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Evaluating the Effects of Stress and Fatigue on Police Officer Response and Recall:

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ournal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition 5 (2016) 239–245

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Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition

j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / j a r m a c

Evaluating the Effects of Stress and Fatigue on Police Officer
Response and Recall: A Challenge for Research, Training, Practice

and Policy�

Lorraine

ope ∗

University of Portsmouth, United

ingdo

Armed police officers frequently respond to evolving, dynamic, and potentially dangerous incidents. Given the
challenging and often controversial nature of this response context, understanding the impact of officer stress and
fatigue on performance in incidents involving use of force is important for trainers, investigators, legal professionals,
and policy-makers. The psychological literature on human performance is broadly informative with respect to the
potential effects of stress and fatigue on response performance (e.g., shooting accuracy) and the reliability of
accounts provided by officers. Unsurprisingly, stress and fatigue typically impair performance, although further
research is needed to (i) delineate the precise nature of the effects of stress and fatigue on response performance and
memory, and (ii) explore relevant contextual and boundary conditions. This article considers what current research
can contribute to training and practice in use of force contexts, and outlines key methodological challenges for

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researchers and consumers of research in this field.

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Keywords: Memory, Stress, Police, Law enforcement,

Police officers frequently respond to evolving, dynamic, and
otentially dangerous incidents. Unlike bystanders, these “oper-
tional witnesses” are variously required to act to preserve life,
rotect members of the public, and neutralise violence. Ulti-
ately, an officer’s role is to take effective and efficient action

o intervene, de-escalate, and resolve such incidents. An officer’s
esponse in such circumstances depends not only on their oper-
tional mandate but also on a variety of contextual factors at the
evel of the individual (e.g., level of stress or anxiety, perceived
isk, previous experience, fatigue, training), and at the level of
he incident (e.g., presence of weapons, number of perpetrators,
ocation, availability of back-up). Following an incident, offi-
ers are typically required to describe and justify their response
nd, like any witness, provide information about their own and
thers’ actions. The manner in which such accounts are elicited,
nd the scrutiny under which legal professionals, the public,
edia, and professional standards agencies place them, varies

ignificantly across jurisdictions.
This article explores the effects of two contextual or “esti-

ator” factors on officer performance in operational-response

Author Note
� Please note that this paper was handled by the current editorial team of
ARMAC.

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tness, Fatigue

ontexts involving use of force. Given the challenging and often
ontroversial nature of this response context, understanding the
otential impact of officer stress and fatigue on performance
n incidents involving use of force is important for trainers,
nvestigators, legal professionals, and policy-makers. The psy-
hological literature on human performance can provide insights
bout two important aspects of this context: first, the nature of
he response, and second, the reliability of accounts provided by
fficers.

Focusing on stress and fatigue, this article briefly examines
i) the extent to which psychological research in these domains
s ready to inform practice, training, and policy; and (ii) method-
logical challenges facing researchers attempting to inform
ractice and policy in this domain.

Effects of Stress and Fatigue on Operational Response

∗ Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
orraine Hope, University of Portsmouth, United Kingdom. Contact:

orraine.hope@port.ac.uk

Armed police officers responding in unpredictable, danger-
us, high-risk environments produce physiological responses
hat are consistent with elevated stress levels (Armstrong, Clare,

dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jarmac.2016.07.008

http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/22113681

http://www.elsevier.com/locate/jarmac

http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1016/j.jarmac.2016.07.008&domain=pdf

mailto:lorraine.hope@port.ac.uk

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EFFECTS OF STRESS AND FA

Plecas, 2014; Meyerhoff et al., 2004). Performing well under
tressful, high-pressured circumstances is challenging, and
ecrements in performance in such settings are well documented
cross the wider applied literature (e.g., Hancock & Szalma,
008). Broadly, stress or negative arousal is thought to increase
ognitive load and impair cognitive and perceptual-motor per-
ormance on capacity-demanding tasks. This impairment also
ccurs in police use-of-force contexts. Despite the fact that
fficers achieve shooting accuracy rates of over 90% in static
hooting tests, the average shooting accuracy for real-life inci-
ents is between 15 and 50% (e.g., Morrison & Vila, 1998).
esearch using police samples and realistic shooting exer-
ises involving an element of threat has documented negative
ffects of anxiety on police shooting performance includ-
ng a reduction in goal-directed attention, increased speed of
hooting an approaching suspect, and reduced shooting accu-
acy (e.g., Nieuwenhuys, Canal-Bruland, & Oudejans, 2012;
ieuwenhuys & Oudejans, 2010; Nieuwenhuys, Savelsbergh,

Oudejans, 2012; for overview see Nieuwenhuys & Oudejans,
012).

Fatigue as a result of either a short-term stressor (e.g., chas-
ng a fleeing suspect on foot) or a longer-term behaviour pattern
e.g., shiftwork) can also impair performance. Exercise-induced
atigue following dynamic action (i.e., heavy exertion) nega-
ively affects shooting accuracy (Vickers & Williams, 2007) and
lters behavioural choices in a shooting context (e.g., decisions
o stop running earlier and shoot from a greater distance to the
arget; Nibbeling, Oudejans, Canal Bruland, van der Wurff, &
aanen, 2013; Nibbeling, Oudejans, Ubink, & Daanen, 2014).

n a similar vein, fatigue as a result of sleep disruption has
een shown to impair professional performance across a range
f time-critical, high pressured, decision-making occupations
n aviation (Caldwell, 2012), healthcare (Lockley et al., 2004)
nd military (Miller, Matsangas, & Shattuck, 2007) settings.
n policing contexts, where extended shifts and shiftwork are
ormal features of the work routine, it is unsurprising that
urveys of police officers indicate that sub-optimal sleep is asso-
iated with increased self-reported error and safety violations
Rajaratnam et al., 2011; Vila, Kenney, Morrison, & Reuland,
000).

That stress and fatigue might negatively affect officer perfor-
ance in a response context is not a controversial assertion given

bservations in the wider applied human performance literature.
ess well understood, however, are (i) the specific nature of per-

ormance decrements (e.g., likelihood of differential effects on
hooting accuracy versus effects on decision-making accuracy),
nd (ii) the psychological factors underpinning impaired perfor-
ance across different operational contexts. Further research is

lso needed to disentangle the combined effects of stress and
atigue on police use-of-force performance.

It is also worth bearing in mind that, to date, there is little
vidence that officers are less susceptible to the effects of stress
han other citizens. Recent research suggests that interventions

o reduce officer stress response as part of a resilience training
rogramme may be effective (see Andersen et al., 2015; McCraty

Atkinson, 2012) but further work is necessary to empirically
stablish the efficacy of such interventions.

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ON RESPONSE AND RECALL 240

Effects of Stress and Fatigue on the Reliability of the
Accounts Provided by Officers

Officer accounts about use of force incidents can form a cru-
ial part of subsequent investigations and court proceedings.
owever, scepticism over these accounts is well documented

nd generally highlights concerns relating to the potential for
olice collusion or corruption (Heaton-Armstrong & Wolchover,
009). Although the deliberate fabrication of evidence is beyond
he scope of the current article, there are less controversial expla-
ations for at least some inaccuracies in the “honestly held”
ccounts provided by officers. The deleterious effect of acute
tressors on memory is well-established in animal and human
aboratory research (e.g., De Quervain, Roozendaal, Nitsch,

cGaugh, & Hock, 2000; Kuhlmann, Piel, & Wolf, 2005;
alehi, Cordero, & Sandi, 2010) and also in research conducted

n police and military training environments (e.g., Morgan et al.,
004; Taverniers, Taylor, & Smeets, 2013). In applied research
ontexts, individuals exposed to stressors typically report sig-
ificantly fewer details than those in control conditions (e.g.,
ulse & Memon, 2006; Stanny & Johnson, 2000) and can show

ncreased susceptibility to misinformation and error (e.g., Hope
t al., 2016; Morgan, Southwick, Steffian, Hazlett, & Loftus,
013).

The complex factors underpinning memory impairment as
result of stress and arousal can be difficult to delineate in
pplied contexts. Generally, emotionally arousing events are
emembered better than neutral events (e.g., Payne et al., 2006)
ith neurobiological research suggesting that stress hormones

an enhance memory consolidation (McGaugh, 2000, 2013;
oozendaal, 2000). Although arousal may activate the amygdala
orking to enhance memory (Adolphs, Tranel, & Buchanan,
005; Phelps, 2006), higher levels of stress disrupt hippocam-
us function and impair memory performance (Shackman et al.,
006; see also Davis & Loftus, 2009). Therefore, in applied
ontexts, impaired memory likely reflects the level of stress and
ask complexity (Deffenbacher, Bornstein, Penrod, & McGorty,
004; Diamond, Campbell, Park, Halonen, & Zoladz, 2007;
upien, Maheu, Tu, Fiocco, & Schramek, 2007; for review see
insterwald & Alberini, 2014).

High levels of stress might account for the memory impair-
ents reflected in incomplete witness accounts, irrespective of
hether that witness is a bystander or a police officer. However,

n active response role in a use-of-force incident may exacerbate
hese effects. To date, only one study has attempted to directly
xamine the effects of officer response role on memory for an
ncident. In Hope et al. (2016), officers were assigned an active
itness role (requiring them to respond as they would while on
uty) or an observer role during a live scenario involving an
rmed perpetrator. Active responders, who experienced higher
eart rates during the scenario than the observers, provided sig-
ificantly fewer correct details in their accounts and reported
ignificantly more errors pertaining to weapons (although over-
ll accuracy rates were not compromised).

A similar pattern of recall impairments has been associated
ith exercise-induced fatigue. Although the wider literature

uggests low-to-moderate exertion might improve cognitive

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EFFECTS OF STRESS AND FAT

erformance, including recall, high levels of exertion are
ikely to have a detrimental effect on memory performance
Lambourne, Audiffren, & Tomporowski, 2010; Lambourne

Tomporowski, 2010). Examining exercise-induced effects
n memory for a police response context, Hope, Lewinski,
ixon, Blocksidge, and Gabbert (2012) found that officers who
ad been physically exerted before encountering a suspect in

live scenario recalled less information about the suspect than
on-exerted officers and were less likely to correctly identify
he target from a lineup.

That stress and fatigue might impair subsequent recall of
n incident is, again, not a particularly controversial observa-
ion in light of the wider research literature. However, research
ssessing the performance of police officers in realistic use
f force response contexts is limited to a small number of
tudies conducted by a small number of labs. Thus, replica-
ion and extension of this applied literature is important (see
Methodological and contextual challenges” section). Nonethe-
ess, research to date demonstrates that memory accounts
rovided by operational witnesses are vulnerable to error and
he omission of relevant information. Thus, the evaluators of
ccounts provided by officers following stressful or exerting
ncidents should be aware that officer memory may be impaired
or details of the incident and that errors do not necessarily reflect

deliberate attempt to deceive, cover-up, or deflect blame (see
lso Grady, Butler, & Loftus, 2016).

What Can Research Contribute to Training and Practice?

The observation that both stress and fatigue can impair (i)
ognitive and perceptual-motor performance during response
nd (ii) subsequent recall of an incident highlights the need for
onsideration of these factors in training, practice, and policy.
o date, research has identified a number of potential avenues
or improving current approaches, three of which are examined
elow.

ealistic Training Environments

Police use of force training focuses on physical, technical, and
actical performance and typically neglects the effects of factors
uch as stress or anxiety. As a result, many training practices
o not adequately simulate the conditions likely to be experi-
nced by officers in real-world encounters (see Andersen, Pitel,
eerasinghe, & Papazoglou, 2016; Morrison & Vila, 1998 for

imilar critique). The physiological stress response observed in
high realism scenario-based training” (p. 5) is consistent with
he stress response observed in real use-of-force encounters
Andersen et al., 2016). Unsurprisingly, similar physiological
esponses are not observed in classroom-based training.

Given the documented physiological effects of realistic train-
ng environments and in light of effects of stress and anxiety
n shooting performance (e.g., Nieuwenhuys et al., 2012) and
iterature suggesting that practice is more effective when test

onditions are adequately replicated (for reviews, see Oudejans

Niewenhuys, 2009; Pinder, Davids, & Renshaw, 2011),
olice training should involve simulations that facilitate realistic
hoot/no-shoot decisions and allow realistic shooting responses,

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ON RESPONSE AND RECALL 241

s distinct from static target practice. Although unlikely to be
panacea, training with threat-induced anxiety (e.g., “shoot
ack” opponents during simulations) may improve performance
nder pressure (e.g. Nieuwenhuys & Oudejans, 2011; Oudejans,
008; Oudejans & Pijpers, 2009; but see also Nieuwenhuys,
avelsbergh, & Oudejans, 2015). Importantly, as noted by
ndersen et al. (2016), training with high realism scenarios
rovides officers with an opportunity to experience how phys-
ological arousal impacts their own response performance and
ffords an opportunity to improve performance under such con-
itions. Similarly, Bennell, Jones, and Corey (2007) endorse
he use of high fidelity simulators in police training to facili-
ate “the development of schemas that are sufficiently flexible to
eal with the unpredictability inherent in naturalistic settings”
p. 48). Thus, even though further research is needed, enhanced
se-of-force training using realistic, anxiety-provoking scenar-
os and realistic response options is an important direction for
olice practice and education.

ethod of Obtaining Accounts from Officers

The way in which accounts are obtained from officers follow-
ng use-of-force incidents varies between jurisdictions. In some
nstances, officers are interviewed by investigators (who may
e drawn from other units, forces, or agencies); elsewhere offi-
ers prepare written statements. Where interviews do take place,
hey should be conducted in line with best-practice investigative
nterviewing by experienced interviewers using, for example,
he Cognitive Interview (Fisher & Geiselman, 1992; see Vrij,
ope, & Fisher, 2014 for a review). However, officers charged
ith writing their own statements should also benefit from basic

etrieval support techniques associated with best practice inter-
iewing when providing their accounts, such as the use of mental
ontext reinstatement, open questions, and non-leading cues and
rompts (see meta-analysis by Memon, Meissner, & Fraser,
010). Tools incorporating these techniques already exist to sup-
ort the provision of written accounts by witnesses (e.g., the
elf-administered interview; Hope, Gabbert, & Fisher, 2011).
urthermore, opportunities to experience memory impairment
uring training (e.g., attempting to provide a comprehensive
tatement following a training scenario) and an understanding of
hy this might occur should prepare officers for involvement in

uture incidents and eliminate dangerous but well-intentioned
ttempts to seek out other, potentially unreliable, sources of
nformation.

iming of Obtaining Accounts from Officers

Although practices vary internationally, several jurisdictions
ubscribe to a blanket period of enforced rest (typically 36–48 h)
efore requiring officers to provide a detailed statement of their
xperiences following a use of force incident. The basis for this
andatory rest period is unclear. There is some (self-report) evi-

ence that a high proportion of officers who have been involved

n use of force incidents experience sleep disturbance after the
ncident (Honig & Sultan, 2004). However, it is not clear why a

andatory rest period should be applied to officers but not other
ypes of victims or witnesses who may have been involved in

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EFFECTS OF STRESS AND FAT

iolent or stressful incidents. Furthermore, extending the delay
etween a witnessing experience and subsequent recall increases
he likelihood that (i) some detail may be forgotten and (ii)

emory for the event may become contaminated by exposure
o post-event information (Frenda, Nichols, & Loftus, 2011).
or an officer who has been involved in a use-of-force incident,

he timing of the account should take into account several fac-
ors, such as number of hours on shift, need for practical care
nd welfare, and the fact that the biological response to the psy-
hological and physiological stress is unlikely to have receded
n the immediate aftermath (see Wolchover, Heaton-Armstrong,
ope, & Gabbert, 2014). Some research suggests sleep may
e important for memory consolidation, particularly for stress-
ul incidents (Genzel, Spoormaker, Konrad, & Dresler, 2015),
hus, it is possible that witnesses might benefit from rest before
roviding a statement. However, work by Payne et al. (2009)
nd, more recently, Calvillo, Parong, Peralta, Ocampo and van
undy (2016) suggests that periods of sleep may be associated
ith increased susceptibility to memory distortion. As the exact
ature of the relationship between stress, fatigue, and memory
onsolidation has not been elucidated in the eyewitness context,
urther research is necessary before recommendations pertain-
ng to the timing of accounts can be made (see also Grady et al.,
016).

Methodological and Contextual Challenges

In this domain, a key question for researchers (and, indeed,
onsumers of research) is the extent to which police officers
epresent a “special case” for consideration. Beyond the effects
f professional experience or training, there is no evidence to
uggest that officers’ memories, or other cognitive processes,
erform substantively differently to those of any other human
see also Vredeveldt & van Koppen, 2016). Indeed, many of the
ndings outlined above pertaining to stress and fatigue might
lso apply to the accounts of witnesses or victims who chose to
ntervene, fight, or flee. However, unlike lay witnesses, officers
re explicitly tasked with deriving an appropriate response strat-
gy, planning the effective execution of that strategy, and then
aking action accordingly (see Eyre & Alison, 2007). Therefore,
onducting meaningful research in this field requires consider-
tion of the extent to which the phenomenon under examination
s likely to be affected by factors such as active responding,
raining and previous experience.

A second consideration is the degree of ecological validity
n the design and execution of the research necessary to
dequately assess a real-world phenomenon. Clearly, in the case
f high-stress encounters, low-level laboratory manipulations
e.g., gory photographs) or third-party materials (e.g., vignettes,
ideos) are unlikely to generate comparably high levels of
rousal or facilitate realistic levels of engagement. While
esearch can never simulate the “life or death” nature of a
se-of-force incident, better quality research in this domain

eeks to replicate basic research findings working with realistic,
ive, training-type scenarios while attempting to control relevant
eatures of the interaction, context, and environment. Of course,
pplied research must be held to the same high methodological

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ON RESPONSE AND RECALL 242

tandards as laboratory work, including (i) recruitment of
dequate samples sizes to test well-defined, theory-driven
ypotheses; (ii) inclusion of relevant control groups; (iii) imple-
entation of controlled, replicable scenarios; (iv) systematic
anipulation of independent variables; and (v) use of appro-

riate statistical analyses. As end-users may not always be best
laced to assess the methodological quality of applied research,
here is a critical role for rigorous peer review by appropriately
ualified experts in both academic and practitioner outlets.

The extent to which research findings in this domain are likely
o be accepted or adopted by end-users is also reliant on the use of
redible methodologies. Police, legal professionals, and policy
akers are, unsurprisingly, critical of work purporting to make

ignificant contributions to understanding of professional per-
ormance if it involves undergraduate samples, over-simplistic
cenarios or naïve manipulations. In many instances, this is a
air criticism as the results of such research are often simply not
eady for wider application or implementation. For example, an
mportant topic deliberately not covered in the current article is
he effect of racial bias in the use of force and how this might
nteract with factors such as stress. Although there is a significant
aboratory-based literature on this topic, most research has yet
o incorporate important contextual factors (e.g., threat, experi-
nce, training, cultural factors) and reflects many of the deficits
utlined above (i.e., non-professional samples, laboratory-based
ethodologies, press-button responding). This critique is not

ntended to denigrate this line of research—establishing the
ature of response biases and developing the necessary theo-
etical frameworks within which to understand them constitutes

critical first step in examining this challenging issue. However,
uch research is not yet ready to inform policy, practice, or the
ourts with respect to use of force contexts (see Cox, Devine,
lant, & Schwartz, 2014 for a related critique; also Mekawi &
resin, 2015).

Finally, researchers should be aware of the potential politici-
ation of their research in this field and recognise that their results
ay be used (and abused) in unanticipated ways—including

oth the overstatement and oversimplification of their findings
y a variety of commentators, so-called experts and agencies
ith vested interests. Often there is little a researcher can do

o avoid this, but presenting the findings objectively and cau-
iously while avoiding hyperbolic claims about potential impact
r premature policy recommendations is prudent.

Conclusions

Using a variety of methodological approaches, both basic and
pplied research literatures have identified human performance
ulnerabilities when stress or fatigue is present. Results are
roadly consistent and not entirely surprising—humans com-
romised by stress or fatigue are likely to suffer impairment in
erms of response and memory performance. Although training

ay offset some performance decline, police officers are also

ulnerable to such impairment, perhaps more so as a function
f the additional cognitive load associated with responding to
nd resolving incidents. However, more research is necessary
o unpack the relative importance of key contextual factors

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EFFECTS OF STRESS AND FAT

ffecting performance, including interactions between those
actors. Future research also requires increased collaboration
etween researchers and end-users to ensure that the questions
sked and methodologies adopted can make a meaningful
ontribution to our understanding of police performance in use
f force incidents.

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EFFECTS OF STRESS AND FAT

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Evaluating the Effects of Stress and Fatigue on Police Officer Response and Recall: A Challenge for Research, Training, Pr…

Effects of Stress and Fatigue on Operational Response
Effects of Stress and Fatigue on the Reliability of the Accounts Provided by Officers
What Can Research Contribute to Training and Practice?
Realistic Training Environments
Method of Obtaining Accounts from Officers
Timing of Obtaining Accounts from Officers
Methodological and Contextual Challenges
Conclusions
References

REVIEW OF A JOURNAL ARTICLE: AN EXAMPLE

· Bibliography (in APA format)

Author, F. (1776). Effects of classroom testing by microcomputer. Journal of ABCDE, 99(9), 9-19.

· Problem

Microcomputers are being used for a variety of purposes, but research about their instructional effectiveness lags behind adoption rates for the technology. Further, there is a limited research base about the effects of microcomputers in vocational agriculture on learning in the affective, cognitive, and psychomotor domains. The research base is even more shallow when effects of testing students by computer technology are explored.

Comments: The problem statements agreed with the title and seemed to be of educational significance. The problem was not clearly visible to the average reader, and it required several readings to establish why the researchers felt this study needed to be done. It was limited to the researchers’ capabilities and resources.

· Review of Literature

· The author cited no clear review of literature; however, several appropriate references were used in the introduction section. These statements contributed to the overall understanding of the subject and to the reasoning for establishing the problem statement. Suggested section titles would have been: (1) competencies vocational education teachers need to use computer technology effectively; (2) effects of microcomputers on learning; and (3) effects of testing students by microcomputer.

· Hypothesis

This research tested hypotheses about how effectively microcomputers could be used to administer an objective classroom test to students who had studied and used computer technology.

Comments: The purpose was clearly and concisely stated and agreed with the title. It was limited to the researchers’ capabilities and resources.

· Objectives

Specifically, the study sought to determine: (a) the effect taking an objective final examination by microcomputer would have upon student cognitive performance; (b) the effect this method of testing would have on student attitude about computers immediately after the examination; and (c) whether this method of testing would require more time than conventional paper and pencil testing procedure.

Comment: The author’s objectives were answerable, and they chose to obtain them by testing null hypotheses. These hypotheses were testable and served to help explain the problem.

· Methodology

The treatment followed the post-test only control group design; consequently, the study involved two replications. Both replications were conducted during a Nostate State University course. A two stage random assignment was used in assigning groups and treatments. The three dependent variables measured in this study were: (a) minutes to complete the test; (b) score on the test; and (c) score on the attitudes about computers.

Comments: The methods used to gather the data for this article were clearly explained. The instruments and development were explained, and the reliability coefficients of all possible tests were given. The population used was adequate. No discussion of the statistical techniques was given in this particular section.

· Findings

Personal data by treatment and control group was provided in table form and explained with a short narrative.

Hypothesis one: A one way analysis of covariance revealed that the two groups were not significantly different in terms of their scores on the 35 item final examination.

Hypothesis two: The mean attitudinal scores of the two groups were positive in both replications, and there was no significant difference in the two groups’ attitudes about computers.

Hypothesis three: There was a significant difference in minutes required to complete the exam in replication one; however, there was no significant difference in replication two.

Comments: The findings were well organized, sectioned, and reported objectively. The tables were well organized but, due to the difficulty of the statistical tests employed, would not stand alone to the average reader.

· Summary

There was no summary given. Or the author’s summary was misguided because…

· Conclusions

Conclusions and implications were formulated with the knowledge that subjects for this study used microtechnology extensively during a computer applications course. In this investigation, final examination scores were independent of the method of testing. The method of testing was not a determinant of how students felt about computers. Since time required was not consistent over the two replications, the methods of testing as well as other factors appear to influence the time requirements of test completion.

Comments: The conclusions were based on the findings and logically stated.

· Recommendations

“Additional research is needed in other classroom settings to see if consistent findings about cognitive performances, time requirements, and attitude are achieved.”

Comments: The recommendations were limited to a call for additional research in the area.

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