derive from their experience” (p. 182). To address limita-
tions in policy, practice, and research, we offer the Together We Achieve
(TWA) program at Parkland College as an illustrative example of an in-
stitutional approach toward equity for Black men attending community
colleges.

BLACK MEN ATTENDING COMMUNITY COLLEGES 101

Together We Achieve: An Institutional Approach to Equity
for Men of Color

Parkland College is a midsize, public community college that offers asso-
ciate degrees, certificates, continuing education opportunities, and special-
ized training to over 250,000 residents in 12 counties of East Central Illi-
nois. Located in close proximity to the University of Illinois, students of
Color account for approximately 30% of the student body, including 18%
Black. In fall 2014, the second author of this chapter collected qualitative
data on TWA, including faculty perspectives on the development of pro-
gram and the experiences of students who recently completed or were com-
pleting participation.

Development of TWA. Dowd (2003) suggests that examination of
detailed student outcome data is critical to developing equity-inclusive
performance accountability measures. She states, “Equity-inclusive perfor-
mance accountability calls for the use of outcome indicators to take an
ideological turn away from valuing efficiency as a hallmark of good busi-
ness practices to valuing efficiency as means to achieving outcome equity in
higher education” (p. 24). Similarly, Parkland College used disaggregated
institutional data to identify and address outcome inequalities among Black
men entering the institution. The roots of the TWA can be traced to 2010
when the president of Parkland College, in response to rising developmental
education needs among entering students, established an Innovation Fund
to financially support the creation of a new system of developmental and
college preparation at the institution. Among the innovations was the es-
tablishment of learning communities, where students enroll in the same set
of courses and are supported by an adviser, mentor, and tutor. The intent of
first-year learning communities at Parkland is to create an academic envi-
ronment where college students focus on academic achievement, commu-
nity building, and leadership development. All learning communities have
similar goals: to create strong networking and bonding among students to
foster peer-centered systems of success, to enhance support for students
through social activities and advising, to produce opportunities for team-
work and collaborative learning, and to guide students to explore career
options during the first year of college (Parkland College Office of Institu-
tional Accountability and Research, 2014).

Informed by institutional data that revealed a disproportionate number
of Black men in developmental education, as well as scholarship on Black
men in higher education, administrators decided to create a specific learn-
ing community for Black men attending Parkland—Together We Achieve
(TWA). The program included connecting students with faculty mentors
who are committed to student learning and success. Additionally, students
had access to academic advisors to discuss the multiple barriers that af-
fected their academic progress. Tutoring was offered to students through
the two semesters with trained professional tutors and learning assistance

102 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

specialists. Finally, students were awarded scholarships for academic
achievement in the learning community. To be eligible for enrollment in
the TWA learning community, participants were required to be first-time,
full-time students in the entering fall semester and in need of developmental
education.

The first TWA learning community began at Parkland College in fall
2011 with 17 Black men. For the initial cohort, Parkland College’s dean of
academic services first attempted to recruit all Black men entering Parkland
in fall 2011. However, the initial recruitment campaign netted very few in-
terested applicants. Parkland administrators focused recruitment of Black
men through the college’s tutoring center, targeting students based on their
ACT COMPASS placement scores and enrollment in developmental read-
ing and writing in the fall 2011 semester. The TWA learning community
curricular structure included enrolling all participants in at least two devel-
opmental education courses (English, math, or reading), at least one general
education course (e.g., political science), and one college-planning course
(Success in College). By situating developmental education as one of many
curricular components of the learning community, administrators aimed to
reduce stigmas associated with remedial education programs, particularly
for underrepresented populations (Colyar, 2011; Levin & Calcagno, 2008).

Identifying increased placement in developmental education among in-
coming students, especially Black men, senior administrative leaders took a
proactive approach toward redeveloping institutional practices. Rather than
attribute academic disparities exclusively to individual choices, practition-
ers at Parkland emphasized a shift in institutional norms for academic ser-
vices related to developmental education by creating a learning commu-
nity. Prioritizing a learning community specifically focused on Black men
signaled to campus and external communities that outcome equity for this
population is a core metric for evaluating the overall success of the insti-
tution. Emphasizing a learning community for Black males served as a re-
sponse to outcome disparities for that population at the institutions with
a secondary focus on Black men who initially tested into developmental
education courses.

From Validation to Community Building. The theory of student
validation, an asset-based approach to student retention and persistence
in postsecondary education, supports key components of TWA. Rendon
(1994) theorizes that active intervention in the form of validation encour-
ages nontraditional students to gain a sense of belonging in the academic
environment and enhances their self-efficacy, also referred to as self-
confidence (Bandura, 1997). Validation is defined as a supportive and con-
firming process initiated by validating institutional agents (mentors, faculty,
professionals, peers) that fosters academic and interpersonal development.
The validation framework offers two forms of validation—academic and
interpersonal (Linares & Muñoz, 2011; Rendon, 1994). Academic valida-
tion represents supportive actions that foster academic development.

BLACK MEN ATTENDING COMMUNITY COLLEGES 103

Examples include learning opportunities that empower students,
meaningful feedback on academic work, and individualized tutorial
attention. Interpersonal validation represents actions that support personal
and social adjustment to institutional settings. This includes encour-
aging involvement in campus events and informal conversations with
institutional agents (particularly faculty).

TWA participants shared experiences of interactions with faculty, both
inside and outside of the classroom, that fostered both academic and inter-
personal forms of validation. They describe willingness of TWA faculty to
provide academic support and personal mentoring to assist TWA students
in their academic endeavors. A student notes:

My biggest supporter, besides my friends in TWA, is (Developmental Writing
professor). . . . [She] showed me that it was important to learn these subjects
and that I was also an important part of the TWA learning community. Be-
cause of her helping me build my confidence, I now speak out in my other
classes.

Further, faculty members designed small-group discussions in the
TWA classes, arranged off-campus social events, and were available for for-
mal and casual mentoring sessions. TWA participants showed deep appre-
ciation to faculty for the extra time, describing it as a valuable component
to their identity development as a college. As one student mentions,

I mean here is a teacher who doesn’t really need to spend time with us outside
of class . . . he’s got a wife and kids and all. . . . It felt good. It felt like I was
a part of something special. . . . I mean I felt like this was my college, and I
was a part of it.

As Castro (Chapter 1) reminds us, the primary goal of equity-oriented
practices in education is to provide resources for students, particularly
those from traditionally underserved populations, to reach their full
potential. A critical step toward this goal is to validate student beliefs about
their capabilities as a valuable partner in the learning process. This process
cannot happen if educators subscribe to deficit-thinking perspectives of
students. Rather, it acknowledges that many students enter postsecondary
education with damaging experiences that have unfairly eroded academic
self-confidence. As participants in TWA demonstrate, when the validating
process elevates levels of self-efficacy among underserved populations,
students can begin to move toward the center of community development
(academic and social) at the institution.

Toward a Collective Agency Among Black Men at Parkland. In con-
sidering persistence as a form of individual agency, research in higher
education tends to emphasize micro-level access to traditional forms of
social and cultural capital (Winkle-Wagner, 2010). In contrast, Yosso

104 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

(2005) offers a framework, cultural community wealth, which centers on
collectivist perspectives. Cultural community wealth refers to knowledge,
skills, and abilities possessed and used by Communities of Color to suc-
cessfully survive at Predominately White Institutions (PWIs). Among the
forms of community wealth is familial capital. “This form of cultural wealth
engages a commitment to community well-being and expands the concept
of family to include a more broad understanding of kinship” (p. 79).

Perspectives from TWA students on their experiences in the program
highlight the value of and reliance on familial capital in shaping institu-
tional experiences. A common view that surfaced through the observations
and interviews with TWA students was that a shared commitment or en-
gagement helped keep TWA intact and was the central ingredient in how
successful the learning community format was for improving academic lev-
els of these Black men. The primary goal of TWA when it was designed
was, in the words of Dr. Hightower, Parkland dean of academic services
and director of TWA, “to serve as a bridge to college coursework” but in
constructing this metaphorical bridge to “success” the TWA administrative
leaders, faculty, and senior administration began to see visible outcomes re-
lated to investment in the learning community. With access to a positive
environment at the institution, a group that is often labeled as “opposi-
tional” to education succeeded. This had a powerful influence not only on
the members of the TWA learning community but also on other Black men
at the college. One student, Marcus, explained how he felt about TWA:

You know TWA is place where we can help each other out, like last semester
when we were all hurting in (Parkland faculty) math class so we started get-
ting together in (study room in the Academic Success Center) and then after
that we just studied together all the time. I think we all passed Math 070 . . .
brothers helping brothers.

Whereas Marcus’s story talked about interaction through studying to-
gether, Larry expounded on Marcus’s experience and shared what he felt
was a sense of community and belongingness he received from the peer
relationships forged in the TWA learning cohort:

I feel culturally connected to the TWA program because it has been made for
us. It is designed to relate to our own experiences and give value to them. I
like that a lot about TWA. Yeah, we are young Black dudes and we are not
here to make trouble like everybody thinks we are. We are here to learn just
like the rest of students. Our experiences are valuable and help us to learn
this stuff (referring the college courses). It is a beautiful thing. If you want
my honest opinion . . . I wish more brothers in the program and outside of it
could see what kind of opportunity this is for them. Parkland wants to better
our situation. You got to have courage if you want to stay in school. It is hard
work . . . hardest thing I’ve ever done, but man it is worth it.

BLACK MEN ATTENDING COMMUNITY COLLEGES 105

Contrary to the perception that Black men tend to prefer a hyper-
masculine, competitive “cool-pose” stance toward education, evidence
from participants of TWA suggests an inclination toward collectivist ex-
periences supported by familial capital. This observation supports previ-
ous research that finds communal bonds among males of Color as criti-
cal to heightening individual perceptions of supportive structures (Baber,
2014). As connections among Black men (and between Black men and
faculty/administrators) are developed through trust and reciprocity, indi-
vidualism gives way to a form of collective agency. Through this process,
knowledge about academic and social practices at Parkland is equitably dis-
tributed (e.g., “brothers helping brothers”) rather than individually accu-
mulated. Furthermore, the criteria for success are not isolated to personal
accomplishment but viewed as an interdependent, collective outcome.

Conclusion

In addition to observations of affective and behavioral patterns, prelimi-
nary data reveal that Black men participating in Together We Achieve suc-
cessfully complete the developmental education sequence at a significantly
higher rate than Black men who are not enrolled in the TWA learning com-
munity (57% versus 21%). Although development of TWA reflects a start-
ing point for equity leadership at Parkland—acknowledgement of outcome
disparities and prioritizing programs to address these issues—several chal-
lenges remain. Parkland will be challenged in supporting scalability efforts
to reach more Black men entering campus (and developing similar pro-
grams for other underrepresented men of Color), particularly if economic
and administrative resources remain stagnant. Sustainability beyond the
grant funding period and current tenure of senior leadership will also be
critical in making TWA practices a permanent part of institutional norms
toward Black men attending the institution. One potential solution for scal-
ability and sustainability is partnering with external constituencies (e.g.,
local businesses, high school partners, and community activists) to ensure
that Together We Achieve is part of a larger institutional effort toward pro-
viding transformative educational opportunities for Black men in the dis-
trict. Based on workforce development goals, local businesses may be inter-
ested in providing supplemental financial support for programs like TWA.
Similarly, high schools may consider collaborating with Parkland, viewing
TWA as a resource for promoting college readiness among Black men in
the secondary school system. Community activists may also view TWA as
a valuable asset for addressing gaps in education, employment, and health
outcomes for Black men in the community.

As these collaborative efforts develop around programs such as TWA, it
will be critical to address the interest-convergence dilemma that often steers
equity programs away from social justice foundations and toward a neolib-
eral rationale (Baber, 2015). Interest-convergence stresses that social change

106 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

benefitting traditionally marginalized populations occurs only when it con-
verges with the best interests of the dominant political elite (Bell, 1980,
2003). Left unchecked, convergence of interests around institutional pro-
grams for Black men attending community colleges is likely to move pro-
grammatic goals toward the direction of neoliberal interests, emphasizing
success based solely on economic outcomes (e.g., development of human
capital). Although such dilemmas may be largely unavoidable for commu-
nity college administrators in the current sociopolitical environment, the
importance of acknowledging the potential influence of neoliberal inter-
ests on programs such as TWA cannot be overstated. This requires commu-
nity college practitioners to consciously center (and recenter as necessary)
concepts of equity as part of sustainable and scalable efforts for improving
structural conditions for Black men on campus.

Despite increasing attention toward Black men in higher education
over the last decade, persistent outcome disparities suggest that additional
efforts are required. As a significant point entry into the postsecondary sys-
tem for Black men, community colleges may serve as a valuable vehicle
for providing supportive climate for this traditionally marginalized student
population. An institutional approach, as exemplified in this chapter by To-
gether We Achieve at Parkland College in Champaign, Illinois, has potential
to provide support for holistic development and long-term success among
Black men on campus.

Notes

1. Although we focus on Black men in this chapter, we acknowledge similar dis-
parities among other men of Color—specifically, Latinos, Native Americans, Alaskan
Natives/Pacific Islanders, and Asian Americans. We encourage scholars to continue to
build scholarship centering the experiences of all men of Color student populations.

2. In this chapter, we privilege the term Black as a descriptor of socially constructed
racial/ethnic categories as they reflect the sociocultural heterogeneity within the Black
diaspora (e.g., Caribbean/African).

3. Harris and Wood (2013) note the majority of these studies focus on Black men.

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cation: Handbook of theory and research (pp. 431–468). Dordrecht, The Netherlands:
Springer International Publishing.

Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of com-
munity cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8, 69–91.

LORENZO BABER, PHD, is an associate professor of higher education and commu-
nity college leadership at Iowa State University.

RANDY FLETCHER, PHD, is dean for career and transfer at Parkland College.

EDMUND GRAHAM, MED, is a doctoral candidate in education policy, organization
and leadership at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.

http://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d13/tables/dt13_302.60.asp

http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2013/09/06/incarceration-gap-between-whites-and-blacks-widens/

8
This chapter introduces Institutional Undocu-Competence (IUC),
an institutional capacity framework emerging from a critical
analysis of cultural competence, aimed to inform community
colleges’ efforts to better support the growing undocumented student
population

Undocumented Students at the
Community College: Creating Institutional
Capacity

Jéssica I. Valenzuela, William Perez, Iliana Perez,
Gloria Itzel Montiel, Gabriel Chaparro

As undocumented students become more represented on college campuses,
there is a growing need to establish appropriate institutional practices to
support them. Community colleges serve as the primary gateway to higher
education for undocumented students due to the significant savings in tu-
ition costs and the flexibility in enrollment options, yet few studies have ex-
amined how institutions can build capacity to support undocumented stu-
dent enrollment, retention, and academic success (e.g., Chen, 2013). The
unfair treatment of undocumented immigrants in their pursuit of higher
education is well documented in prior research and thus will not be ad-
dressed in depth in this chapter (e.g., Pérez, 2010, 2011). Rather, the present
chapter proposes clear steps toward strengthening what we call Institutional
Undocu-Competence (IUC), an institutional capacity framework, to assess
how well community colleges are serving this student population.

IUC emerges from a critique of cultural competence (Kumagai & Lyp-
son, 2009). Cultural competence in higher education has largely focused
on merely promoting awareness of diversity and equality while failing to
hold institutions accountable for changes to improve equity for under-
served populations with particular needs, such as undocumented students.
IUC draws from social justice frameworks by demanding action from in-
stitutions serving undocumented students. Our previous research suggests
that in order for institutions of higher education to build IUC they must

NEW DIRECTIONS FOR COMMUNITY COLLEGES, no. 172, Winter 2015 © 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) • DOI: 10.1002/cc.20166 87

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88 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

challenge themselves by training faculty and staff, advocating for students,
building appropriate college outreach and recruitment procedures, increas-
ing financial aid, supporting undocumented student organizations on cam-
pus, providing appropriate health and psychological services, and creating
a visible welcoming campus environment. The following section provides
a discussion of the necessary steps to develop IUC.

Why Are Undocumented Students an Equity Issue?

The U.S. higher education system has made important progress in the past
decade to increase the enrollment, retention, and degree completion of im-
migrant students. However, undocumented students continue to face cam-
pus marginalization and discrimination. To be fully inclusive of all immi-
grant students, higher education institutions need to focus on addressing
the various challenges faced by undocumented students (Dozier, 1995).

The lack of federal immigration reform laws has resulted in a wide
range of localized enforcement of immigration laws that vary dramatically
from state to state. Whereas some states have adopted policies that extend
the rights of immigrant communities including eligibility for drivers’ li-
censes, student loans, and professional licenses, other states have adopted
policies that are restrictive and punitive in nature, denying basic needs such
as health care and education and criminalizing undocumented status. In
light of the variability of contexts that undocumented students navigate,
we call on institutions of higher education to consistently and openly sup-
port this underserved population.

Policy and Assessment Recommendations

Given the risks associated with disclosing immigration status and the poten-
tial fear of retribution faced by students and their advocates and allies, cam-
pus policies should ensure confidentiality. Furthermore, institutions should
make their position in support of undocumented students clear and visible
through written policy so as to prevent stigmatization of undocumented
students by deeming their presence a secret. Such policies would encour-
age students to seek necessary academic and social support and participate
in campus assessment efforts without fear of disclosing their status.

IUC embraces an understanding of the resilience to the challenges
faced by undocumented students. In order to better understand undoc-
umented student needs, institutions must implement a campus assess-
ment centered on the input of undocumented students while considering
the experiences of advocates and allies. Various data collection methods
should be implemented in order to obtain diverse input. For example, focus
groups and one-on-one interviews may provide depth and breadth of data
from students who feel comfortable sharing their experience with school
staff, faculty, and administration. Anonymous online survey methods may

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UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE 89

complement this information with input from students who either do not
feel comfortable sharing their experiences openly or whose time demands
do not allow for them to meet with school representatives beyond their aca-
demic responsibilities.

Institutional assessments should examine and modify administrative
procedures that may inadvertently stigmatize students. For example, many
undocumented students have been discouraged from applying to college
or completing their degrees due to their status by recruitment or finan-
cial aid staff who are not properly trained to answer undocumented stu-
dents’ questions about the support available to them. Another example is
when students find out an application for admissions does not allow for
them to select “Consideration of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals
(DACA) recipient” or “undocumented” as their legal status and they are
forced to choose an option that does not accurately describe their experi-
ence and needs. Yet another example is when undocumented students are
wrongfully classified as international students. These examples are a few of
many processes that stigmatize students by not recognizing their unique cir-
cumstances in institutional policies or procedures to validate their presence
within the student body.

Because immigration policies change constantly, IUC needs assessment
should be a continuous and ongoing process. Although institutional as-
sessment results may vary depending on local contexts, in the next sec-
tion we provide several suggestions based on previous research as a starting
point for institutions to gather baseline information. Undocumented stu-
dents’ needs include specifically tailored college outreach and recruitment,
advocacy, financial aid, institutional support for student groups, and men-
tal health services. IUC requires action on behalf of the institution and its
representatives, placing training of college faculty and staff at the core of its
execution. The importance of training college faculty and staff is discussed
in the next section followed by an in-depth discussion of students’ needs.

Training College Faculty and Staff

Training college faculty and staff is one of the first steps toward IUC because
it solidifies the institution’s commitment to undocumented students. School
personnel need to be knowledgeable about the unique circumstances that
limit undocumented student enrollment, retention, transfer, and gradua-
tion. Once faculty, counselors, admissions staff, financial aid officers, and
registrars are informed, they will be better able to establish institutional
policies and procedures to reduce instances of exclusion and marginality.
The risks and stigma associated with disclosing their undocumented status
make finding allies an arduous process for undocumented students. Stu-
dents may erroneously assume that professionals or faculty who share their
ethnic background will be sympathetic to their situation only to find the
opposite to be true upon disclosing their status. Undocumented students

90 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

are often scrutinized and humiliated by admissions and registrar office per-
sonnel when they seek services and as a consequence, they develop great
anxiety. Furthermore, undocumented students often experience microag-
gressions in the form of intentional and unintentional everyday insults, in-
dignities, and demeaning messages that perpetuate inequities by conveying
oppressive ideologies. IUC training should include ways to identify and ad-
dress microaggressions directed at undocumented students.

The more informed student affairs professionals are about the sociopo-
litical contexts of undocumented students’ lives, the better they can meet
their needs. IUC training should include information about the local, state,
and federal laws that affect undocumented students at that particular in-
stitution. It is of utmost importance that IUC training highlights the value
of undocumented students’ contributions, their resilience, and their legal
rights. When undocumented students see that student affairs professionals
know about and demonstrate an ethic of care, it increases the likelihood
of developing trust, which can result in higher use of student support ser-
vices and further assist student affairs professionals in supporting students’
academic achievement and personal growth.

Visible and Open Advocacy

Colleges should establish visible networks of allies to facilitate information
dissemination across the campus community. One of the best ways com-
munity college personnel can serve undocumented students is to become
visible advocates for them. IUC calls for advocates and allies to make them-
selves visible to undocumented students because their risk of disclosure as
advocate/ally is relatively lower than the risk of disclosure faced by a stu-
dent as an undocumented immigrant. Self-identification as advocates and
allies by campus personnel reaffirms the institution’s commitment to serv-
ing undocumented students (Pérez, Munoz, Alcantar, & Guarneros, 2011).

Advocacy is central to student affairs work, and it should not be re-
stricted to students’ lives on campus. Rather, advocacy should include
recognition of the ways that the legal and policy contexts off campus
shape community college students’ lives. Community college administra-
tors can also work to build coalitions and partnerships with grassroots
and community-based organizations (CBOs) that advocate for immigrants’
rights. Principles of social justice counseling can also guide efforts to sup-
port undocumented students. These efforts should involve addressing is-
sues such as poverty, pollution, health care access, street violence, and in-
stitutional racism through psychoeducational workshops and conferences
in order to promote awareness and further encourage advocacy.

Community college advocates and allies should build trust with undoc-
umented students by demonstrating an ethic of care, justice, and autonomy.
Students share sensitive information with individuals whom they feel they
can trust and who can provide honest, direct, and informed advice while

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE 91

protecting their confidentiality. Therefore, it is important for faculty and
staff to create safe environments for students by demonstrating an aware-
ness of the challenges that undocumented students face. It is critical to be
sensitive when a student chooses to disclose his or her immigration sta-
tus and even more critical for school personnel to disclose themselves as
advocates and allies. The training of school personnel that IUC calls for is
a building block for establishing the trust necessary to identify students’
needs, and advocate for students.

College Outreach and Recruitment

College outreach and recruitment are other important areas that require new
solutions to the admissions and matriculation difficulties faced by undocu-
mented students. Effective college outreach and recruitment efforts need to
consider the ways in which undocumented students are systematically ex-
cluded from participation in college-prep activities in high school. With a
deeper understanding of undocumented students, community colleges can
create more effective collaborations with high schools and baccalaureate-
awarding institutions to substantially increase undocumented students’
pathways to higher education (Pérez, 2010).

IUC sets the discussion of institutional support for undocumented stu-
dents within specific local contexts and calls for active collaboration among
institutions. A recommendation for establishing these collaborations would
be to identify an IUC committee of staff, faculty, and students at each insti-
tution to meet on a regular basis with the IUC committees of nearby insti-
tutions to share their progress on strengthening IUC and ways participat-
ing institutions can support each other. The meetings of IUC committees
should take place among and between high schools, community colleges,
baccalaureate-awarding institutions, and graduate professional schools.

It is important to disseminate information about the matriculation
process for undocumented students, scholarship and student services pro-
grams, and transfer information to high school educators and students. IUC
requires that student affairs professionals expand their outreach and recruit-
ment beyond the traditional mechanisms of college fairs, campus visits,
and high school visits. Because undocumented students may be afraid to
seek out information, it is imperative that they are provided with informa-
tion on opportunities for legal employment, higher education opportuni-
ties, and funding for college. Outreach to undocumented students should
also encompass a consistent and long-standing presence in the community
to include schools and culturally relevant community locations. When un-
documented students receive timely and accurate information about their
postsecondary options, they are much more likely to prepare for and apply
to college and complete their degrees. It is important to note that like all
community college students, undocumented students enroll in community
college for various reasons (Jauregui, Slate, & Stallone Brown, 2008). IUC

92 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

urges the institution to identify the goals of undocumented students upon
enrolling to tailor student support services accordingly.

It is important to consider that many undocumented students are also
first-generation college students. In general, first-generation students select
institutions based on the availability of financial aid, proximity to home, and
their ability to work while enrolled. Many first-generation undocumented
college students feel conflicted between their own desires to pursue postsec-
ondary education and their sense of duty to be an integral part of their fam-
ily structures. Given these and other dynamics, student affairs practitioners
must consider these overlapping factors to ensure that undocumented stu-
dents succeed.

Financial Aid

The financial difficulties that undocumented students encounter are among
the most difficult obstacle to overcome (Chavez, Soriano, & Oliverez,
2007). Due to the cumbersome nature of the college and scholarship appli-
cation processes, undocumented students require significant individualized
support. The support and information they receive at school plays a large
role in determining whether or not they successfully apply to college and
secure financial assistance. Even in states with in-state tuition policies that
make college more affordable for undocumented students, many are still
unable to afford higher education.

IUC is demonstrated when community college personnel are proactive
in providing all available resources for undocumented students. Waiting for
students to inquire about financial aid options places the largest amount of
responsibility on the student. Recognizing the microaggressions and stig-
matizing experiences that undocumented students face when seeking re-
sources from financial aid offices, IUC calls for targeted dissemination of
resources. One example is creating pamphlets with financial aid information
specifically for undocumented students and distributing these in resource
centers, cafeterias, classrooms, and bulletin boards outside of the financial
aid offices.

IUC is also demonstrated when schools reach beyond their usual limits
to raise funds and advocate for undocumented students outside of the insti-
tution. Schools should work together with local philanthropic organizations
and businesses to develop scholarships specifically for undocumented stu-
dents. Because scholarship providers are often unaware of the challenges to
college access that undocumented students encounter, the role of campus-
based advocates is crucial in educating scholarship providers about the im-
portance of extending aid to undocumented students.

Furthermore, IUC calls for institutions to explore other nontraditional
ways to provide financial assistance to students such as stipends for
special projects or service and awards for books and materials. Because
of the vulnerable financial state of undocumented immigrant households,

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE 93

community colleges should provide specialized informational sessions
on the pitfalls of the student loans for which undocumented students
are eligible, which often involve predatory lending practices from private
financial institutions and banks. IUC is defined by the institution’s ability
to provide necessary information and resources regarding financial aid to
undocumented students and advocating on their behalf when working
with philanthropic organizations.

Institutional Support for Student Groups

Undocumented-student organizations are critically important sources of
support for community college students. The general lack of information
among school officials about undocumented students prompted the de-
velopment of student-led campus groups that provide information about
higher education access to students, parents, teachers and counselors. In
California, student information sharing and advocacy within higher edu-
cation settings are moving an increasing number of students through Cali-
fornia’s public college and university system by drawing on the resources
in their student networks. These organizations have pioneered student-
initiated recruitment and retention strategies that take into account the pre-
college contexts of undocumented students. They draw on the wealth of
assets that current and previous undocumented students share from their
actual experiences as well as academic research, institutional resources, and
the participation of other student and educator allies. By centering on the
social contexts of undocumented students’ precollege lives, college student
groups validate students’ struggles to persist in higher education as undoc-
umented students.

Continuing to recognize and support the efforts of student-led initia-
tives demonstrates a high level of commitment on behalf of the school,
strengthening relationships between the school and students, which in turn
facilitates transmission of information and quality of assessments. Recog-
nizing student groups as official school clubs or organizations legitimizes
their cause and makes funding opportunities available to support their ef-
forts, demonstrating an ethic of autonomy and justice. Including these stu-
dent groups in orientation materials and presentations demonstrates to in-
coming students an ethic of care.

Health and Psychological Services

Undocumented students may suffer from anxiety and fear and, as a
consequence, are likely to develop mental and physical health problems
that may place them at risk of dropping out if an effective support system
is not in place. To strengthen IUC, the responsibility of training staff and
faculty must be shifted away from the student and toward the institution
in order to build trusting relationships, through which information can

94 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

be transmitted. In the case of relationships with general and mental
health providers, this shift is extremely important, as it is one of the most
vulnerable interactions that students must navigate in college.

It is essential that school health providers, including psychologists and
counselors, receive thorough training on the socioemotional experiences of
undocumented students (Pérez, Cortés, Ramos, & Coronado, 2010). Work-
shops focusing on anxiety, alienation, depression, stress management, and
posttraumatic stress disorder are just some of the services that can be tai-
lored to undocumented students. Colleges should also facilitate student-led
peer counseling and social support efforts and provide general information
regarding access to health care for undocumented students. These efforts
can help reduce student distress, anxiety, and other health concerns, thus
reducing or eliminating a major barrier that prevents these students from
applying to and persisting at the community college.

Creating a Welcoming Campus Environment

Students who can access campus resources have more opportunities to de-
velop personal and professional skills. Undocumented students need in-
stitutional supportive staff who are sensitive and empathetic to promote
engagement and foster validation. IUC calls for visible support of undocu-
mented students and their allies at all levels of interaction with the school.
One way to ensure that resources are accessible to all and that the institu-
tion’s support of undocumented students is visible is to establish an office
of equal standing with other student resource offices where campus-specific
resources are accessible to staff, faculty, students, and potential applicants.

Institutions should also help students transfer into accredited bache-
lor’s degree–granting institutions and plan for life after college. The identifi-
cation of role models and mentors is an important component in the career
development process of undocumented students. In some fields or indus-
tries, finding these mentors is a challenge, especially with the compounded
element of immigration status. Career center staff should work diligently to
include allies for undocumented students in their professional networks so
that they can refer students to professionals who are willing to help them
navigate barriers and become career mentors. Some campus career centers
ensure that career counselors are well versed in the needs of undocumented
students in order to customize services. These efforts facilitate their full in-
tegration into campus life and reaffirm goals beyond community college.

Conclusion

Previous research on 4-year colleges provides a good starting point for con-
ceptualizing institutional capacity to serve undocumented students. Com-
munity colleges present a conflicting context due to substantially higher
enrollment of undocumented students and disparities in the availability of

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE 95

institutional resources. Our research suggests that although some commu-
nity colleges have implemented various efforts to recruit, enroll, and sup-
port undocumented students, others have taken few efforts, if any (Pérez,
2011; Pérez & Cortés, 2011), to support this vastly underserved popula-
tion. The IUC framework asserts that it is possible to build institutional
support for undocumented students through an ethic of care, justice, and
autonomy.

In order to exercise IUC, community colleges should demonstrate an
understanding of the challenges that undocumented students overcome in
order to access and persist in higher education. Institutions should carefully
balance proactively reaching out to meet undocumented students’ needs
while recognizing and respecting their autonomy. To do so, institutions
must strengthen and tailor existing resources such as mental and physical
health, career advising, and financial aid services to serve undocumented
students’ needs. Institutions can genuinely reach out to undocumented stu-
dents by reducing the perceived social stigma of their status on campus. To
do so, institutions should highlight existing networks of allies and advo-
cates by publicly affirming their presence through institutionalized train-
ing for all personnel and by creating IUC networks across institutions. Fur-
thermore, institutions must recognize undocumented students’ resilience
by openly supporting platforms through which students can exercise self-
advocacy.

References

Chavez, M. L., Soriano, M., & Oliverez, P. (2007). Undocumented students’ access to
college: The American dream denied. Latino Studies, 5, 254–263.

Chen, A. C. R. (2013). Undocumented students, institutional allies, and transformative re-
sistance: An institutional case study. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
California, Los Angeles.

Dozier, S. B. (1995). Undocumented immigrant students at an urban community college:
A demographic and academic profile. Migration World, 23(1/2), 20–22.

Jauregui, J. A., Slate, J. R., & Stallone Brown, M. (2008). Texas community colleges and
characteristics of a growing undocumented student population. Journal of Hispanic
Higher Education, 7(4), 346–355.

Kumagai, A. K., & Lypson, M. L. (2009). Beyond cultural competence: Critical con-
sciousness, social justice, and multicultural education. Academic Medicine, 84(6),
782–787.

Pérez, W. (2010). Higher education access for undocumented students: Recommenda-
tions for counseling professionals. Journal of College Admission, 206, 32–35.

Pérez, W. (2011). Americans by heart: Undocumented Latino students and the promise of
higher education. New York: Teachers College Press.

Pérez, W., & Cortés, R. (2011). Undocumented Latino college students: Their socioemo-
tional and academic experiences. Dallas, TX: LFB Scholarly Publishing.

Pérez, W., Cortés, R., Ramos, K., & Coronado, H. (2010). “Cursed and blessed”: Examin-
ing the socioemotional and academic experiences of undocumented Latino/a college
students. New Directions for Student Services: No. 131. Understanding and supporting
undocumented students (pp. 35–51). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

96 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY IN COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRACTICE

Pérez, W., Munoz, S., Alcantar, C., & Guarneros, N. (2011). Educators supporting
DREAMERS: Becoming an undocumented student ally. In J. Landsman & C. W. Lewis
(Eds), White teachers/diverse classrooms: A guide to building inclusive schools, promoting
high expectations, and eliminating racism (2nd ed.). Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing.

JÉSSICA I. VALENZUELA is a doctoral student in the School of Educational Studies
at Claremont Graduate University.

WILLIAM PEREZ is an associate professor in the School of Educational Studies at
Claremont Graduate University.

ILIANA PEREZ is a doctoral student in the School of Educational Studies at Clare-
mont Graduate University.

GLORIA ITZEL MONTIEL is a doctoral student in the School of Educational Studies
at Claremont Graduate University. She also serves as the Grants and Contracts
Coordinator at Latino Health Access.

GABRIEL CHAPARRO is a doctoral student in the School of Educational Studies at
Claremont Graduate University.

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