assignment

worlds religions assignment 2 parts

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Reading Assignment: pp. Xvii-87

Part A Journal

1) What are three (at least) key ideas discussed in the assigned pages? 2) What struck you the most in reading these pages? 3) How does the reading affect your understanding of the religions of the world?

Part B Discussion

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Discuss something that struck you in this week’s reading. (300 words)

must be typed using the Times New Roman or Times font at a 12-point size, double spaced, and have one inch margins. Citations should be given in footnotes, with a bibliography listing all cited works at the end of the paper.

Colonia l Critique and the Hindu Reformers 121
Gandhi and the Struggle for Indian Independence 123
Hindu Nationalism and Hindutva 124
The Future of Hinduism 125

HINDUISM AS A WAY OF LIFE 125
Seeing the Divine Image: Temples and Icons 126
Forms of Worship 127
Yoga 129
Rites of Passage 130
Pi lgrimage 132
Women in Hinduism 133
Festivals and Holidays 134
Performance Traditions 135
CONCLUSION 137

5 Buddhism 143
THE TEACHINGS OF BUDDHISM 145

The Life of the Buddha 145
The Essentials of the Buddha’s Teaching 148

VOICES: An Interview with Katherine Sei 154

THE HISTORY OF BUDDHISM 155
The Period of the Buddhist Councils 155
Theravada Buddhism 157
Mahayana Buddhism 159
Vajrayana Buddhism 163
Buddhism in India 165
Buddhism Beyond India 166
The Western Transmission 171
Buddhists in the World Today 172

BUDDHISM AS A WAY OF LIFE 173
Who Is a Buddhist? 173
The Buddha’s Teachings on Ethics and “Skillful Means” 174
Meditation and the Cultivation of Mind 174
Mantra, Liturgical Ritual, and Chanting 176
Conversion and Ordination 176
Women in Buddhism 177
Sacred Places and Objects of Veneration 179
Holidays and Festivals 180
Funerary Rites 181
CONCLUSION 182

6 Jainism 189
THE TEACHINGS OF JAINISM 192

Mahavira, the Twenty-Fourth and Last Tirthankara
of This World Cycle 192
An Eternal Succession of Tirthankaras 193
Jainism and Hinduism 194
Ahimsa and Asceticism: Jainism’s Ideals 195
Theory of the Universe 196
Liberation and Salvation 199

THE HISTORY OF JAINISM 201
The Indian Historical Context 201
The Legacy of the Tirthankaras: Jainism through the Centuries 202
Jainism in Today’s World 203

JAINISM AS A WAY OF LIFE 204
Digambaras and Shvetambaras 204

VOICES: An Interview with Girish Shah 205
The Ascetic Life 207
Jainism and Women 209
The Religious Life of the Jain Laity 210
CONCLUSION 212

7 Sikhism 217
THE TEACHINGS OF SIKHISM 219

The Life of Guru Nanak 220
Sikh Scripture 222
On God, the Human Condition, and Spiritual Liberation 224
Teachings of Guru Gobind Singh and the Khalsa 226

THE HISTORY OF SIKHISM 227
Guru Nanak’s Successors 227
Guru Gobind Singh and the Khalsa 229
Sikhs and Nationalism 231
Sikhs in the Diaspora 231

SIKHISM AS A WAY OF LIFE 233

VOICES: An Interview with Onkar Singh 233
Daily Devotional Practices 235
Sikh Worship in the Gurdwara 235
Life Cycle Rituals 236
Worship, Work, and Charity 238
Women and Sikhism 238
Sikh Identity 239
CONCLUSION 240

8 Chinese Religions: Confucianism and Daoism 245
THE TEACHINGS OF CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM 248

Ancient Chinese Religious Views 248
The Teachings of Confucius 253
Confucianism and Women 261
The Teachings of Daoism 262
Daoism and Women 268

THE HISTORY OF CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM 269
The History of Confucianism 270
The History of Daoism 276

CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM AS WAYS OF LIFE 281
Confucian Rituals 282

VOICES: An Interview with Jason Ch’ui-hsiao Tseng 283
Daoist Practices 286
CONCLUSION 289

9 Shinto 297
THE TEACHINGS OF SHINTO 299

The Meaning of Kami 300
Creation Myth in the Kojiki 300

VOICES: An Interview with Watanabe Minoru 305

THE HISTORY OF SHINTO 306
Medieval Shinto 306
The Modern Period 307
Shinto in Japan Today 310

SHINTO AS A WAY OF LIFE 310
Fertility Rites 3

11

Women in Shinto 311
Rites of Purification, Presentation, Petition, and Participation 312
Religious Observances throughout the Year 316
CONCLUSION 318

1 Q Zoroastrianism 323
THE TEACHINGS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 325

Cosmic Dualism 325
The Divine Realm 326
Creation and the Nature of the World 328
Human Nature and Human Destiny 329

THE HISTORY OF ZOROASTRIANISM 331
The Background of Zoroastrianism 331

11

Zarathustra 332
Zoroastrian Scriptures 333
Zoroastrianism through the Centuries 334
Zoroastrianism in the Modern World 338

ZOROASTRIANISM AS A WAY OF LIFE 340
Ritual Practices 340

VOICES: An Interview with Rustom Ghadiali 340
Women and Zoroastrianism 343
Holy Days and Rites of Passage 344
The Zoroastrian Community: Social and Ethical Responsibilities 346
CONCLUSION 347

Judaism 351

THE TEACHINGS OF JUDAISM 353
God 353
Torah 355
Covenant and Election 356
Israel 358
The Messiah and the Messianic Age 359
The Afterlife 360
Jewish Mysticism 361

THE HISTORY OF JUDAISM 362
Dispersion, Assimilation, and Collective Identity 363
The Biblical Period 364
The Second Temple Period 365
The Formative Age 368
The Conflict between Judaism and Christianity 370
The Age of Philosophy and Mysticism 371
The Modern Era 376
Reform Movements in Europe and the United States 377
The Shoah and the State of Israel 381
The Future of Judaism in the Contemporary World 384
Women and Judaism 385

JUDAISM AS A WAY OF LIFE 386
The Major Festivals 386

VOICES: An Interview with Rabbi Brad Bloom 389
The Minor Festivals 392
The Sabbath 394
Life-Cycle Events 395
Other Sacred Practices 399
Prayer 401
CONCLUSION 403

12 Christianity 411
THE TEACHINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 413

The Life of Jesus 414
The Teachings of Jesus 416
Paul and the Mission to the Gentiles 418
God, Creation, and Original Humanity 419
God as Trinity 421
Sin and Human Nature 422
Grace and Salvation 423
The Church 424

VOICES: An Interview with Terrie M. and Father Art 424
Scripture 425
Tradition 427
“Last Things” 428
The Afterlife 428
Christianity and Other Religions 430

THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY 431
Christianity in the Roman World 431
The Church in the Middle Ages 436
The Reformation 439
Christianity in the Modern World 443
Women in Christianity 448
Christianity Today and Tomorrow: Trends and Prospects 450

CHRISTIANITY AS A WAY OF LIFE 452
Worship 452
Sacraments 453
Church Interiors: Sacred Space 455
Prayer 457
The Liturgical Year 458
Veneration of Saints 459
Social and Political Activism 461
CONCLUSION 461

13 Islam 469
THE TEACHINGS OF ISLAM 471

Muhammad and the Revelations 472
The Holy Our’an 474
The Teachings of the Our’an 475
Commentary on the Our’an 479
The Sunnah: The Example of the Prophet 479
The Five Pillars 480

THE HISTORY OF ISLAM 488
The Hijra and the Growth of the Muslim Community 490
The Crisis of Succession and the Rightly Guided Caliphs 492
The Umayyads and the Abbasids 493
Later Islamic Empires: The Ottomans, the Mughals,
and the Safavids 495
Islam and Nationalism 496
Islamic Reform Movements 498
Varieties of Islam 501
Muslims in North America 503

ISLAM AS A WAY OF LIFE 506

VOICES: An Interview with Tunay Durmaz 506
The Our’an in Daily Life 507
What Is Jihad? 508
The Islamic Year and Holidays 509
The Shari’ah: Islamic Law 510
Sufism 512
Marriage and Family 515
Women and Islam 517
CONCLUSION 520

14 New Religious Movements 525
WHAT IS “NEW” ABOUT NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS? 526

Modernization, Globalization, and Secularization 527
Theoretical Models and Social Typologies 529

ALTERNATIVE CHRISTIANITIES AND THEIR OFFSHOOTS 532
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints 533
Christian Science and New Thought 535
Adventism 537
Jehovah’s Witnesses 538
The Family (Children of God} 539
The Unification Church 540
Rastafarianism 542

THE REDISCOVERY OF EASTERN RELIGIOUS THOUGHT 543
The Theosophical Society 544
ISKCON: The International Society for Krishna Consciousness 545
The Osho Rajneesh Movement 546
Transcendental Meditation 547

THE REVIVAL OF ESOTERIC AND NEOPAGAN THOUGHT 548
Eckankar 549
The Findhorn Foundation 550

The Raelian Movement 551
The Church of Scientology 553
Wicca 555

VOICES: An Interview with Rev. Lucy Bunch 558

THE EMERGENCE OF UNIVERSALIST RELIGIOUS THOUGHT 559
The Baha’i Faith 559
Unitarian Universalism 561

THE NEW ATHEISM 562

Notes N-1

Glossary G-1

Credits C-1

Index 1-1

CONCLUSION 564

PREFACE

THE WORLD’S RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS have offered answers to the weightiest
questions of human existence, contributed to the formation of political and social in-

stitutions, inspired masterpieces of art and literature, and provided many of the cul-

tural values and ideals on which entire civilizations have been based. Today, religion

s

continue to play a powerful role in shaping the ways in which people understand

themselves, the world they live in, and how they should live.

Invitation to World Religions, Second Edition, welcomes all students who may come

to this course with concerns such as these. In these pages, we open the doors and invite

the reader to explore with wonder and respect. We describe the essential features of the

world’s great religions and show how they have responded to basic human needs and

to the cultural settings in which they developed. We also compare the answers reli-

gions have offered us regarding some of the most essential human questions-Why are

we here? What is the nature of the universe? How should we live? Our aim has been

to balance concision and substance in an introductory text that is accessible, as well as

challenging.

A team of authors cooperated in writing this book, each one of us bringing our

particular scholarly expertise-as well as years of teaching experience-to our re-

spective chapters. We wrote with important learning goals in mind. We want students

to gain an objective understanding of the beliefs and practices associated with the

world’s religions, but we also encourage an empathetic appreciation of what their be-

liefs and actions actually mean to adherents. By emphasizing the connections between

religious traditions and their cultural contexts, we seek to heighten awareness of the

extent to which religions have influenced, and been influenced by, politics and society,

literature, the arts, and philosophy. We also examine the role of religions in our con-

temporary world, particularly the frequently uneasy boundaries between religion and

science, urbanization, and globalization. A thoughtful reading of this book will pro-

vide a clear understanding of the characteristics that are unique to individual religions

and highlight many of their shared qualities and concerns. Finally, we trust that every

reader will find here a means of making sense of other ways of believing and living and

of finding a solid basis for the tolerance and respect that are so critically important in

times like ours.

Religions are multidimensional. Accordingly, all but the first and last chapters

examine three primary aspects of each religion: teachings, historical development,

and way oflife (practices and experiences). In the second edition, these three aspects
are presented in the same order in every chapter in which they appear. Although they

appear in the same order, however, we do not strive to devote equal attention to each

category. To do so would be to ignore the varying nature of the religious traditions.

Judaism, for example, naturally calls for extensive attention to historical development;

Jainism, for which an early historical record barely exists, does not. In each case, we
shape our coverage in the way that seems most natural given the characteristics of the

tradition under discussion.

Teachings. Commonly found in scriptures, myths, creeds, and ethical codes, the
basic teachings of a religious tradition convey its answers to fundamental questions,

such as: What is the human condition? How can the human condition be improved or
transcended? What is the nature of the world? What is ultimate reality, and how is it

revealed? The authority on which a religion answers questions such as these is also im-

portant. Are its truths revealed? Are they the products of intellectual effort? Are they

insights gained in moments of profound psychological experience? Or are they simply

traditional ways of looking at reality and our place within it that have been passed

down from generation to generation?

Historical Development. Every religious tradition has a history that reveals how
and why it developed its distinctive features, including its system of beliefs, leadership

and governance structures, social institutions, and forms of artistic expression. Some-

times the forces that generate change arise largely from within a tradition, as in the
case of conflict between opposing sects or schools of thought. At other times they op-

erate from the outside, as with the influence exerted by Western powers on foreign

colonies and spheres of influence or through the expansion of a tradition into a new

cultural milieu. A religion’s history also functions to unite the individual with others

in a shared memory of the past that helps to explain the present.

Way of Life. By way of life we mean practices-the things people do in making prac-
tical application of their beliefs, such as engaging in prayer, meditation, communal

worship, or various other forms of ritual. Closely related to practices are modes of ex-

perience, the ways in which a religion’s adherents actually experience the consequences
of applying its teachings. These might include a sense of inner peace, a more acute

sense of community with others, a greater awareness of the divine, or a state of pro-

found enlightenment.

ORGANIZATIO

N

Our survey begins with an introductory essay on the academic study of religions found

in Chapter 1. After considering what religion is, Chapter 1 identifies some of the other
important questions scholars ask: What do religions do? What issues of universal con-
cern do they address? What do scholars mean when they speak of mystical experience

or of transcendence? What are the constituent parts of religious traditions? How are

religions today being affected by the forces of modernization, urbanization, globaliza-

tion, and science? Finally, the chapter explains why a multidisciplinary approach is

necessary in any serious attempt to understand the world’s religions.

Chapter 1 is followed by two chapters on indigenous traditions. The book con-

cludes with a chapter on new religions. The ten chapters in the middle are organized
according to geographical and (roughly) chronological order, as follows: first, the reli-

gions of South Asian origin (Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism); next, those of

East Asian origin (Chinese religions, Japanese religions); and, finally, those of West

Asian (or Middle Eastern) origin (Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Christianity, Islam). By

studying the indigenous traditions first, students will gain an appreciation not only for

the many living traditions that continue to thrive but also for certain ways of being
religious (such as emphasis on oral transference of myths and other sacred lore) that at

one time were predominant in most of today’s major world religions. By studying new

religions last, students will likewise gain appreciation for living traditions, along with

glimpsing the sorts of innovations that occur within the old traditions, too, as reli-

gions respond to the cultural, technological, social, and cultural changes and chal-

lenges of the world around them.

NEW TO THE SECOND EDITION
• Modified chapter structure: We have altered the three-part structure of each

chapter, moving the history module earlier, thus allowing a closer alignment of

teachings and history. All chapters share a parallel structure: Teachings, History,

and Way of Life.
• Chapter 10, Zoroastrianism: In response to suggestions from teachers and re-

viewers, the second edition of Invitation to World Religions now includes a full

chapter on Zoroastrianism. Dynamically illustrated with images of contempo-

rary practitioners, this new chapter provides students with a compelling oppor-

tunity to explore the ancient beliefs that resonate in more familiar religions.
• Expanded Chapter 14, New Religious Movements: Chapter 14 now includes

new sections on Rastafarianism, Theosophy, and Unitarian Universalism.

• Comparative questions: These questions, which appear in the margins of each
of the three main sections of Chapters 2 through 13, encourage critical and com-

parative thinking. As the semester progresses and students increase their know-

ledge of different religions, these questions provide opportunities for discussion,
review, research, and reflection.

• Enhanced coverage of women in religion: Although the three-part chapter
structure of Invitation to World Religi,ons allows integrated coverage of the roles of

women in the history, teachings, and practices of each religion, the second edi-

tion expands on that coverage with a specific discussion in each chapter of the

contributions women make-and the challenges they sometimes face-within
each religion.

• Expanded map program: To help students better appreciate the geopolitical
contexts for religions in our globalized society, many chapters now include maps

showing the populations of different religions around the world.

In addition, the chapters on Hinduism and Buddhism have been extensively re-
vised to be more accessible to today’s learners.

FEATURES AND PEDAGOGY
Because the concepts and contexts of the world’s religions are immeasurably complex,

we have worked to present a clear and accessible introductory text. Our tone through-

out, while deeply informed by scholarship, is both accessible and appropriate for a

wide range of undergraduate students. Consistent chapter structure also helps students

to focus on content rather than trying to renavigate each chapter anew. With the ex-
ception of Chapters I and 14, every chapter in the book includes three core modules:
the teachings of the religion, the history of the religion, and the religion as a way
oflife. This modular and predictable structure is also highly flexible, allowing instruc-
tors to easily create a syllabus that best reflects their own scholarly interests, as well as

their students’ learning needs.

The study of religions can be daunting to newcomers, who must plunge into a sea
of unfamiliar words, concepts, and cultures. For this reason, we have provided a var-

iety of ways for students to engage with important ideas, personalities, and visuals,

such as:

• Voices: In personal, candid interviews, a diverse array of people share the ways
they live their faith.

• Visual Guide: A key to important religious symbols, provided in an easy-to-read
table for quick reference and comparison, is included in each “Way of Life”

section.

• Maps and Timelines: Each chapter begins with a map to provide geographical
context for a religion’s development. Key features and places mentioned in the
chapter are called out on the map. A Timeline at the beginning of each chapter

provides social and political context to help students situate each religion and

trace its development. Finally, a comprehensive Timeline of all the main religions

covered in the book now appears on the inside front and back covers.

• Seeking Answers: After each chapter’s Conclusion, we revisit three essential
questions that religions strive to answer. This feature helps students to review the

chapter’s key concepts and informs their ability to compare constructively the ways

in which different religions address the same fundamental human questions:

1. What is ultimate reality?

2. How should we live in this world?

3. What is our ultimate purpose?

Other elements that facilitate teaching and learning include:

• Glossary: Important terms are printed in bold type at their first occurrence and
are explained in the Glossary that follows each chapter. In addition, a glossary at
the back of the book includes all of the key terms from the entire text.

• End-of-Chapter Questions: Each chapter concludes with two sets of questions
to help students review, retain, and reflect upon chapter content. For Review ques-
tions prompt students to recall and rehearse key chapter concepts; For Further
Reflection questions require students to think critically about the chapter’s nuances
and encourage both discussion and personal response by inviting students to engage

in a more penetrating analysis of a tradition or taking a comparative approach.
• Suggestions for Further Reading: These annotated lists of some of the best and

most recent works on each tradition, as well as online resources, encourage stu-

dents to pursue their exploration of the world’s religions.

• Rich, robust, and relevant visuals: Finally, we have filled the pages of Invita-
tion to World Religions with an abundance of color photographs and illustrations

that add visual experience to our verbal descriptions of sacred objects, buildings,
art, and other material aspects of religious life.

SUPPLEMENTS
A rich set of supplemental resources is available to support teaching and learning in this

course. These supplements include an Instructor’s Manual, Computerized Test Bank,

PowerPoint lecture outlines, and PowerPoint art database on the Oxford University

Press Ancillary Resource Center (ARC); a DVD of CNN Videos to accompany World
Religions courses; Student Resources on a Companion Website; integrated and auto-
matically graded Student Resources on Dashboard by Oxford University Press; and
Learning Management System Cartridges with Instructor and Student Resources.

The Oxford University Press Ancillary Resource Center (ARC) at oup-arc.com
houses the following Instructor’s Resources:

• A Computerized Test Bank, including

• 40 multiple-choice questions per chapter

• 30 true/false questions per chapter
• 30 fill-in-the-blank questions per chapter

• 10 essay/discussion questions per chapter

• An Instructor’s Manual, including
• A “pencil and paper” version of the Computerized Test Bank

• Chapter Summaries

• Chapter Learning Objectives

• Suggested Weblinks and other Media Resources

• Weblinks to Sacred Texts, accompanied by brief descriptions of their content

• Lists of Key Terms and their definitions, from the text

• Customizable PowerPoint Lecture Outlines

• A customizable PowerPoint Art Database with images from the text

The CNN Video DVD with Instructor’s Video Guide offers 15 recent dips on sig-
nificant beliefs, practices, and places related to a variety of traditions covered in Invi-

tation to World Religions. Each dip is approximately five to ten minutes in length and

accompanied by a summary and series of discussion and multiple-choice questions.

For a sample, please visit the Instructor’s Resources page on the Companion Website

at www.oup.com/us/brodd. To obtain the complete DVD, available to adopters of any
OUP World Religions textbook, please contact your OUP representative or call

1-800-280-0280.

The Companion Website at www.oup.com/us/brodd houses links to the Instructor’s
Resources, as well as the following Student Resources:

• Level-one and level-two Student Quizzes taken from the Test Bank, including

• 20 multiple-choice questions per chapter

• 16 true/false questions per chapter
• 16 fill-in-the-blank questions per chapter

• 6 essay/discussion questions per chapter

• Chapter Learning Objectives
• Suggested Weblinks and other Media Resources

• Weblinks to Sacred Texts, accompanied by brief descriptions of their content

• Flashcards of Key Terms from the text

• An interactive map showing distributions of religions throughout the world

Student Resources are also available on Dashboard, by Oxford University Press.
Dashboard delivers a wealth of activities and assessments for Invitation to World Reli-

gions in an intuitive, text-specific, integrated learning system. The Invitation to World

Religions Dashboard site houses the following resources:

• Automatically graded level-one and level-two Student Quizzes from the Com-
panion Website, with each question linked to a Chapter Learning Objective for

instructor analysis of students’ specific strengths and struggles

• Flashcards of Key Terms from the text

• A complete Glossary of Key Terms from the text

• An interactive map showing distributions of religions throughout the world

Access to Dashboard can be packaged with the text at a discount, stocked separately

by your college bookstore, or purchased directly at www.oup.com/us/dashboard. For
details, please contact your OUP representative or call 1-800-280-0280.

Learning Management System Cartridges are also available for Invitation to World
Religions, and include the Instructor’s Manual, the Computerized Test Bank, and all

the Student Resources from the Companion Website. For more information on this,
please contact your OUP representative or call 1-800-280-0280.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book has been a long time in the making. Along the way, family members, friends,
and colleagues have supported us with love, patience, insights, and suggestions. We also
are grateful to the people who kindly granted us interviews. Although there is no way

we can adequately thank them here, we can at least acknowledge them: Edward Allen,
Dr. Onkar Bindra, Rabbi Brad Bloom, Jill Brodd, Jon Brodd, Rev. Lucy Bunch, Mary
Chapman, Tunay Durmaz, Lin Estes, Rev. Dr. Christopher Flesoras, Rustom Ghadiali,
George and Kausalya Hart, Kathleen Kelly, Hari Krishnan, Sammy Letoole, Ray and
Marilyn Little, Terrie McGraw, Watanabe Minoru, Annie Nystrom, Festus Ogunbitan,
Mia Sasaki, Katherine Sei, Girish Shah, Kitty Shek, Davesh Soneji, Jason Ch’ui-hsiao

Tseng, Archana Venkatesan, Krishna and Jayashree Venkatesan, and Fr. Art Wehr, S. J.
We have also benefited immensely from the hard work and good suggestions of

colleagues across the country. In particular, we would like to thank:

Kenneth Atkinson, University
of Northern Iowa

Robert E. Brown, James Madison
University

David Bush, Shasta College

John L. Crow, Florida State University

James Ford, Rogers State University

Matthew Hallgarth, Tarleton State
University

Jon Inglett, Oklahoma City
Community College

Maria Jaoudi, California State
University-Sacramento

Kate S. Kelley, University of
Missouri-Columbia

Mirna Lattouf, Arizona State University

Iain S. Maclean, James Madison
University

Benjamin Murphy, Florida State
University-Panama City

Arlette Poland, College of the Desert

Marialuce Ronconi, Marist College

John Sanders, Hendrix College

Paul G. Schneider, University of
South Florida

Joshua Shelly, University of
Illinois-CT rbana-Champaign

Glenn Snyder, Indiana University-
Purdue University Indianapolis

Phillip Spivey, University of Central
Arkansas

Dennis P. Tishken, Eastern Florida
State College

James A. Zeller, San Joaquin
Delta College

We extend our special thanks to Ravi Gupta of Utah State University who responded
so very helpfully to our request for expert advice.

We would also like to acknowledge the suggestions of reviewers for the first edi-

tion, which continued to inform our work on this new edition:

Asad Q Ahmed, Washington University
in St. Louis

John Baumann, University of Oregon

Todd M. Brenneman, University
of Central Florida

Dexter E. Callender, Jr., University
of Miami

Philip R. Drey, Kirkwood Community
College-Cedar Rapids

James Ford, Rogers State University

Kathleen Hladky, Florida State
University

Jeffrey Kaplan, University ofWisconsin-
Oshkosh

Brad Karelius, Saddleback College

Erik Larson, Florida International
University

Peter David Lee, Columbia College

Wade Maki, University of Toledo

Isabel Mukonyora, Western Kentucky
University

Samuel Murrell, University of
North Carolina, Wilmington

Tom Norris, Florida International
University

Robert Y. Owusu, Clark Atlanta
University

Claudia Schippert, University
of Central Florida

Theresa S. Smith, Indiana University
of Pennsylvania

Hugh B. Urban, Ohio State University

James W. Ward, James Madison
University

Keith Welsh, Webster University

Mien-Too Wesley, Pennsylvania State
University-Altoona

David Wisdo, Columbus State
University

Finally, we owe a debt of gratitude to the editorial staff at Oxford University Press.

Our thanks go to Executive Editor Robert Miller, who originally invited us to publish
with Oxford and continues to oversee the project. Robert has put us in the excellent

care of Senior Development Editor Meg Botteon, whose professionalism and skill have

been an essential guiding force. Editorial Assistant Kaitlin Coats helpfully managed

reviews and other editorial tasks, including work with art and images and with the

development and production of supplements for the book. Our thanks also go to

Senior Production Editors Jane Lee and Theresa Stockton for managing the final
stages of the book’s production.

INVITATION TO or
• ~ions

An INVITATION to
the STUDY of
WORLD RELIGIONS

ON AMERICAN COLLEGE CAMPUSES, indications of the world’s religions

are readily observable. Bulletin boards bear fliers announcing upcoming

events pertaining to Buddhist meditation or Hindu sacred art o r the

Islamic observance of Ramadan. Campus religious groups engage in

outreach activities at tables alongside walkways or in student unions,

oftentimes with posters quoting scripture or displaying religious icons.

Some icons even commonly adorn the students themselves-a cross

necklace, for example, or a tattoo of the yin/yang symbol.
To study the world’s religions is to progress from mere observation

of things to understanding their meaning and relevance. Anyone who

observes the yin/yang symbol can appreciate the beauty of its spiraling,
interweaving symmetry, but studying Chinese religion reveals a much

more complex meaning. Mysterious in their origins, yin and yang are
complementary primal energies that give rise to all creation . For the

human being, to maintain a perfect balance of yin and yang is to live an
ideal life. The nearly ubiquitous symbol of the cross similarly takes on

new depths and complexities of meaning, even for many who identify

themselves as Christian, when approached through the study of world

religions. To Christians, God, the creator of all things, having taken on

human form in the person of Jesus Christ, will ingly suffered the painful

death of crucifixion on the cross to save humanity from the power of sin.

On many campuses, people of different religious
perspectives gather for candlelight vigils to observe
times of sorrow as well as celebration.

4 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

We can expand on our understanding of the meaning and cultural relevance of these
two icons through a brief comparative study. Chinese religion, with its belief in the
creative, complementary energies of yin and yang, has neither need nor room for a
creator such as the Christian God. The Christian concept of sin and the correspond-
ing need for salvation are alien to the Chinese quest for balance of yin and yang. These
two icons, in other words, signify profoundly different cultural orientations.

To study the world’s religions is to enhance one’s understanding and appreciation
of the rich variety of cultures around the globe. This chapter introduces this field of
study by exploring the significance, examining the foundational concepts, and de-
scribing appropriate strategies for the academic exploration of religion. $!~

APPROACHING THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

I n order to be an educated person today, one must have an awareness of world re-ligions. To learn about this subject matter is to increase one’s cultural literacy-the objective that lies at the heart of this study. The religious traditions examined
in this book are foundational aspects of cultures around the globe. Religion plays a
crucial role in molding, transforming, and transmitting cultures. Interacting and inter-

meshing with other cultural aspects-politics, economics, aesthetics-religion is

arguably a culture’s most potent force, in ways both constructive and destructive.

When people believe they are acting in a manner that is condoned by a transcendent

power or is in keeping with timeless tradition, they tend to act more fervently and with

greater potency. In other words, religions are powerful, sometimes even dangerous.
Knowing about them is crucial for negotiating our richly complex world.

“World Religions” has been a prominent course of study in American colleges and

universities for nearly a century. Recently, the category has come under scrutiny by

some scholars, as has the so-called “world religions discourse” that often accompanies

it.1 Although such scrutiny sometimes tends to lose sight of the obvious-that “world

religions” as an academic category, whatever its origins, is here to stay and that learn-
ing about its subject matter is vitally important-critics are correct to demand sound

academic approaches to the study. A primary concern involves the fact that the study

of world religions, and indeed the entire enterprise of the academic study of religion,

arose within the nominally Christian European intellectual culture that tended to take

for granted that Christianity was a model of what a religion ought to be and, commonly,

that it was the only true religion. Until the late decades of the nineteenth century, theo-
rists applied the term “world religion” (in the singular) only to Christianity. Eventually

Buddhism, Judaism, and occasionally Islam were grouped with Christianity as “world

religions” (or “the world’s religions”). By the 1930s the list had grown to include the

ten to twelve religions that still today are normally categorized as world religions.

And so, to the basic need for knowing about the world religions (however they

came to be categorized), we can add another vital need: that we go about studying
them appropriately through awareness of what we might call the “do’s and don’ts” of

religious studies, which this chapter explores in some detail. We can begin by noting

Approaching the Study of World Religions 5

that an appropriate study of world religions does not privilege any
religion as being somehow exemplary or the model with which others

are to be compared. On a related note, we need to avoid terms and

categories that are rooted in such privileging. For example, “faith” is

a natural term to use when studying Christianity, but it can hardly

be applied to the study of Confucianism or Shinto. Other important
issues involve underlying motives or assumptions that can too easily

creep in. A common one is this: All religions ultimately say the same

thing. This is an intriguing possibility, but in fact, it is impossible to

prove by way of a sound academic approach-that is, well-reasoned

theorizing based on careful analysis of the evidence.
The challenge of mastering the “do’s” and avoiding the “don’ts”

only enriches our study. We begin by considering the rise of the modern

academic field of religious studies.

Religion as a Subject of Academic Inquiry
The academic study of religion, commonly known as “religious stud-

ies” (or sometimes as “comparative religion” or “history of religions”) is

a relatively recent development. Prior to the European Enlightenment of the eighteenth

century, it rarely occurred to anyone to think of a religion as an entity that could

be separated from other aspects of culture, and therefore as something that could be

defined as a distinct category and studied as such. Enlightenment thinkers, most
influentially the German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), conceived of

religion as something separate from the various phenomena the human mind is

capable of perceiving. 2 This impulse toward categorically separating religion, coupled

with European exploration of distant lands and their unfamiliar “religions,” launched

efforts to understand religion that have continued to the present day. This shift means

that we modern observers need to be cautious when appraising the religious aspects
of other cultures, lest we make the error of assuming that all peoples have recognized

religion as a distinctive category. Most cultures throughout history have had neither

the conceptual category nor a term meaning “religion.”

The academic study of religion is generally distinct from theology, the field of in-

quiry that focuses on considering the nature of the divine. Unlike religious studies,

theology is an important example of doing and being religious, which naturally invites
consideration of the supernatural and of the “truth” of religious claims. Religious

studies, like most other academic pursuits, is to a large extent based in an approach

to knowledge that depends on analysis of empirical data. The discourse and actions

of human beings can be observed and studied through normal means of academic

inquiry; empirical evidence can be gathered, and through rational argumentation hy-

potheses can be formulated and supported. Supernatural beings and events normally
are held to be beyond the reach of academic inquiry. The academic study of religion,

as understood by the authors of this book, is therefore not theology, however much we

William James defined
religion as “the feelings,
acts and experiences
of individual men in
t heir sol itude . . . . ”
Caspar David Friedrich
depicted the solitary,
contemplat ive individual
in his 1818 painting,
Wanderer Above a
Sea of Fog.

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8 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

might admire theologians and enjoy studying their work, which is itself an important

human enterprise and a major component of religion.

The Definitional Challenge A natural outcome of the Enlightenment impulse toward
categorically separating religion from other aspects of culture has been to produce

a universal definition of the term. Scholars from various academic disciplines have

struggled with this challenge without having produced a single definition that pleases
everyone. Many theorists today dismiss the challenge as futile, and some even go so far

as to argue that use of the term “religion” in academic study should be abandoned

altogether because of its ambiguity and misleading inferences. Most scholars involved

in religious studies, however, agree that they are studying basically the same subject,
and for lack of a better term most are content with calling it “religion.”

The relevance of defining “religion” can be understood through an analogy that

compares religions to houses. Embarking on a study of religions without concern over

what, exactly, we are studying would be akin to setting off for foreign places to explore

the nature of houses without first agreeing on what counts as a house. Would we

include apartments? Vacation cabins? Palaces? Defining terms helps us draw clear

boundaries around the subject of study. Another challenge involves our preconceived
notions of things. We might assume that everyone shares a common idea of a typical

“house” (like the kind we learned to draw in grade school), but such an assumption is

mainly the result of preconceptions based on our own culture’s norms. People from

other cultures might dwell in structures that have little in common with our standard

notion of a house.

Let’s consider some notable attempts at conceptualizing “religion” while keeping
in mind our “house” analogy. In fact, when exploring the more specific category

“world religion,” it will be useful to think of a similarly more specific category of

house: a mansion, and more specifically, an old mansion that has undergone a long

process of refurbishing. Although certainly considered a type of house, a mansion has

many rooms that serve a wide variety of functions and styles. Imagine an old mansion

that has kept the same foundation and basic structure over the years, but to which
various inhabitants have made changes that have enabled the structure to survive into

modern times. Our study of the world’s religions is an invitation to explore several

extraordinary “old mansions.” Our tools of study-beginning with considerations of

definition-are designed to help us make the most of our explorations, to take in fully

the teachings, the histories, and the practices of the world’s religions.

Three Classic Definitions The history of the attempt to formulate suitable defini-
tions of”religion” is intriguing. In many instances, definitions reveal as much about the
historical era and about the intentions of the individual theorist as they do about the

nature of religion.
The following well-known definitions of “religion” were set forth by notable theo-

rists in different fields:

Approaching the Study of World Religions 9

A religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred
things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden-beliefs and prac-

tices which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all

those who adhere to them.3
-Emile Durkheim

[Religion is] . . . the feelings, acts and experiences of individual men in

their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation

to whatever they may consider the divine.4
-William James

[T]he religious aspect points to that which is ultimate, infinite, uncon-

ditional in man’s spiritual life. Religion, in the largest and most basic

sense of the word, is ultimate concern.5

-Paul Tillich

French sociologist Emile Durkheim (1858-1917), a founding figure of the sociological

study of religion, emphasizes in his definition the social nature of religion. He insists
on the unification brought about by “beliefs and practices,” culminating in a “moral

community called a Church.” Durkheim surely hits on some central functions of reli-

gion, but most scholars contend that he overemphasizes this social orientation. On the

other hand, American psychologist William James (1842-1910) emphasizes the indi-

vidual nature of religion. Although this aspect is also clearly important, his definition

omits any mention of religion’s social nature. The definitions put forth by Durkheim
and James, although provocative, are therefore problematically limiting.

Paul Tillich (1886-1965), a Protestant theologian, naturally connects religion to a

focus on “man’s spiritual life.” His notion of religion as “ultimate concern” has been

quite influential over the past several decades, probably in part because many find it

true to their own experiences. But the definition is very broad, and it says nothing

regarding the specific content of religious traditions. In emphasizing the existential
concerns of religion, it neglects the social and institutional components of the tradi-

tions. People commonly claim to be “spiritual” while also denying that they belong to

a religion. A sound definition needs to accommodate this distinction or else avoid this

ambiguity altogether.

Two Prominent Definitions Let us now consider two definitions of religion that
currently enjoy wide favor and that avoid these sorts of shortcomings. The HarperCollins

Dictionary of Religion, a popular reference work, states: “One may clarify the term

religion by defining it as a system of beliefs and practices that are relative to super-
human beings.”6 This definition encompasses a wide array of cultural phenomena,

while at the same time restricting the category, most especially with the concept

“superhuman beings.”

10 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

Bruce Lincoln (b. 1948), one of the most prominent contemporary theorists of religion,

asserts in his definition that a religion always consists of four “domains”-discourse,

practice, community, and institution:

1. A discourse whose concerns transcend the human, temporal, and contingent, and

that claims for itself a similarly transcendent status …

2. A set of practices whose purpose is to produce a proper world and/or proper
human subjects, as defined by a religious discourse to which these practices are

connected …

3. A community whose members construct their identity with reference to a religious

discourse and its attendant practices . ..

4 . An institution that regulates religious discourse, practices, and community, repro-
ducing them over time and modifying them as necessary, while asserting their

eternal validity and transcendent value.7

Lincoln’s definition, although considerably lengthier than the Dictionary’s, is impres-

sively precise. It also is helpfully inclusive. By basing religion on the notion of the
“transcendent” rather than on “supernatural beings” or the like, Lincoln’s definition

encompasses Confucianism and forms of Buddhism, including Theravada, that do not

focus on belief in supernatural beings. (Chapters 5 and 8 explore in more detail the

categorization of Buddhism and Confucianism, respectively, as religions rather than

“philosophies”.) The religions featured in this textbook conform to Lincoln’s definition.

This is not to say that Lincoln, or for that matter any other theorist, has determined
what religion “truly” is. In the words of sociologist Peter Berger (b. 1929), commenting

on the challenge of defining religion, “a definition is not more or less true, only more or

less useful.”8 For purposes of our study, Lincoln’s definition provides a useful means of

categorizing the subject matter. It clarifies why the traditions featured in this book

qualify as religions while also, especially with its insistence that a religion involves an
“institution,” establishing helpful limits. The general category “spirituality,” for example,

would not necessarily qualify as religion based on Lincoln’s definition.

We now shift our focus from what religions are to consider what religions do. In

the next section, we analyze various functions of religion, concentrating especially on

the fundamental questions to which religious traditions provide answers.

WHAT RELIGIONS DO
Whatever one thinks a religion is, this much remains certain: a religion does. This fact

is closely related to the challenge of defining religion. Some theorists have emphasized

this functional side of religion in their explanations. Underlying Durkheim’s definition,

for example, is a theory that reduces religion to being an effect of societal forces.

Religion, in turn, serves to promote social unity. Here is a clear case in point that defi-

nitions reveal as much about the intentions of the theorist as they do about the nature
of religion. As we have already noted, Durkheim is regarded as a founder of sociology;

it is not surprising that he emphasizes the social aspects of religion. Consider also this

assertion from psychologist Sigmund Freud (1856-1939):

Religion would thus be the universal obsessional neurosis of humanity;

like the obsessional neurosis of children, it arose out ofthe Oedipus

complex, out of the relation to the father.9

Freud was an atheist whose psychological theory held religion to be undesirable. Politi-

cal philosopher Karl Marx (1818-1883), likewise an atheist, offers a similarly negative
assessment, which is even more antagonistic toward religion:

Man makes religion, religion does not make man. In other words, reli-
gion is the self-consciousness and self-feeling of man who has either

not yet found himself or has already lost himself again. But man is no
abstract being squatting outside the world. Man is the world of man,
the state, society …. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature,

the heart of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of a spiritless

situation. It is the opium of the people.10

Marx, strongly affected by what he perceived as the economic disparities of the Indus-

trial Revolution, was a thoroughgoing materialist who dismissed all forms of ideology

as being abstractions and, to some extent, obstacles to the pursuit of true well-being.

Freud similarly regarded religion as an effect of other forces, viewing it as a by-
product of psychological forces . According to Freud, religion functions as an un-

healthy but soothing buffer against the inner terrors of the psyche. For Marx, religion

functions in a similarly unhealthy manner, as an opiate that deters the suffering

individual from attending to the true cause of affliction.

These functionalist explanations, although provocative and at least somewhat

insightful, are largely regarded now by scholars as being severely limited in their
perspectives. Perhaps religions do function in these ways at certain times in certain
situations; but surely religions do much more. In fact, neither Freud nor Marx ever

actually tried to define religion; rather, they tried to explain it away. This does not di-

minish, however, the enduring relevance of these theorists for purposes of striving

to understand the “big picture” of the role religion plays in the lives of individuals

and in societies.
We can widen our vantage point on the functions of religion and produce a fairer

and more accurate depiction by considering the variety of life’s challenges that these

traditions help people to face and to overcome.

Religious Questions and Challenges
It might seem disrespectful or even blasphemous to ask, Why do religions exist? But
in fact this is a perfectly legitimate and instructive question. As human enterprises,

What Religions Do 11

At sites like this
Confucian temple in
Beijing, China, Confucius
(Master K’ung) is
honored for his
enduring contributions
to Chinese culture.
Sound definitions of
“religion” are flexible
enough to include
Confucianism as a
rel igious tradition.

12 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

religions naturally respond to human needs and readily acknowledge reasons for their

doctrines and rituals. A typical reason has to do with some kind of perceived separa-

tion from the sacred or estrangement from a state of perfection or fulfillment. The

human condition, as ordinarily experienced, is regarded as being disconnected from

the fulfillment that lies at the end of a spiritual path. Various related questions and

challenges are addressed by religions, with these three prominent questions recurring
in some form in nearly every system:

1. What is ultimate reality?

2. How should we live in this world?
3. What is our ultimate purpose?

The rest of this book’s chapters explore the ways major religions answer these ques-

tions. For now, let’s consider these questions more broadly.

What Is Ultimate Reality? It is difficult to imagine a religion that has nothing to
say about ultimate reality-even if this involves asserting that “ultimate” reality con-

sists of no more than the natural world and we human beings who inhabit it. Religions
typically assert that ultimate reality is somehow divine, and explanation of the nature

and role of the divine takes center stage in a religion’s belief system. But the “divine”

is not necessarily thought of as God or gods. When it is, we refer to that religion as a

theistic (from Greek theos, or god) belief system. When it is not, the religion is said to
be nontheistic. Some forms of Buddhism, such as Zen, are clearly nontheistic. A help-
ful middle ground descriptive term is transtheistic, acknowledging the existence of
gods-but of gods that are not vital with regard to the most crucial religious issues,

such as the quest for enlightenment or salvation.11

Theistic religions can be further categorized. Polytheism (from Greek polys, or
many) is the belief in many gods (“gods” is considered a gender-neutral term and

can-and often does-include goddesses). Monotheism (from Greek monos, or only
one) is the belief in only one god (and hence the term is normally capitalized-God-a

proper noun referring to a specific being). Here, a kind of middle ground comes in the

form of henotheism (from Greek hen, the number one), which acknowledges a plur-
ality of gods but elevates one of them to special status. Some forms of Hindu devotion

to a particular god such as Vishnu or Shiva are henotheistic.

Pantheism (from Greek pan, or all) is the belief that the divine is identical to
nature or the material world. Although not one of the world’s living religions, the an-

cient Greek and Roman religious philosophy known as Stoicism is an example. It is
important to bear in mind, too, that the world’s religions often feature entities that are

supernatural and yet are not necessarily gods. These quasi-divine figures, such as

angels, demons, and the monstrous characters that feature prominently in myths, are

typically difficult to categorize but are important elements of religion nonetheless.
To complicate matters further, scholars of non-Western religions have commonly used

the term “god” to refer to supernatural beings that are more

similar to angels, or even to the saints of Catholic tradition.

The theos in the “polytheism” of such non-Western religions

therefore often refers to a very different type of being than does

the theos in “monotheism.” Simplistic application of such terms

is misleading.
Nontheistic belief systems include those that uphold atheism,

which in modern parlance is a perspective that denies the exist-

ence of God or gods. In ancient times, a person could be labeled
an atheist for denying the significance of deities, even while be-

lieving that they exist. Among the ancient Greeks and Romans,

for example, Epicureans were considered to be atheists. Even ac-
cording to the modern meaning of atheism, some atheists never-

theless could be regarded as religious-depending on how one

defines “religion.” The HarperCollins Dictionary of Religion def-

inition, with its basis in “supernatural beings,” likely would not
leave room for atheism, whereas Bruce Lincoln’s definition could.

(The issue of atheism as religious or not is taken up in “The
New Atheism” section of Chapter 14.)

Nontheistic religions (and here the term is on surer footing)

also include those that conceive of the divine as an impersonal force or substratum of

existence. Some nontheistic religions, such as various forms of Buddhism (Chapter 5)

and Hinduism (Chapter 4), even assume the existence of divine beings while rejecting

the notion that such beings can truly help humans find spiritual fulfillment. Some
Hindus, for example, while believing in many gods and goddesses, hold that Brahman,

impersonal and ultimately indescribable, is the essence of all. Those Hindus therefore

embrace monism because of this primary belief that all reality is ultimately one. Monism

is also described as nondualistic, because there is no distinction between the divine real-

ity on one hand and the rest of reality, including human individuals, on the other.
Such a categorizing scheme admits to some complications. Some Hindus are mo-

nistic because they understand all reality ultimately to be one thing: Brahman. But

some of those same monistic Hindus also pay homage to a variety of supernatural and

divine beings, and thus might also be described as polytheists.

Along with asserting the existence of ultimate reality, religions describe how this

reality is revealed to human beings. The foundational moments of revelation are fre-
quently recorded in sacred texts, or scriptures. In the case of theistic religions, scrip-

tures set forth narratives describing the role of God or the gods in history and also

include pronouncements directly attributed to the divine. In the Jewish and Christian

Bible, for example, God’s will regarding ethical behavior is expressed directly in the

Ten Commandments. The giving of the Ten Commandments is described in the long

narrative about the Exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, in which God is said to have

played a central role.

What Religions Do 13

This painting, produced
in 1810, depicts the
Hindu deities Shiva
and Parvati with their
children, Ganesha and
Kartikeya. Hindus
believe in many gods
and goddesses, these
four-and especially
Shiva-being among
the most popular.

14 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

Ka’ba, Mecca.

Among nontheistic religions in particular-but also among the mystical tradi-

tions that form part of every religious tradition-revelation usually combines textual

transmission with a direct experience of revelation. Revelation is usually experienced

by a founding figure of the religion, whose experiences are later written about; subse-

quent believers can then experience similar types of revelation, which requires their

own participation. Buddhists, for example, have scriptural records that describe the
Buddha’s experience of “unbinding” or release, as well as pronouncements by various

deities praising the ultimate value of that experience. Followers must then connect to

such revelation through practices such as meditation.

Another helpful way of thinking about revelation is offered by historian of reli-

gions Mircea Eliade (1907-1986), who makes much descriptive use of the phenom-
enon he calls “hierophany,” or “the act of manifestation of the sacred,” which helps a

people to establish its cosmology, or religious understanding, of the order of the world.12

Eliade emphasizes how this concept applies to indigenous or small-scale traditions

(those of “archaic man” in Eliade’s terminology). But the phenomenon of the hiero-

phany is readily apparent within the world’s major religions, often, but not always,

as a theophany, a manifestation of God or of gods. The role of hierophanies in estab-

lishing places of special significance can be observed in many of the sites related to the
founding figures and events of the major religions: Christianity’s Church of the Nativity

(and other sacred sites related to the life of Christ); Islam’s sacred city of Mecca;

Buddhism’s Bodh Gaya, site of Gautama’s foundational experience of Enlightenment;

and so on. Sacred moments establish sacred spatial monuments, thus establishing a

sense of centrality and spatial order.

Along with often referring to other worlds, religions have much to say about this
world. Human beings have always asked searching questions about the origin and status

of our planet and of the universe. Typically these two issues-origin and status-are

intertwined. If our world was intentionally fashioned by a creator god, for instance,
then it bears the stamp of divine affirmation. Thus the early chapters of the Book of

Genesis in the Hebrew Bible (the Christian
Old Testament) describe the measured, cre-

ative activity of God, including the creation

of humankind. In contrast, the creation sto-
ries of some religious traditions deemphasize

the role of the divine will in bringing about

the world, sometimes (as in the religion of the
ancient Greeks) describing the advent of the

principal deities after the universe itself has
been created. The gods, like humans, come

into a world that is already established; gods

and humans are depicted as sharing the world,

which naturally affects the relationship be-
tween human and divine. In other religions,

notably those same South Asian traditions

that embrace liberation as the ultimate reli-

gious objective, this world is depicted as a

kind of illusion, somehow not altogether real

or permanently abiding. It is thus not so sur-
prising that liberation involves being com-
pletely freed from the confines of this world.

These are but a few examples of religious

understanding of the nature of the world, a

general category known as cosmology (from
kosmos, the Greek term for world or universe).

Along with clarifying the origin and sacred
status of the world, cosmology also explains

how the world is ordered. Many traditions at-

tribute the order of the universe to the doings

of divine being(s) or forces. Yet in certain re-

spects modern scientific explanations set

forth cosmologies that are intriguingly simi-

What Religions Do 15

lar to some religious cosmologies taught by religious personages of the distant past, The Andromeda Galaxy.

such as Gautama the Buddha or Epicurus, a Greek philosopher who espoused a theory

of atomism, arguing that reality is composed entirely of a very large number of very

small particles. (Recall that the Epicureans were labeled “atheists” because they denied

the significance of the gods.)

Of course, a particular religion’s cosmology strongly influences the degree to which
its adherents are involved in caring for the world. Religions that are indifferent or

hostile toward the natural world are not apt to encourage anything akin to environ-

mentalism. On the other hand, a religion that teaches that the world is inherently

sacred naturally encourages a sense of stewardship toward the natural world. Native

American traditions, for example, are notably environmentally oriented.

How Should We Live in This World? Many religions have much to say about God
or other superhuman beings and phenomena, and yet all religions are human enter-

prises. Their teachings are communicated in human languages, their rituals are prac-

ticed by human participants, and their histories are entwined with the development of

human societies and cultures. Religions also explain what it is to be a human being.
Explanations regarding what it is to be human also figure largely into ethical or

moral considerations. Are we by nature good, evil, or somewhere in between? Reli-

gions tend to recognize that human beings do not always do the right thing, and they

commonly offer teachings and disciplines directed toward moral or ethical improve-

ment. To say that we are by nature good, and at the same time to recognize moral

failings, is to infer that some cause external to our nature is causing the shortcoming.
If we are by nature evil, on the other hand, or at least n aturally prone to doing

16 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

Sixteenth-century
triptych (altar painting)
depicting the creation
of Eve (center), the
eating of the forbidden
fruit (left), and the
expulsion from the
Garden of Eden (right).
This story of humankind’s
first sin sets forth basic
biblical perspectives on
the human condition.

wrong, then the moral challenge

lies within and the means of im-

provement would need to be di-

rected inwardly.

Religions typically prescribe what

is right behavior and what is wrong,
based on a set of ethical tenets, such

as the Jewish and Christian Ten
Commandments. In fact, the very

prospects of improving upon the

human condition and of faring well

in an afterlife quite commonly are

deemed to depend in some way upon
right ethical behavior. The ethical

teachings of many religions are not-

ably similar. The so-called Golden
Rule (“Do unto others what you

would have them do unto you”13)

set forth in the Christian New

Testament is pronounced in similar forms in the scriptures of virtually all of the world’s

major traditions.

The religions differ, however, over the issue of the source of ethical truth. Some

emphasize revealed ethics, asserting that God, or some other supernatural force such
as Hindu dharma (ethical duty), has established what constitutes right behavior and
has in some manner revealed this to human beings. The divine will might be con-

ceived of as God (or gods), or it might take the form of an impersonal principle, such

as dharma. Another common approach, in some forms of Buddhism, for example,

emphasizes the role of conscience in the moral deliberations of each individual. These

two emphases are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Some religions, Christianity
among them, teach that both revealed ethics and individual conscience work together

as means of distinguishing right from wrong.

What Is Our Ultimate Purpose? The challenge of mortality-the fact that we are
destined to die-is sometimes cited as the primary motivating force behind religion.

And although it is true that all religions have at least something to say about death, the
wide diversity of perspectives is quite astounding. For example, whereas Christianity,

with its focus on the resurrection of Christ and the hope of eternal life, can be said to

make mortality a central concern, Zen Buddhism, drawing inspiration from the clas-

sic Daoist texts, refuses to make much at all of death beyond acknowledging its natu-

ral place in the order of things.

Both the challenge of mortality and the issue of our moral nature relate to ques-
tions regarding the human condition-and what can be done about it. In many faiths,

how we conduct ourselves in this world will determine our fates after we die. Most

religions readily acknowledge that human beings are destined to die (although some,

such as Daoism, have at times aspired to discover means of inducing physical immor-

tality). As we have noted, some religions have little to say about the prospects of life

beyond death. But most religions do provide explanations regarding the fate of the

individual after death, and their explanations vary widely.
Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism all maintain belief in samsara,

the “wheel of life” that implies a series oflives, deaths, and rebirths for every indi-

vidual. The ultimate aim of each of these religions is liberation from samsara.

Buddhist nirvana is one such form ofliberation. But most of the adherents of Buddhism

and these other religions anticipate that death will lead to rebirth into another life

form (not necessarily human), one in a long series of rebirths. Furthermore, the
reborn are destined for any one of multiple realms, including a variety of hells and

heavens.

Other religions, notably Christianity and Islam, teach that individuals are destined

for some sort of afterlife, usually a version of heaven or of hell. Sometimes the teach-

ings are more complicated. The traditional Catholic doctrine of purgatory, for exam-

ple, anticipates an intermediary destiny somewhere between the perfect bliss of heaven
and the horrible agony of hell, where an individual can gradually be purified from sin,

ultimately achieving salvation and entry to heaven.

Given what a religion says about the human condition, what ultimate purpose is

the religious life intended to achieve? Is there a state of existence to which the religious

person can hope to aspire that perfectly completes or even transcends the human con-

dition, overcoming entirely its cares and shortcomings?
One such state of existence is the numinous experience, as described by Rudolf

Otto in his classic work The Idea of the Holy (1923). Otto (1869-1937), a Protestant

theologian and a philosopher of religion, describes the encounter with “the Holy” as

“numinous,” a term he coined from the Latin numen, meaning spirit or divinity (plural,

numina). A genuine numinous experience, Otto asserts, is characterized by two pow-

erful and contending forces: mysterium tremendum and fascinans. Mysterium
tremendum, which in Latin means “awe-inspiring mystery,” is the feeling of awe that

overwhelms a person who experiences the majestic presence of the “wholly other.”14

Fascinans (Latin, “fascinating”), is the contrasting feeling of overwhelming attraction.

The encounter with the Holy is thus alluring (foscinans) even as it is frightening on

account of the awe-inspiring mystery (mysterium tremendum). The biblical phenome-
non of the “fear of God” fits this description, as the God who is being feared is at the

same time recognized as the source of life and the hope for salvation.

Otto’s insightful analysis of the numinous experience suffers from a significant

limitation: based in his Protestant Christian outlook, it may ring true to a Protestant;

from a global perspective, however, the analysis is rather limiting. For example, Otto

discounts the mystical experience, a category that includes such phenomena as
Buddhist nirvana, the complete dissolution of an individual’s sense of selfhood said

What Religions Do 17

18 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

Moses and the Burning
Bush (1990), charcoal
and pastel on paper by
Hans Feibusch. In the
drawing, God reveals
himself to Moses in a
bush that is on fire but
not consumed by the
flames. The event is
described in Exodus, the
second book of the
Hebrew Bible (Old
Testament).

by Buddhists to be a state of perfect
bliss and ultimate fulfillment. Accord-

ing to Otto, nirvana involves too much

foscinans without enough mysterium

tremendum.

Recall that Bruce Lincoln’s defini-

tion of religion is based on the notion

of the transcendent. Both the numinous

experience and nirvana are examples

of transcendent states of existence. For

Otto, the numinous experience depends
on the existence of”the Holy,” or God.

For many Buddhists, the experience of

nirvana does not depend whatsoever

on belief in God or gods. Most world

religions, whether they embrace belief in a supernatural being or not, assert the possi-

bility of such a transcendent state of existence, an ultimate objective of the religious

life that brings complete fulfillment of all spiritual longings. For a Buddhist who has
experienced nirvana, for example, there is, paradoxically, no longer a need for Buddhism.

The religious life has been lived to its fullest extent, and the ultimate objective has been

reached. Because nirvana involves the complete extinction of individual existence, it is

truly transcendent of the human condition. Other religions, in widely varying ways,

also set forth ultimate objectives, whether or not they imply the complete transcendence

of the human condition. In some cases spiritual fulfillment can be said to consist of
living in harmony with nature. Others readily acknowledge the supernatural-usually

God (or gods)-and the need for human beings to live in perfect relationship with it.

Christianity, for example, offers salvation from the effects of sin, which otherwise

estrange the individual from God. Sometimes spiritual fulfillment is thought to be

achievable in this lifetime; other times it is projected into the distant future, after

many lifetimes of striving and development.
Of course, improving upon the human condition does not have to involve com-

plete transcendence or anything close to it. Day to day the world over, religious people

improve upon the human condition in all sorts of ways. Belief in a loving God gives

hope and fortitude in the face of life’s uncertainties. Meditation and prayer bring an

enhanced sense of tranquility. Religious motivations often lie behind charitable acts.

Belonging to a religious group offers social benefits that can be deeply fulfilling. Even
for individuals who do not participate directly in a religious tradition, sacred art, ar-

chitecture, and music can bring joy to life.

DIMENSIONS OF RELIGIONS
Sound definitions strive to be universal in scope. Along with a sound definition, a

means of categorizing the common, though not necessarily universal, components of

Dimensions of Religions 19

a subject of study can often prove beneficial. We now explore
possibilities for identifying religious phenomena, in part to

bring home the important point that there is no “right” or

“wrong” way to go about categorizing them. Instead, we seek

the most useful means given the task at hand. This will lead

naturally to clarifying how this book goes about organizing its
presentation of material.

Some scholarly approaches to the world’s religions feature

specific categories of phenomena as the primary means of

organizing information. Religious scholar Ninian Smart’s
(1927-2001) “dimensional” scheme, for example, divides the

various aspects of religious traditions into seven dimensions:

• The mythic (or sacred narrative)
• The doctrinal (or philosophical)

• The ethical (or legal)

• The ritual (or practical)

• The experiential (or emotional)

• The social

• The material15

Such an approach to the content of religious traditions is very useful, especially if one
focuses on a comparative analysis that emphasizes particular motifs (that is, “dimen-

sions” or aspects thereof).

In this book, we organize things into three main categories: teachings, historical de-

velopment, and way oflife. Although each chapter of this book is organized around these

three main categories, we do not strive in all chapters to devote equal attention to each

category. To do so would be to ignore the varying nature of the religious traditions and to

force an inappropriately rigid structure. Judaism, for example, calls for extensive attention
to historical development in order to best understand the context of its teachings and

practices; Jainism, for which an early historical record barely exists, does not.

Teachings
Obviously, religions tend to involve beliefs. But as long as they remain private to the

individual, beliefs are problematic for the student of religion. As public elements of a

religion’s teachings, however, beliefs can be observed and interpreted. Such public

beliefs are manifested as doctrines or creeds-sets of concepts that are believed in.
(The term “creed” derives from the Latin verb credo, or “I believe.”) Among the world’s

major religions, Christianity most emphasizes doctrines. Most Christians, for ex-

ample, regularly acknowledge belief in the statements of the Nicene Creed.

Religious teachings include another significant category, often referred to as myth
(as noted in Smart’s “mythic” dimension). Quite in contrast to the modern connotation

of myth as a falsehood, myth as understood by the academic field of religious studies

Meditating Buddha,
sixth century c.E. (Thai).
Sculptures of the
Buddha typica lly depict
the serene calm of the
enl ightened state.

20 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

Devils Tower, located in
northeastern Wyoming,
is regarded as a sacred
place by many Native
Americans.

is a powerful source of sacred truth. Set forth in narrative form and originally con-

veyed orally, myths do not depend on empirical verifiability or rational coherence for

their power. They are simply accepted by believers as true accounts, often involving

events of primordial time that describe the origin of things.

As we have noted previously, religions typically include ethical instructions,

whether doctrinal or mythic, among their teachings. And as Smart readily acknowl-
edges, the various dimensions are closely interrelated; the ethical dimension, for ex-

ample, extends into the doctrinal and the mythic, and so forth.

Historical Development
It almost goes without saying that the world’s major religions-all of which are many
centuries, even millennia, old-have long and intricate histories. Thus the historical

development of religious traditions incorporates a vast sweep of social, artistic, and

other cultural phenomena.

The wide array of artistic, architectural, and other aspects of material culture gen-

erated within religious traditions is of course obvious to anyone who has studied art

history. The ornate Hindu temple sculptures, the majestic statues ofJain tirthankaras,
the mathematically ordered architectural features of Islamic arabesque decor-these,

among countless other examples, attest to the extensive role of religion in the nurtur-

ing of material culture. Other forms of artistic creation, most prominently music and

theater, also are common and significant features of religions. And, as Smart helpfully

clarifies when discussing the material dimension of religion, natural entities (mountains,

rivers, wooded groves) are designated as sacred by some traditions.

Religions in the Modern World 21

Social institutions and phenomena of various sorts-economic activities, politics,

social class structures and hierarchies-have typically played highly influential roles in

the historical development of religious traditions. As we have observed, Marx and

Durkheim went as far as to reduce religion to being entirely the effect of economic and

societal forces, respectively. Even for theorists who opt not to go nearly as far as this,

the relevance of such phenomena is obvious.

Way of Life
This main category tends to feature two general types of religious phenomena: prac-

tices and modes of experience. Recall that Smart includes the ritual (or practical) and

the experiential (or emotional) among his seven dimensions of religion. Some such ele-
ments are tangible and readily observable and describable, such as a ritual like the
exchange of marriage vows or the procession of pilgrims to a shrine. Others are highly

personal and therefore hidden from the outsider’s view. One of the great challenges of

studying religions rests precisely in this personal, private quality. Modes of experience

such as Buddhist nirvana are by definition beyond the reach of empirical observation

and of description. Rudolf Otto, throughout his analysis, emphasizes the impossibility
of describing the “numinous” experience fully. Even common practices such as prayer

and meditation tend to involve an inner aspect that is highly personal and quite inac-

cessible to anyone who is not sharing the experience. A book such as this one can do

its best to illustrate and to explain these experiential phenomena but cannot be ex-

pected to provide a full disclosure at certain points. Such is the nature of religion.

RELIGIONS IN THE MODERN WORLD
A sound analysis of the world’s religions must pay heed to the rapid changes that char-

acterize the modern world. Historical transformations, accelerated during the past

several centuries by such diverse and powerful factors as colonialism, the scientific

revolution, and economic globalization, have reshaped religious traditions. This book

takes into account such factors whenever appropriate. Here we introduce four specific
phenomena that will reappear frequently in the pages that follow: modernization,

urbanization, globalization, and multiculturalism. We give special attention to two

features of modernization that are especially noteworthy for our study: the increas-

ingly visible place of women within religious traditions and the encounter of religion

and science.

Modernization and Related Phenomena
Modernization is the general process through which societies transform economically,
socially, and culturally to keep pace with an increasingly competitive global market-
place. Its net effects include increased literacy, improved education, enhanced tech-

nologies, self-sustaining economies, the increased roles of women in various aspects of

society, and the greater involvement of the general populace in government (as in democ-

racies). All these effects involve corresponding changes within religious traditions.

22 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

Trinity Church, built in
1846, sits amidst the
skyscrapers of Wall
Street in New York City.

Higher literacy rates and improved education, for example, facilitate increased

access to religious texts that previously were controlled by and confined to the reli-

gious elite. Technological advances, strengthened economies, and increased par-

ticipation in government all nurture greater equality for and empowerment of the

common people. A general feature of modernity, moreover, is its tendency to deny

the authority of tradition and the past. Traditional patriarchal modes, for example,
have tended over time to be diminished. Around the globe, we are witnessing a

general erosion of long-standing power structures within religions. Obviously this

is not the case in all circumstances; changes have tended to occur in different soci-

eties at different times, and some religious institutions are better equipped to ward

off change. But over the long haul, modernization clearly has influenced the reshap-

ing of religious traditions.

Urbanization A significant demographic effect of modernization is urbanization,
the shift of population centers from rural, agricultural settings to cities. A century ago,

only about 10 percent of the global population lived in cities; today, more than half of

us are urbanites. Many religious traditions developed within primarily rural settings,

patterning their calendars of holy days and rituals around agricultural cycles. Such

patterns have far less relevance today for most religious people.

Globalization Globalization is the linking and intermixing
of cultures. It accelerated quickly during the centuries of

exploration and colonization and has been nurtured consider-

ably by the advanced technologies brought about by modern-
ization. The extent of this linking and intermixing is evinced

in the very term “World Wide Web,” and the pronounced and

rapidly evolving effects of the Internet and other technologies

have been extraordinary. The almost instantaneous exchange

of information that this technology allows is more or less par-

alleled by enhanced forms of affordable transportation. In
sum, we now live in a global community that could hardly

have been imagined a few decades ago.

Multiculturalism The most pronounced religious effects of
globalization pertain to the closely related phenomenon of
multiculturalism, the coexistence of different peoples and
their cultural ways in one time and place. Many people today

live in religiously pluralistic societies, no longer sheltered from

the presence of religions other than their own. This plurality

increases the degree of influence exerted by one religion on an-

other, making it difficult for many individuals to regard any one
religious tradition as the only viable one. This circumstance, in

Religions in the Modern World 23

turn, fosters general questioning and critical assessment of religion. To some extent,

such questioning and critical assessment erodes the authority traditionally attributed

to religion. Globalization, then, like modernization, has nurtured the notably modern

process of secularization, the general turning away from traditional religious author-
ity and institutions.

The Changing Roles of Women in Religions
One of the more pronounced effects of modernization on world religions has been the

increased visibility and prominence of women within many traditions. To some extent

this increase also has caused the furtherance of modernization. As women increasingly

feel themselves empowered and are afforded opportunities to effect change, their mo-

mentum propels modernizing transformations. Traditional patriarchal modes have

tended to give way to more egalitarian ones, and old assumptions have gradually
receded. To cite just one example, the percentage of clergy in Protestant Christian

churches who are women has recently risen quite dramatically. According to a 2009

survey, in 1999 5 percent of senior pastors were female; ten years later this had doubled

to 10 percent. 16

Corresponding to the increased visibility and prominence of women in many reli-
gions has been the dramatic development over the past five decades of feminist theory

and its application to the study of religion. Sometimes referred to as women’s studies

or as gender studies, academic approaches based in feminist theory have revealed

the strong historical tendency of religious traditions to subordinate women and to

enforce the perpetuation of patriarchal systems. On the one hand, these studies have

revealed contributions of women through the ages that have hitherto been largely
ignored, while on the other hand they have prompted changes within some religions

that have expanded the roles of women and have provided opportunities for higher

degrees of prominence. In other words, studies based in feminist theory have to some
extent changed the religions themselves, along with providing new and potent means
of studying them.

The Encounter of Religion and Science
Perhaps no single feature of modernization has been more challenging to traditional

religious ways-and more nurturing of secularization-than the encounter of religion

with science. One need only think of the impact of Charles Darwin’s Origin of Species

(1859) and its theory of evolution to note the potential for conflict between scientific

and traditional religious worldviews. The question of whether the biblical account of
creation should be taught alongside the theory of evolution in schools is a divisive issue

in some predominantly Christian societies today. In the domain of cosmology, too,

science has tended to overwhelm traditional perspectives, such as the idea that the

Earth is somehow the center of the cosmos, as implied in the Bible and in the creation

myths of many traditions.

Many more examples could be drawn from the history of religions and the history
of science to illustrate the ongoing potential for conflict between these two domains.

24 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

Of course, religions are not always hostile to science. In fact, as we have already noted,
sometimes modern scientific theories seem almost to converge with ancient religious

outlooks. Acquiring a more sophisticated perspective on the encounter of religion and

science requires us to consider the underlying reasons for both conflict and convergence.

Fundamental to the scientific method is dependence on empirical data, the ob-

servable “facts” of any given situation. To a large extent, religions do not rely only on
the observable as a source of determining truth. Religious belief is often characterized

precisely by commitment to the nonobservable, such as a supernatural being. This very

term, “supernatural,” indicates another, related point of contention between religion

and science. For whereas the latter takes for granted that the universe consistently

obeys certain laws of nature, religions commonly embrace belief in beings and events

that are not subject to these laws.
And yet, these issues of natural laws and of the observable versus the unobservable

also lead to points of convergence between science and religion. Certain basic and

extremely significant scientific questions remain unanswered. For example, what is the

ground of consciousness? What causes gravity? What existed, if anything, prior to the

Big Bang, and what caused its existence? Science and religion can perhaps generally

agree over this: mystery abounds. Granted, the scientific response to a mystery is “let’s
solve it,” whereas the religious response typically is, “this is a mystery and is meant to be.”

But in the meantime, mystery abides, allowing for a certain kind of convergence. It is

probably no accident that the percentage of scientists in the United States who regularly

attend religious services is almost the same as the percentage for the general population.17

AN ACADEMIC APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF RELIGIONS
Scholars approach the study of religion in a variety of ways. And although there is no

such thing as the correct approach, it is helpful to keep some basic concepts in mind.

Balance and Empathy
One concept is the maintenance of a healthy balance between the perspective of an

insider (one who practices a given religion) and the perspective of an outsider (one who

studies the religion without practicing it). For, although an insider arguably has the

best vantage point on the lived realities of the religion, presumably the insider is pri-

marily concerned with being religious and not in explaining the religion in a manner
most effective for those who hold other religious (or nonreligious) perspectives. It is
quite natural for an insider to feel bias in favor of his or her own religion. The outsider,

on the other hand, would have no reason to feel such bias. But the outsider would

not have the benefit of experiencing the religion firsthand. It is analogous to trying to
understand a goldfish in a pond. An outsider can describe the fish’s color, its move-

ments, its eating habits. But the outsider can say very little about what it is actually like
to be a goldfish. 18

The academic approach to the study of religions attempts to balance the perspec-
tives of insider and outsider, thereby drawing upon the benefits of each. It is not an

An Academic Approach to the Study of Religions 25

intentionally religious enterprise. As we have noted previously,
it is not doing religion or being religious, unlike theology. In-

stead, it strives to analyze and describe religions in a way that

is accurate and fair for all concerned-insiders and outsiders

alike. An instructive parallel can be drawn from the discipline

of political science. Rather than advocating a particular polit-
ical point of view, and rather than being a politician, a political

scientist strives to analyze and describe political viewpoints

and phenomena in a fair, neutral manner. A good political

scientist could, for instance, belong to the Democratic Party but

still produce a fair article about a Republican politician-without

ever betraying personal Democratic convictions. A good scholar
of religion, of whatever religious (or nonreligious) persuasion,

attends to religious matters with a similarly neutral stance.

Another basic concept for the academic approach to religion

is empathy, the capacity for seeing things from another’s per-
spective. Empathy works in tandem with the usual tools of

scholarship-the observation and rational assessment of em-
pirical data-to yield an effective academic approach to the study of religions. The

sometimes cold, impersonal procedures of scholarship are enlivened by the personal

insights afforded by empathy.

Comparative and Multidisciplinary Approaches
A sound study of the world’s religions also features a comparative approach. The chief

benefit of this was emphasized by the nineteenth-century scholar Friedrich Max

Muller (1823-1900), who is generally regarded as the founder of the modern field of
religious studies. He frequently asserted that to know just one religion is to know

none. In other words, in order to understand the phenomena of any given tradition, it
is necessary to study other traditions, observing such phenomena as they occur in a
wide variety of situations. This naturally requires that the study of world religions be

cross-cultural in scope. As we proceed from chapter to chapter, the usefulness of com-

parison will become more and more evident.

This is not to say that comparison should be undertaken haphazardly or with in-

tention only to discover similarities while ignoring differences. Those critics mentioned

earlier who deride the “world religions discourse” tend to be suspicious of attempts at
comparison, claiming that too often similarities are indeed valued over differences and

that the categories used to make comparisons tend to privilege Christianity over other

traditions. Sometimes the results of the comparison of religion differentiate religions

into groups that are too sweepingly general: for example, “Eastern” and “Western”
religions. Still, the benefits of comparative analysis outweigh the risks, and the

potential pitfalls that these critics appropriately warn against can indeed be avoided
through a conscientious approach.

A miniature illustration

from the “Automata

of al-Jazari,” a Muslim

scholar, inventor, engi-

neer, mathematician,

and astronomer who

lived from 1136 to 1206.

26 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

Along with being cross-cultural, religious studies is multidisciplinary, or poly-

methodic, drawing on the contributions of anthropology, history, sociology, psychol-

ogy, philosophy, feminist theory, and other disciplines and fields of study.

This chapter on many occasions has made use of the term culture, the study of

which is the domain of anthropology. We have noted that religion plays a crucial role

in molding, transforming, and transmitting cultures and that it interacts and inter-
meshes with other cultural aspects. A sound study of the world’s religions requires

careful consideration of the interrelationship between religion and culture; in other

words, it requires a healthy dose of cultural anthropology.

The need for involvement of the other disciplines should be likewise apparent.

Given their historical and social aspects, the appropriateness of the disciplines of his-

tory and sociology for the study of religions is to be expected. And especially when
trying to make sense of the modes of religious experience, psychology offers important

inroads to understanding that the other disciplines are not equipped to provide. Along

with Freud and James, whose definitions we have considered, Swiss psychologist Carl

Jung (1875-1961) deserves mention for his vital contributions to the study of religious

symbolism and of the general role of the unconscious mind in the religious life. The

philosophy of religion, in certain respects the closest to actually doing religion (or the-
ology), endeavors to assess critically the truth claims and arguments set forth by reli-

gions. Questions involving the existence of God, for example, are among those taken

up by philosophers. Feminist theory, as noted previously, has contributed substantially

toward advancing the study of world religions. Theories and methods of the natural

sciences also have contributed substantially, at a pace that is accelerating rapidly. The

widest array of innovations has come from cognitive science, which studies both the
physical capacity for thinking (i.e., the “brain”-although this category can also in-

clude computers and other systems of artificial intelligence) and mental functions

(i.e., the “mind”). Cognitive science is itself a multidisciplinary field with contributors

who include neuroscientists, evolutionary biologists, and computer scientists, along with

specialists from the social sciences.

Suffice it to say that the multidisciplinary nature of religious studies accounts for
its very existence as an academic discipline. Without the involvement and contributions

of its many subdisciplines, there could be no academic field of religious studies.

CONCLUSION
In this chapter, we have explored the nature of religion and how to study it from an

academic perspective. The main objective is to prepare for the study that follows, a
chapter-by-chapter examination of the major religions of the world. But the relatively

theoretical and methodological content of this introductory chapter is relevant and

challenging in its own right. Indeed, some readers might be surprised to learn that the

search for an adequate definition has posed a daunting challenge or that the study of

religion requires special means of approach. Hopefully these same readers have come

to recognize the complexity of the ideas and the challenge of the task without feeling

daunted about going forward with our study.

We have noted that the rest of this book’s chapters feature a threefold organiza-

tional scheme consisting of teachings, historical development, and way oflife. Although

these chapters, with their focus on the religious traditions themselves, naturally are

quite different from this introduction, it is worth noticing that in this chapter, too,
we have featured historical development-of both the attempts to explain or define

religion and the approaches to studying it-and teachings, most especially the the-

ories of various notable contributors to religious studies. The “way of life” aspect per-

haps has been less obvious, but in fact it is important and deserves consideration as

we end the chapter. On more than one occasion we have drawn a distinction between

the academic study of religion and doing religion or being religious. Where, then, does
this leave the individual who wants to do (and be) both? Ultimately, this is a question

to be left for the individual reader to ponder. But it might prove helpful to know that

the degree of being religious among scholars of religion spans the spectrum of possi-

bilities, from not religious at all to highly devout. Either way (or someplace in be-

tween), one thing is true for all who venture forth to study the world’s religions: we

are investigating important and enduring aspects of human cultures, down through
the millennia and around the globe. Our understanding of things that matter is sure

to be enriched.

Review Questions 27

REVIEW QUESTIONS

For Review
1. Who is Emile Durkheim, and what is no-

table about his definition of religion?

2 . Bruce Lincoln, in his definition of religion,

identifies four “domains.” What are they?

consideration of the role of religion . Based

on their statements included in this chapter,

how might their perspectives be provocative

and enriching in this respect?

3. What is “revelation,” and how is it pertinent

to the question: What is ultimate reality?

4. Identify and briefly describe Ninian Smart’s
seven “dimensions” of religion.

5. What is “empathy,” and how is it relevant
for the academic study of religion?

For Further Reflection
,. Sigmund Freud and Karl Marx, while tend-

ing to be dismissive of the enduring import-

ance of religion, asserted explanations that

continue to provoke and to enrich academic

2 . This chapter and book pose three promi-

nent questions with regard to the challenges
addressed by the world’s religions: What is

ultimate reality? How should we live in this

world? What is our ultimate purpose?

Drawing on examples and ideas presented

in this chapter, discuss to what extent and
in what ways these three questions are

interrelated.

3. Explore the interrelationship of these features

of religions in the modern world: globaliza-

t ion, secularization, and multiculturalism.

28 Chapter 1 AN INVITATION TO THE STUDY OF WORLD RELIGIONS

GLOSSARY

atheism Perspective that denies the existence of God
or gods.

cosmology Understanding of the nature of the world
that typically explains its origin and how it is
ordered.

empathy The capacity for seeing things from an-
other’s perspective, and an important method-
ological approach for studying religions.

globalization The linking and intermixing of
cultures.

henotheism The belief that acknowledges a plurality
of gods but elevates one of them to special status.

modernization The general process through which
societies transform economically, socially, and
culturally to become more in keeping with the
standards set by industrialized Europe.

monism The belief that all reality is ultimately one.

monotheism The belief in only one god.

multiculturalism The coexistence of different peo-
ples and their cultural ways in one time and place.

mysterium tremendum and fascinans The con-
trasting feelings of awe-inspiring mystery and of
overwhelming attraction that are said by Rudolf
Otto to characterize the numinous experience.

mystical experience A general category of religious
experience characterized in various ways, for ex-
ample, as the uniting with the divine through
inward contemplation or as the dissolution of the
sense of individual selfhood.

myth A story or narrative, originally conveyed orally,
that sets forth basic truths of a religious tradition;

myths often involve events of primordial time that
describe the origins of things.

nontheistic Term denoting a religion that does not
maintain belief in God or gods.

numinous experience Rudolf Otto’s term for de-
scribing an encounter with “the Holy”; it is char-
acterized by two powerful and contending forces,
mysterium tremendum and fascinans.

pantheism The belief that the divine reality is iden-
tical to nature or the material world.

polytheism The belief in many gods.

revealed ethics Truth regarding right behavior be-
lieved to be divinely established and intentionally
made known to human beings.

revelation The expression of the divine will, com-
monly recorded in sacred texts .

ritual Formal worship practice.

secularization The general turning away from tra-
ditional religious authority and institutions.

Stoicism Ancient Greek and Roman pantheistic re-
ligious philosophy.

theistic Term denoting a religion that maintains
belief in God or gods.

transtheistic Term denoting a theological perspec-
tive that acknowledges the existence of gods while
denying that the gods are vital with regard to the
most crucial religious issues, such as the quest for
salvation.

urbanization The shift of population centers from
rural, agricultural settings to cities.

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Eliade, Mircea. The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature

of Religion. Translated by Willard R. Trask. New

York: Harper and Row, 1961. Eliade’s most ac-

cessible work, offering a rich analysis of sacred

space and time.

Hinnels, John, ed. The Routledge Companion to the

Study of Religion. 2nd ed. Oxford: Routledge,

2010. Coverage of significant issues in religious
studies by leading scholars.

(continued)

Masuzawa, Tomoko. The Invention of World Religions:

Or, How European Universalism Was Preserved in

the Language of Pluralism. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 2005. Careful historical analy-

sis of the term and category “world religions.”

Pals, Daniel. Eight Theories of Religion. 3rd ed. New
York: Oxford University Press, 2014. The best

introduction to the history of religious studies

as an academic field, including chapters on

Karl Marx, William James, Sigmund Freud,
Emile Durkheim, and Mircea Eliade.

Smart, Ninian. Dimensions of the Sacred: An Anatomy
of the World’s Beliefs. Berkeley and Los Angeles:

ONLINE RESOURCES

American Academy of Religion

aarweb.org
The largest and most influential North American

academic society for the study of religion.

Pew Research Religion and Public Life Project
pewforum.org
Excellent source of information on issues involv-

ing social and political aspects of religion.

Online Resources 29

University of California Press, 1996. An engaging

presentation of Smart’s “dimensions.”

Smith, Jonathan Z. Imagining Religion: From Babylon
to Jonestown. Chicago Studies in the History of

Judaism. Chicago and London: University of

Chicago Press, 1982. A collection of essays that

exemplify Smith’s impressively wide-ranging and

astute approach to the study of religion.

Taylor, Mark C., ed. Critical Terms for Religious
Studies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1998. Articles on various central topics for the

study of religions, written by leading scholars

in the field.

The Pluralism Project at Harvard University

pluralism.org
Offers an impressive array of helpful resources,

especially with regard to the world’s religions in

North America.

INDIGENOUS
RELIGIONS of
NORTH AMERICA

THE HOT AFTERNOON SUN beatsdownontheeighteenmenandwomen
who dance in patterned formation in the midst of a circular enclo-
sure. Caleb, a twenty-six-year-old medical technician from Rapid City,
South Dakota, is one of the Eagle Dancers. Caleb and the others dance
to the rhythmic beating of a large drum, their faces turned upward to the
eastern sky. This is the sixth time this day that the group has danced,
each time for forty minutes, each time gradually shifting formation in
order to face all four directions, honoring the spirit beings of the East,
the South, the West, and the North. One more session of dancing, later
this afternoon, will bring to an end this year’s annual Sun Dance. The Sun
Dance is a midsummer Native American ritual that spans nearly two
weeks, culminating in four days of dancing. This Sun Dance, in the wil-
derness of the Pacific Northwest, is open to all participants-from all
Native American nations and even non-Native Americans.

In the center of the circular enclosure stands a remarkable tree. Per-
haps a hundred bundles of colorful cloth hang from its boughs. Its central
limbs hold a branch of chokecherry, from which hang effigies of a buffalo
and of a man. The cottonwood tree was carefully selected months in
advance for this purpose, then ceremoniously felled the day before the
dancing began and carried many miles to be positioned at the enclo-
sure’s center.

This photo from 1910 shows several Cheyenne people
gathered in preparation for a Sun Dance ceremony.

32 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

0km

0 miles

PACIFIC
OCEAN

500

500

1000

Indigenous peoples of
North America that
are discussed in this
chapter.

1000

C A

LAKOTA

N T
T A T

A D

f>

Gulf of

Mexico

Caribbean

Sea

ATLANTIC
OCEAN

The tree’s significance for all those gathered at the Sun Dance can hardly be over-
stated. Due to the ritual of the dancing, the circle for these four days is sacred space.
The tree stands at the center and marks the most sacred space of all. In fact, it is the
tree that establishes the circle and defines the sacred space. Added to this is the sig-
nificance of its verticality. By reaching upward, the tree is thought to be the point of
contact with the spirit world that connects the sacred expanse of the sky to the sacred
space of the circle and to Caleb and the dancers. In every respect, the cottonwood
tree is a kind of axis mundi (Latin, “the center of the world”), a symbol that scholars
of religious studies and mythology have recognized in cultures and traditions glob-
ally. Planted in the earth, reaching skyward, and establishing the sacred enclosure of
the Sun Dance, the tree is perceived by the participants as being the center of the
world-and of reality itself.

Caleb is a member of the Lakota Nation, a people of the Northern Plains. Caleb is
a very special type of dancer known as an Eagle Dancer. He and the two other Eagle
Dancers dance attached to ropes that are strung from the tree’s trunk and looped
around skewers that were pierced through the skin of their chests on the first day of
dancing. At the end of the fourth day, they will fall back on their ropes, pulling the

skewers free from their flesh. This act is consid-
ered a sacrifice to the Great Spirit, or God, a gift
of the one thing that is truly one’s own to give-
one’s being. The Eagle Dancers spend almost the
entire four days in the midst of the sacred circle,
enduring the days’ heat and the nights’ chill, and
taking neither food nor drink. Though he is a
young man, Caleb has spent several years prepar-
ing for this Sun Dance, the first summer of three
in which he will be an Eagle Dancer. Training under
the guidance of a Lakota healer, Caleb has practiced
the difficult arts of fasting and enduring the heat.

As the temperature hovers near 1 oo degrees,
the dancers gradually complete this round. The
challenges of the fast and the hot sun are espe-
cially daunting for the three Eagle Dancers. As the
youngest and least experienced of the Eagle danc-
ers, Caleb has difficulty enduring the harsh condi-
tions and the rigors of the dance. He nearly faints
on several occasions.

The Sun Dance incorporates many ritual fea-
tures: the sounds of the beating drum, often
accompanied by chanting of sacred words; the
sights of the tree and the dancers; the smell of
cedar smoke used to ritually purify the grounds
and participants; and, for the Eagle dancers, the
experiences of fasting and the acts of sacrifice.
The cumulative effects of these features are self-
evident to Caleb and the others involved. The per-
ception of sacred space, with the tree as axis rnundi,
is complemented and enhanced by the perception
of sacred time. The usual partitioning of everyday
life is superseded by the ritualized stages of the
dancing and of the ceremony at large. For Native
Americans like Caleb, these effects tend to induce
a state of heightened awareness of the spirit
world-and of the Great Spirit, or God.

Indigenous Religions of North America 33

Tl MELINE
North American Religions

20,000 years ago Anthropologists believe humans
migrated to the Americas from Asia.

300-900 c.E. The Mayan culture is flourishing; elements
of Popa/ Vuh seen in hieroglyphic script.

700-1400 The city of Cahokia is inhabited in Illinois.

900-1519 The Mayan cities decline; major urban centers
are deserted.

1050 The first pueblos are built in the American
Southwest.

1100-1519 The Aztec civilization thrives.

1492 Columbus arrives in the Americas.

1513 The Spanish arrive in Florida.

1519 The Spanish arrive in Mexico; Hernan Cortes.

1540s The Spanish arrive in southwestern United States.

1550s First written copy of the Popa/ Vuh.

1565 The Spanish establish St. Augustine in Florida.

1560s First French colony in Florida.

1607 The Eng lish establish Jamestown.

1700s The Popa/ Vuh written in Quiche Mayan language
in Roman script.

1857 The Popa/ Vuh published in Spanish language.

1819 The Civilization Fund Act is passed.

1870 The First Ghost Dance.

1889 Wovoka’s vision.

1890 The Second Ghost Dance.

December 29, 1890 Tragic battle at Wounded Knee ends
the Ghost Dance.

1904 The Sun Dance banned in the United States.

1918 The Native American Church is founded.

1978 The American Indian Religious Freedom Act is
passed.

1995 The use of peyote is made legal for religious
purposes.

The Sun Dance has been practiced for centuries by many Native American tribes
of the Northern Plains. Details have varied, depending on particular tribal traditions.
The Sun Dance retains its importance today and is becoming more popular as Native
peoples strive to rediscover and to nurture traditions rooted in the past. No one
ritual, however important or popular, can exemplify the religious practices of all

34 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

Native Americans. Still, the Sun Dance features certain elements-such as the axis
mundi, the perception of sacred space and sacred time, and the communing with the
spirit world-that are quite common to the religions of North America. $:;K~

I n this chapter, we will explore indigenous religions of North America. Because these religions are so numerous, we will not attempt to discuss them all but rather will select examples from a few. It is important to observe that these reli-
gions are not relics of the past. Although they are practiced on a smaller scale, they are

not simpler or more basic than large religions like Christianity, Buddhism, or Islam.

Therefore, they should not be considered evidence of a “primitive” or less developed

religious mentality. Rather, Native American religions are highly complex belief sys-
tems, with sophisticated cosmologies and firm ethical principles. Although followers,

like Caleb, certainly inherit ideas and practices from their ancestors, the religions are

not simply copies of ancient religions. They have changed-and continue to change-

in response to interaction with other belief systems, other cultures, and technological

advances.
Although we explore these religions together in a single chapter, it is important to

note that there is much diversity in the indigenous religions of North America. Today,

more than 700 tribal nations are recognized in the United States alone. In the past,

there were many more. The human landscape of North America changed dramatically

with the arrival of Europeans. Prior to European contact, the population of the Americas

as a whole was estimated to be as high as 100 million. However, due to disease and
conquest, the Native population throughout the Americas was decimated, and it is

likely that some religious traditions were lost forever.

There is much diversity in Native American religious traditions, but there are also

some common patterns in Native American religious practice, teachings, and historical

development. Ritual practices like the Sun Dance are found in many Native American

religions. Also, many religions share the belief that the sacred coexists with and infuses
everyday life. Similarly, many share a belief in the interconnectedness of all things in

the natural world and thus emphasize the importance of reciprocal relationships be-

tween humans and other elements of the natural world. Also, although these religions

each have individual histories, they have faced similar issues and events in modern

times, particularly with the European conquest of the Americas.

THE TEACHINGS OF NATIVE AMERICAN
INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS
We will begin our exploration of Native American religions by looking at the belief

systems and teachings of some of these religions. Because they are complex and varied,
we will focus our attention primarily on elements of belief that are common in many

Native religions. We will look particularly closely at beliefs about creation and human

The Teachings of Native American Indigenous Religions 35

origins, the interrelationship of humanity and other elements of the world, and the

nature of sacred language.

Most Native American religions do not have a specific creed or statement of belief.

Rather, essential teachings are revealed in mythic narratives and shared and enacted

through religious practice. As we learned in Chapter 1, all religions have a mythic

component. The religions of North America have especially rich and detailed sacred
narratives. Myths contain sacred knowledge about the world, humanity, and the

meaning of existence. It is through hearing and retelling myths that people commit
this knowledge to heart and pass it on to the next generation. In most Native religions,

knowledge is highly valued, and those people who have it are greatly respected. With

their intriguing characters and compelling stories, myths are a powerful way for

people everywhere to learn about their origins, the supernatural, and ethics and
morality. As in other religions, the myths of Native American religions also provide

guidelines for human behavior, relationships, and ritual practice.

Creation and Origins
Creation stories abound in the myths of native North America, and there is a remark-

able variety in types of creation narratives. Some myths focus on the creation of the

earth and the origins of humans in general, and others simply account for the origins

of one particular people. Some myths tell of people coming to the surface of the earth

from deep underground, and others tell of humans being fashioned from corn by
creator gods. Despite this diversity, most Native American mythologies regard the

Americas as the original ancestral home.

The Creators and Sacred Power In Native American myths, acts of creation are
most often attributed to superhuman beings, often referred to simply as “creators.”

Because of the vast differences between Native religions, it is difficult to make gener-

alizations about Native conceptions of superhuman beings. Some Native religions, like

those of the Great Plains tribes, hold a belief in a Supreme Being, sometimes known
as the Great Spirit. Such religions, like the religion of the Lakota, may also teach that

all elements of creation, both animate and inanimate, contain the spiritual essence of

the Great Spirit. Sometimes, the Supreme Being is thought to be somewhat removed

from the day-to-day lives of human beings. Spirits or lesser deities, however, may be

more active in everyday human affairs.
Many Native American religions also share a belief in a supreme force or sacred

power. This sacred power may be manifest in different ways. It may be inherent in

parts of the natural world or may be an important quality of gods or other supernatu-

ral beings. The Navajo of the southwestern United States teach of a Holy Wind, which
is a spiritual force that inhabits every element of creation. The Holy Wind enters living
beings through their own breath and directs their actions and thoughts. In this way,
the Holy Wind connects all living things.

36 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

Th ink about the nature
of sacred narratives,
or myths, in Native
American and other
religious traditions.
Do myths play a similar
or different role across
religions? How so?

The Aztecs of central Mexico recognized a sacred power that infused elements of

everyday life and supernatural beings. Aztecs also recognized many different deities,

who possessed different aspects of sacred power. Some deities were associated with

the power of creation and fertility, and others with the sun. The god Quetzalcoatl,
who is often depicted as a feathered serpent, was thought to possess the sacred power

of creation. Many mythic narratives surround Quetzalcoatl. One myth teaches that he
assisted with creation by providing food and nourishment for the Aztec people. As a

result, he is regarded as an important cultural hero in Mexico.1

Human Origins and Human Ancestors The creation narratives of indigenous
North American religions differ significantly from each other in their accounts of the

origin of humans. Some myths describe how humans were created, and others focus
on how they came to live in a particular geographic locale. Despite such differences,

however, North American Native myths often teach that human beings and human

ancestors originated in the Americas. This belief contradicts anthropological theories

that the Americas were settled by people from Asia tens of thousands of years ago.

The Mayan people of Central America have very complex creation narratives.

Mayan cultural roots go back thousands of years. Although most myths of the Americas
have been transmitted orally, the Maya have an ancient written language and texts that

contain their mythic heritage. The Quiche Maya, one of several Mayan ethnic groups,

are from the highlands of Guatemala. The Quiche creation epic, known as the Popol
Vuh, contains stories about creation, the exploits of the gods, and the first humans.
The written text of Popol Vuh in the Quiche language dates back several centuries.

The Popol Vuh contains a dramatic account of the creation of the first humans.
The creator gods attempted to make humans several times but failed in their first

three attempts. The first time, the gods succeeded in creating animals, but they could

only squawk and chatter-they could not speak. This disappointed the gods, who

wanted humans to be able to worship them with spoken language. The second time,

the creators made humans out of mud, but the clumsy figures just melted away. The
third time, the gods fashioned wooden manikins. The manikins looked human and

could talk, but they were cruel and heartless. The Popol Vuh tells that these manikins
became the first monkeys. Finally, the creators mixed cornmeal with water to fashion

human beings. This attempt was successful, and the humans could talk, think, and

worship the gods. 2

Other Native American myths do not describe the creation of humans, but instead
account for their emergence on the surface of the earth. The Zuni live in the south-

western United States. In Zuni mythology, a god called Awonawilona created the
world from his own breath and body. At the time of creation, the ancestors of the Zuni

lived underground in dark and unpleasant conditions. Eventually, two warrior gods

were created. They led the ancestors out from under the earth to live on its surface in

the sun. Zuni mythology teaches that the Zuni were the first people on the surface of
the earth, but every few years the earth would open again and another people would

The Teachings of Native American Indigenous Religions 37

emerge. The Zuni regard the other Southwest

peoples who followed them, like the Navajo and

the Hopi, as their younger siblings.3

Navajo creation myths similarly describe the

ancestors of humans, sometimes known as Holy
People, emerging from under the surface of the
earth. The myths tell that ancestors of the Navajo

lived a stressful and conflict-ridden life under-

ground. This unpleasantness was due to the in-

herent chaos of their environment-there was

neither order nor purpose to life under the earth,

and people behaved badly toward one another.
To escape the turmoil, the ancestors traveled

through many subterranean worlds in search of

one in which order would prevail. They finally

emerged on the surface of the earth. First Man and First Woman were born, and it was

their responsibility to help create this world.

The ancestors prepared the world for humans through specific rituals using special
objects. The rituals established order and served as the foundation for Navajo religious

practice, even as practiced today. In one ritual, the ancestors created a painting on the
ground, in which they depicted all that was going to exist in the world. Then, through

prayer and song, the real world came to be from this wonderful painting. In stark con-
trast to the chaos underground, the world was perfectly balanced and ordered. Eventu-

ally, an important figure known as Changing Woman was born. She gave birth to heroic
twins, who prepared the way for humanity by vanquishing monsters that roamed the

earth. Then, Changing Woman created the first Navajo people from her own body.4

In some religions, ancestors are the spiritual representations of what humans can
hope to become. The Pueblo peoples are cultures of the Four Corners region of the

American Southwest that include the Hopi and the Zuni. Among the Pueblo peoples,
ancestral spirits are known as kachinas. Kachinas, which may take the form of animals,
plants, or humans, represent the spiritually perfect beings that humans become after

they die. The Hopi believe that in this life, humans are spiritually imperfect. But in

the afterlife, the Hopi leave their human nature behind and become unsullied spirits.

Humanity’s spiritual imperfection is represented in public dances and ceremonies by

clowns. This is because, in Hopi mythology, a clown led human beings as they emerged
from the ground. In some of these ceremonies, masked dancers portraying the kachina

spirits tell the clowns to mend their imperfect ways and strive to be better human beings.

When the dancers don the masks, the kachina spirits inhabit and inspire them.5

Life Lessons in Myths
Native American mythologies contain teachings about how to live properly in the
world. From myths, people learn to live respectfully with others in society, to make a

This seventh- or eighth-
century vase from
Guatemala depicts
scenes from the
Popa/ Vuh.

38 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

living off of the land, and to understand the meaning of life. In many Native myths,

these lessons are taught through the exploits of a character known as a trickster. The
trickster figure is often an animal who has adventures and engages in all manner of

mischie£ In many myths, the trickster suffers repercussions because of his failure to
follow established rules about social behavior. Because of this, those hearing the myth

are warned about the importance of proper behavior.
One trickster tale featuring Coyote comes from the Pima of Arizona. In the past,

Bluebird was an unattractive color. The bird decided to bathe in a special blue lake

every morning for four days. After the fourth dip in the lake, the bird grew beautiful

blue feathers. Coyote, who was green at the time, saw the beautiful color and asked

Bluebird how he could become beautiful, too. The bird explained his method, and

Coyote turned a beautiful blue. Coyote was very proud, and he looked around arro-
gantly as he walked to make sure he was being admired. But he did not watch where

he was going, and he tripped and fell in the dirt. When he got up, he was the color of

dirt, and now all coyotes are dirt-colored.6 This short tale teaches an important lesson

about the dangers of arrogance.

Myths of North America may also account for the origins of subsistence activi-

ties, such as hunting and farming. Often, the subsistence practices of a people are
said to have been determined by the gods. This divine origin of daily activity casts

everyday life and everyday activities, such as planting crops or preparing food, in

a sacred dimension.7

Consider, for example, the many diverse myths about the origins of corn. Corn, or

maize, has been a staple crop of great importance throughout North America. Some

myths explain that human beings have a special duty to raise corn. Myths may tell of

a particular god who is responsible for providing the crop or for protecting the fertility
of the earth. The Cherokee, historically of the southeastern United States, tell a myth

in which the goddess Corn Woman produced corn through the treachery of her son

and his playmate. In the myth, Corn Woman rubbed her body to produce food. One
day, the two boys saw her doing this. They thought she was practicing witchcraft and

so decided to kill her. After they attacked her, she instructed the boys to drag her in-
jured body over the ground. Wherever her blood fell, corn grew. This myth teaches

about the relationship between life and death: the blood that causes death can also

produce life. 8

Many other myths teach about life and death. The following passage from the

Popol Vuh is a moving speech made by the heroic twin gods to the maiden Blood
Moon. At this point in the myth, the lords of the underworld have defeated the twins.

The severed head of one of the twins has been placed in a tree, and his skull impreg-

nates the maiden with his spittle when she holds out her hand. Blood Moon will

eventually bear the next generation of hero twins who avenge their fathers’ deaths and

prepare the world for the arrival of humans. In the twins’ poignant speech to the
maiden, we learn something about the Mayan view of the meaning of life: even after
death, we live on in our children.

The Teachings of Native American Indigenous Religions 39

And then the bone spit out its saliva, which landed squarely in the
hand of the maiden ….

“It’s just a sign I have given you, my saliva, my spittle. This, my
head, has nothing on it-just bone, nothing of meat. It’s just the same
with the head of a great lord: It’s just the flesh that makes his face look
good. And when he dies, people get frightened by his bones. After
that, his son is like his saliva, his spittle, in his being whether it be the
son of a lord or the son of a craftsman, an orator. The father does not
disappear, but goes on being fulfilled. Neither dimmed nor destroyed
is the face of a lord, a warrior, a craftsman, orator. Rather, he will leave
his daughters and sons. So it is that I have done likewise through you.
Now go up there on the face of the earth; you will not die. Keep the
word. So be it.”9

Stories of heroic twins are also common in other indigenous American mythologies.

This shows an important degree of continuity between traditions throughout regions
of North America. As you recall, Navajo mythology includes a similar tale of heroic

twins preparing the world for humanity. The Apache, also of the southwestern United

States, share a similar tale.

The Importance of Balance: Humanity and the Natural World
Many indigenous North American religions emphasize the

interrelationship of all things. As we saw earlier, the elements

of creation, humans included, are often thought to share a
common spiritual energy or sacred power. This may be under-

stood as a life force or as the presence of the Supreme Being.

This idea is beautifully captured by the words of Black Elk
(1863-1950), a famous Lakota religious leader. In a book titled

Black Elk Speaks (1972), he tells of his life and of a great vision.
He opens by saying: “It is the story of all life that is holy and is
good to tell, and of us two-leggeds sharing in it with the four-

leggeds and the wings of the air and all green things; for these

are the children of one mother and their father is one spirit.”10

This interconnectedness often extends to humanity’s rela-

tionship with animals. In some teachings, humanity is created
as the companion of other creatures-not as their master. In

other traditions, humans are thought to be descended from

animal or animal-like ancestors. A myth of the Modoc of

Northern California tells of the special relationship between

humans and grizzly bears. The Sky God created all creatures

and also created Mt. Shasta, a 14,000-foot volcanic peak, which
served as the home for the Sky God’s family. One day, his daughter

Mt. Shasta, in northern
California, is regarded
as sacred by many
tribes in the region.

40 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

fell to earth from the top of the mountain. She was adopted and raised by a family of

grizzly bears, who could talk and walk on two feet. Eventually, she married one of the

bears, and from this union were born the first people. When the Sky God eventually

found his daughter, he was angry that a new race was born that he had not created. He

then cursed the grizzly bears to forever go about on all fours.11

As a result of this interconnectedness, many Native American religions emphasize
the importance of maintaining balance among all things. Often, this is viewed as the

primary responsibility of humanity. A critical part of religious practice is therefore

focused on developing and preserving harmonious relationships between humans and

other elements of the world. As we have learned, Navajo myths tell that the ancestors

learned to maintain this balance as an example to later generations. The myths of the

Yurok of Northern California similarly describe a time when the Immortals inhabited
the earth. The Immortals knew how to maintain balance, but humans did not. Thus,

the Immortals taught the Yurok people ceremonies that they could use to restore the

balance of the earth.12

Sacred Places and Spaces The focus on balance extends to the physical landscape.
According to Native American religious traditions, humanity is often thought to live
in a reciprocal relationship with the land: each relies on and must care for the other,

and all are part of a sacred whole. Certain geographical features, like rivers, mountains,

and rocks, may be permeated with sacred power. Such places often feature promi-

nently in mythology and are infused with power because of what happened there

in the mythic past. One such place is Mt. Shasta. Many tribes of the region regard the

mountain as sacred because of its importance in mythology. Myths tell that the
Creator made the mountain so he could reach the earth from the heavens. (As we saw

in the Modoc myth, the Creator resided in the mountain with his family.) Because of

its sacred history, areas of Mt. Shasta are powerful places where Native religious ex-

perts can make contact with the spirit world. To this day, leaders from several tribes

use the area for religious ceremonies.
Among the White Mountain Apache of Arizona, the significance of certain places

comes alive in the stories people tell about them. Tales about the local landscape are

an important part of Apache cultural and religious knowledge, and they convey im-

portant moral teachings. The landscape is thus imbued with life lessons. An Apache

woman named Annie Peaches told the anthropologist Keith Basso (b. 1940-2013) about
a place called “Big Cottonwood Trees Stand Here and There.” In the tale, the Apaches
and the neighboring Pima were fighting at the place of the big cottonwood trees. The

fighting awakened a sleeping old woman, but she thought the noise was simply her

son-in-law cursing her daughter. She yelled at him and told him to stop picking on the

young woman. The Pima heard her, rushed in, and killed her. The tale illustrates the

danger of disregarding appropriate behavior: in Apache culture, a woman should not

criticize her son-in-law unless her daughter asks her to intervene. The old woman suf-

fered dire consequences from interfering, and when Apache people pass the place

The Teachings of Native American Indigenous Religions 41

known as Big Cottonwood Trees Stand Here and

There, they are reminded of this social rule. 13

Myths that cast the land in a sacred light may also

teach people how to build their communities. Thus,

even architecture has a sacred dimension. Among the

Navajo, the guidelines for building the sacred dwell-
ing known as a hogan are found in myth. The Holy
People taught that a hogan should be built as repre-
sentation of Navajo lands and the cosmos. Four posts,

which represent four sacred mountains that surround

the Navajo homeland, support the hogan. The roof

represents Father Sky, and the floor is Mother Earth.
The tipi, a typical structure of the tribes of the Great
Plains, has a similar sacred blueprint. Each tipi is an

image of the universe. The perimeter of the tipi is the

edge of the universe, and the lit fire in the center rep-

resents the center of all existence. Joseph Epes Brown,

a scholar of Native religions, writes that the smoke
from the fire, which escapes the tipi through a hole in

the ceiling, can carry messages to the spirit world. 14

The tipi is thus another axis mundi, connecting differ-

ent planes of existence.

Sacred Language and Sacred Time
In many Native American cultures, time is regarded as circular, not linear. Thus, events

that happened at one point on the circle of time are not simply past; they will be expe-
rienced again. Beliefs about death further illustrate this concept. In many Native

American religions, death is considered to be an important spiritual transition. During

old age, death may be welcomed and prepared for, and funeral rituals ease the transi-

tion of the deceased into the next stage in the afterlife. In many cultures, the transition

of a person from birth to death is thought to be comparable to the cyclical nature of the

seasons of the year. 15 Thus, just as winter precedes spring, human death is connected
to the reemergence of life. Recall the Cherokee myth about the origins of corn, which

emphasizes the necessity of death to produce life. As you read the next passage, think

about cyclical time and the nature of death. Joseph Epes Brown tells us how Black Elk

explained this to him:

This cyclical reality was beautifully expressed … when I noticed how

the dignified old Lakota man Black Elk would relate to little children.

He would get down on his hands and knees and pretend he was a

horse, and the children would squeal with joy …. There obviously was

no generation gap; he fully connected with children. I once asked him

The tipi, a typical
structure of the tribes
of the Great Plains, has

a sacred blueprint. Each
tipi can be understood
as an image of the
universe.

42 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

Navajo hogans are built
to represent the Navajo
lands and the cosmos.

how it was that he could

so relate to the children,

and he replied “I who am

an old man am about to

return to the Great Mys-

terious and a young child

is a being who has just

come from the Great Mys-

terious, so it is that we are

very close together.”16

The words of Black Elk illustrate the

important relationship between the el-

derly and the very young. In many Native

religions, elders teach youngsters about

their religious heritage through myths.

Often, the telling of myths is regarded

as sacred speech. Because of the cycli-

cal nature of time, the events related in

myths are not thought to be a part of a distant and irrecoverable past but rather are

representative of another place on the circle of time. Recounting a myth re-creates

the events of the myth, transporting listeners into mythic time. 17

Earlier in this chapter, we learned how the ancestors of the Navajo sang and

painted the world into existence. Thus words and language were the building blocks

of creation. The rituals of the ancestors provide the foundation for Navajo ceremonial

practice, which is focused on maintaining order in the world. This is primarily done

through practices known as chantways. Chantways involve ritualized singing and

chants and may take place over several days. The songs and chants retell the stories of

creation and thus, through language, bring the power of the time of creation into the

present. Chantways are used in many contexts, such as marriages, births, and puberty

rites, and are thought to have the power to bring great benefit. The chantways are used

for healing by aiming to bring affiicted individuals into harmony with their surround-

ings. Normally, the ceremonies take place in hogans.

VOICES: An Interview with Lin Estes

Lin Estes is a woman of Shawnee, Choctaw, and Welsh descent. She is a student
who is pursuing a degree in American Indian Studies at Black Hills State
University.

The Teachings of Native American Indigenous Religions 43

What is your religious background?

I grew up in an atmosphere where religion was not forced on me. This was a
good thing because I never bought the concept that sitting in a building one day
a week made me a good person. I preferred to be outside absorbing the world.

In your view, what is the nature of the world? What is humanity’s place in it?

I think that we are all connected. I believe that there is a Creator and that we have
many paths to the Creator. I believe that people share a desire to be content,
safe, and have food, shelter, and comfort for their families. Our core beliefs allow
us to function and to find meaning when unfortunate events impact our lives.
There are always some people who, through ignorance, greed, or fear, will cause
unrest. It is then that we either reach inside for an answer or accept that matters Lin Estes
are out of our control. We all want freedom from the oppression of our beliefs.
In the United States, many policies have been enacted to keep Natives from
expressing their spirituality.

Could you describe your religious practice and your personal spirituality?

Even though I did not have a structured religious upbringing, I knew from a
young age that I was part of something greater. I knew Connection of Spirit early
on. I believe that we are a part of Mother Earth-we are connected to every
living thing. In my thirties, some of my uncles, who were Episcopalian ministers,
told me that I was like my great grandmother Eudora. She had been called
Prophetess by her community, and her “ways” were not Christian. They advised
me that I had gifts of insight that she had. However, they thought that I should
be more “Christian” and turn away from Eudora’s ways. Because of assimilation,
my uncles didn’t consider themselves Native. Certain events during their military
careers in the 1940s and 1950s led them to hide behind their lighter Shawnee
complexions. They did not want to be Indian. But I knew who I was. I lived from
the inside out instead of trying to be who others told me I should want to be or
instead of practicing a religion that did not work for me. I live in Spirit, con-
nected to the Native Spirit that is Creator. I have also embraced Buddhism
because it has similar qualities.

What opportunities and challenges do you face as a member of a native
community in the United States today?

I believe that the indigenous people of the United States have been and are still
the targets of genocide. While some of the overt policies of the past are no
longer in place, Native people still lack freedom to express spirituality. Bear
Butte in South Dakota comes to mind. Bear Butte is a sacred place where Native
peoples travel to pray, to prepare for Sun Dance, and to cleanse. One will find
prayer ties and tobacco ties offered to Creator for the passing of a loved one.
just near Bear Butte there is a town called Sturgis, where roughly a half million
people gather for a biker rally every August. Natives praying at the Butte are sub-
jected to the stadium-type lights, loud music, and the nonsacred atmosphere of
the many bars built to accommodate the bikers. Strip clubs, wet t-shirt contests,
and drunkenness offend those who travel to the Butte for ceremony. The state of

44 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

South Dakota and Sturgis are more concerned with money than they are with
“those Indians” on the Butte. Today, I think Native spiritual practice is still
viewed as “primitive.” I hope there will be a time when there is equality for
Natives. I have been called a “witch,” a “psychic,” and also a “Lamanite” [see
Chapter 13]. But I am a Native woman who has been blessed with the strength
to know who I am. I am not troubled by those who call me anything else or tell
me I can’t practice the way that is right for me.

THE HISTORY OF NATIVE AMERICAN
INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS
As we have seen thus far in this chapter, the beliefs and teachings of indigenous reli-

gions of North America are complex and multifaceted. Just like other major world

religions, these traditions have developed historically and have both resisted and ac-

commodated cultural changes. In this section of the chapter, we will look at how

Native North American religions have responded to the social and political changes in
the modern world. As you read this section, think about how indigenous American

religions have adapted and endured despite colonialism, encroaching Christianity, and

culture change.

Conquest, Colonization, and Christianity
The expansion of European imperialism from the sixteenth through the early twentieth

century ravaged and radically influenced indigenous religious traditions in the Americas.

Throughout North America, the effects of colonialism on indigenous peoples were

disastrous: indigenous populations were devastated by disease and warfare, forced to
move far away from their ancestral homelands, and sometimes enslaved or indentured

to work for the colonists.

Spanish, British, and French colonial powers sent Christian missionaries to their

imperial holdings (and beyond) in North and Central America with the aim of “saving”

indigenous peoples from what were viewed as their pagan ways. As a result, many in-
digenous peoples converted (forcibly or by choice) to the Christianity of the colonizers.

Some colonizers, such as the Spanish, also believed that they could bring about the

second coming of Christ by completing the work of taking the gospel to the ends of

the earth.

More recently, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Native American

children in the United States were forcibly removed from their homes and sent to
boarding schools, where they were taught the “errors” of their cultural and religious

ways. The 1819 Civilization Fund Act, which aimed to educate native children in an

effort to “civilize” them, led to the development of many of these boarding schools.

In the interview earlier in the chapter, recall that Lin’s uncles were ashamed of their

Indian heritage. As another example, in the southwestern United States, Navajo

children were adopted by white families and raised in Mormon or other Christian
traditions.

The History of Native American Indigenous Religions 45

However, indigenous religious traditions were never entirely

eradicated, even when Native peoples identified as

Christians.

When the Spanish conquistadors arrived in Mesoamerica, the

indigenous religion of the Mayan peoples was banned, written

versions of holy texts were burned, and the Maya were often

forcibly converted to Roman Catholicism. Although many Mayan
people today identify as Catholic, elements of indigenous reli-

gion remain. Catholic saints may be equated with Mayan gods,

and some Maya have equated Jesus and Mary with the sun and

the moon in Mayan cosmology. Today, many Mayan people

may draw on both elements of Catholic and Mayan religion in

their beliefs and practice.
In the United States today, many Native Americans identify

as Catholics, Protestants, or nondenominational Christians.

However, as with the Maya, this does not necessarily mean that

the beliefs and practices of Native religions are no longer rele-

vant. Furthermore, Christianity is sometimes understood as an

indigenous American religion by Native Christians. Among the
White Mountain Apache of Arizona, some religious leaders

make the claim that they “have always had the Bible.”18 As with

the Navajo, an important part of Apache girls’ initiation is the

assumption of the powers of Changing Woman. In Apache
mythology, Changing Woman was distressed about the difficulty of life on earth and

prayed to God to change it. God answered her prayers by impregnating her with the
rays of the sun, and she gave birth to a heroic son, who made the earth safe for humans.

Some Apache religious leaders interchange the names of Jesus and Mary for Changing

Woman and her son. Furthermore, at the girls’ puberty ceremony, participants draw

parallels between other sacred Apache narratives and the stories of Genesis. It is in

such contexts that practitioners argue that Christianity is indeed an indigenous Ameri-
can religion that predated colonization.19 For other Apache Christians, however, trad-

itional religion is viewed not as a complement to Christianity but as a relic of the past

that good Christians should reject.

Resistance Movements
Many resistance movements developed in Native communities in response to European-
American encroachment throughout North America. Such movements often had an

overtly religious dimension, and indigenous religious leaders were frequently at the

forefront of resistance movements. Many movements had influence far and wide and

can therefore be understood as pan-Indian religious movements.

One such movement was the Ghost Dance. In the mid-nineteenth century, a re-
ligious leader of the Northern Paiute claimed to have had a vision that taught him that
the white occupiers would leave if the Indians performed a special dance described by

In Chich icastenango,
Guatemala, Mayan men
take part in a religious
ceremony where saints
are ta ken to the streets
by members of relig ious
brotherhoods.

46 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

As you read through
this and the next
chapter, do you see
similarities in how
indigenous peoples in
Africa and the Americas
responded to coloni-
zation and the efforts
of missionaries?

the spirits. This event was called the Ghost Dance because of the belief that it would

usher in the destruction and rebirth of the world and that dead ancestors would return.

Versions of the dance spread rapidly throughout the western United States in 1870

because many Native people embraced the possibility that the dance not only could

allow them to communicate with deceased ancestors but also could revive the Native

cultures in the face of European domination.
In 1890, another Paiute man of Nevada named Wovoka, who had studied Paiute

religion and participated in the first Ghost Dance, founded a second Ghost Dance. In

1889, Wovoka experienced a powerful vision in which the Creator told him the ances-

tors would rise up. If people demonstrated their belief through dances, human misery
and death would come to an end. The dances spread quickly across the Great Basin

and to the Sioux of the northern Midwest and other Plains peoples.
Regrettably, many white Americans feared the dances, and the U.S. government

interpreted the widespread dances as an armed resistance movement. The Ghost

Dance came to a tragic end on December 29, 1890, at Wounded Knee, South Dakota.

American troops killed hundreds of Lakota people, including women and children,

who had gathered for a dance. The Ghost Dance came at a critical time in the history

of Native American peoples and was seen by many participants as a final attempt to
revive the ways of the past. Although the second Ghost Dance ended in catastrophe,

the movement brought together people of different Native backgrounds and contrib-

uted to creating a shared sense of identity, history, and purpose among peoples of di-

verse origins.

Although the massacre at Wounded Knee is perhaps the most well known of U.S.

attempts to control Native religious practice, government suspicions of religious prac-
tice continued well into the twentieth century. In 1904, the Sun Dance was officially

banned because it was considered chaotic and dangerous. And as we have learned, for

much of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the U.S. government backed a pro-

gram in which young Native American children were taken from their homes and

relocated to specially built boarding schools, where they were forced to leave behind

their religious beliefs, languages, and other cultural practices while adopting the ways
of European-Americans.

The Native American Church can be considered another resistance movement.
In the early twentieth century, followers of peyote religion formed this church to
protect their religious practice. The hallucinogenic peyote cactus has been used for

thousands of years in indigenous religions of northern Mexico. In the late nineteenth
and early twentieth century, the use of the plant spread to Native communities in

the United States, particularly in the Plains. Around 1890, a Comanche chief called

Quanah Parker (1845-1911) spread the call for American Indians to embrace peyote
religion. He had been introduced to peyote use in the 1890s when he was treated with

peyote for an injury, and he became an important defender of the use of peyote against

detractors. Peyote is not habit-forming and is primarily used for healing purposes and
to encourage encounters with the spirit world. However, Christian missionaries and

The History of Native American Indigenous Religions 47

other activists in the United States preached against peyote use,

and federal and state governments eventually outlawed its use.

(Centuries earlier, the Spanish colonizers had also prohibited

the use of peyote in religious practice as a result of a decree

of the Spanish Inquisition.) In 1918, followers of peyote religion

incorporated as the Native American Church to request legal

protection for practicing religion.
In 1978, the American Indian Religious Freedom Act was

passed in an effort to give Native peoples the right to express

and practice their beliefs, according to the First Amendment of

the U.S. Constitution. However, Native peoples have not always

been able to protect their rights to religious freedom by referenc-
ing the act. Some practices, like the use of peyote for religious

purposes, continued to face challenges from the government for

years. Since 1995, however, the use of peyote has been legally

permissible.

Native Religions and Non-Native Practitioners
Despite the history of antagonism toward Native religions in

North America, many non-Native Americans are interested in

learning about Native religious traditions. Today, people in the United States and else-

where are attracted to what they view as the nature-centered focus of Native religions.

In recent decades, some non-Native Americans have started following religious prac-

tices, rituals, and beliefs of Native religions as an alternative to what they perceive as
drawbacks of Western religious traditions like Christianity and Judaism.

In the 1960s, many people, particularly those involved in the so-called counter-

cultural movement, began to develop an interest in the teachings and practices of

Native religions. Some were attracted to teachings about the interconnectedness of all

things and found what they thought to be an appealing lack of materialism in Native

religions. Others were particularly interested in practices that involved the use of

hallucinogenic plants like peyote.
Some Native Americans appreciate the growing interest of non-Natives in indige-

nous religions. However, non-Native interest in Native religious practices has also been

criticized by Native thinkers. Critics argue that selective adoption of certain practices,

like peyote use, removes the activity from the cultural and historical context in which
it developed. Sometimes, conflicts arise over the use of sacred places. In recent years,

for example, non-Native Americans have felt the pull of Mt. Shasta. Their interest has

not always been welcomed by American Indians-primarily because of a perception

that non-Natives are appropriating Native spirituality without proper understanding

or proper training. Among the Native people of the region, the springs and meadows

of Mt. Shasta are treated with great reverence, and they believe a person should not

approach these places without proper guidance from an expert or elder with great

A photograph of
Wovoka (seated).

48 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

religious knowledge. Non-Native spiritual seekers, however, often bathe in sacred

springs or play music in sacred groves and meadows without the advice or permission

of religious leaders in the area, which offends some Native practitioners. Native views

of the sacred nature of the land often conflict with the aims and goals of non-Native

Americans, many of whom see the potential for development on the very lands that

Indians consider sacred. 20

NATIVE AMERICAN INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS
AS A WAY OF LIFE
This section of the chapter examines the practices of Native American religions.

Followers of Native American religions do not usually make stark distinctions be-
tween what is “religious” and what is “secular.” As we have seen, myths instill everyday

life with a sacred quality by providing explanations even for seemingly mundane
activities such as planting or preparing food. Therefore, many actions have a religious

dimension.

Healing
In Native American religions, healing the sick is often part of religious practice.

Healers may use religious knowledge to cure physical and mental illnesses. In

addition, healers are frequently well known for their understanding oflocal plant
remedies. Because of this, the term “medicine man” has often been used for healers.

Some healers undergo years of training to acquire great depths of religious knowl-
edge. Others are considered specialists not because of particular training but because

they have an inherent ability to interact with the spirit world or have been selected

by a spirit to become a healer. In many Native traditions, healers are also religious
leaders.

In addition to the Navajo chantways we learned about earlier in this chapter,

Navajo healing ceremonies also use an art form known as sand painting. The Holy
People gave the paintings to the Navajo people. As the name suggests, sand paintings
are created using vivid colors of sand and other dry materials such as pollen. The paint-

ings are created on the floors of hogans and treat illnesses by bringing individuals into
alignment with nature. A healer, or singer, selects the subjects of the painting in con-

sultation with the family of the person being treated; these may include animals,

plants, and mythic figures.
During the ceremony, the afflicted person is seated in the center of the painting,

which tells one of the creation stories. As sand is applied to his body, he identifies with

the Holy People depicted in the painting. During the treatment, the painted figures

are thought to come to life to aid in the healing of the patient. After the ceremony

is complete, the painting is destroyed and the sand is removed. In the past, Navajo

people never kept permanent copies of the paintings because it was thought that it
would diminish their healing power. Today, small paintings are sometimes produced

Native American Indigenous Religions as a Way of Life 49

for sale, but ideally these permanent paintings should not represent or depict the im-

portant figures and symbols used in healing practice.
Medicine bundles may also be an important part of healing in Navajo communi-

ties. The bundles contain a variety of religiously significant objects, and some items

may be very old. Navajo singers usually own their own bundles and use the powers of

the items in the bundle in healing. Other Native communities also use similar bundles
in healing. 21

Women and Gender in Native American Religions
The roles of women and conceptions of gender vary across Native American religious

traditions. As you have learned, the sacred narratives of Native American religions

often include tales of important female spiritual beings, like Changing Woman. Fur-

thermore, women have often had prominent roles in certain aspects of religious prac-

tice, such as healing, and many Native religions mark the transition from girlhood to

womanhood in a profound manner. For example, as you will read in the next section,
young Navajo girls embody Changing Woman during the ritual marking their transi-

tion to adulthood.

Among the Iroquois, balance and reciprocity have long been emphasized in the

relations between men and women, and many scholars regard the historical Iroquois

as a fine example of a gender-egalitarian society, in which neither men nor women

dominated. This emphasis on balance has been reflected both in religious symbols and
in religious practice. In the Iroquois Longhouse Religion, which is in practice today,
the house of worship is divided into male and female spaces, and male and female re-

ligious leaders known as “faithkeepers” are of equal importance in spiritual matters.22

The ceremonial year is very important in regulating ceremonies honoring Creator and
spirits, and women have historically been in charge of ceremonies during half of the

Iroquois year. Women’s songs are sung to accompany the planting of corn to encour-

age fertility. 23

In other Native religions, women have also often been highly regarded for their
expertise in spiritual matters such as healing. A well-known twentieth-century spiri-

tual healer was Mabel McKay (1907-1993), a Pomo woman of Northern California.
As a young woman, Mabel was called to be a liaison between her people and the spirit

world. Spirit guides told her that she would develop a special gift of healing. Here,

Mabel McKay’s close friend Greg Sarris describes how she was called by a spirit to be

a healer.

The spirit talked to her constantly now …. Sometimes it felt as if her

own tongue were moving, shaping the words she was hearing. This

happened when she sang the songs that came loud and clear. “Am I

going crazy?” she asked once …. “No,” the spirit said, “it’s me. And

what is happening is that you have an extra tongue. Your throat has

been fixed for singing and sucking out the diseases I’ve been teaching

50 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

Navajo man preparing
a sand painting.

you about. It’s talking. It’s me in you.” “Well, how am I to suck?”

Mabel asked. “You’ll know when you get to that point. You will have

a basket to spit out the disease. All your baskets will come from me.

Like I told you. Watch how things turn out.”24

Two-Spirit Many Native North American cultures have historically recognized the
existence of a third gender-people who are regarded as being neither male nor female.

A two-spirit person might be biologically male but adopt the dress, occupations, and

behaviors of a woman. Collectively, such individuals are called “two-spirit” people, as

they are regarded as having the spirits of both men and women. Historically, two-

spirit persons were treated with respect and were regarded as having special spiritual
abilities, and many took on a special religious role in the community. With the arrival

and domination of Europeans, however, the role of the two-spirit people was sup-

pressed. European understandings of gender did not acknowledge third or fourth gen-

ders, and two-spirit people were often regarded as deviant rather than occupying a

special social role.

Rites of Passage
Like other religions around the world, Native American traditions use rituals to recog-

nize important changes in a person’s social status. Such rituals are known as rites of
passage. Often, rites of passage mark the transition from childhood to adulthood.
Many Native cultures have elaborate rites marking this transition for young women
and men. In this section, we will examine two rites of passage. First, we will look at

Native American Indigenous Religions as a Way of Life 51

the Kinaalda, which marks a Navajo girl’s transition to adulthood. Then we will ex-
amine a spiritual rite of passage known as a vision quest.

The Kinaalda The Navajo puberty rite for girls is known as the Kinaalda. It takes
place soon after a girl begins menstruating. Each girl undergoing Kinaalda has a spon-
sor. This is an older woman who serves as a guide and role model and teaches her about

the expectations of her as a Navajo woman. The ceremonial activities last several days

and are part of the chantways. Thus the ritual has its foundation in mythology.

Changing Woman experienced the first Kinaalda, which is the model ritual for all

girls. Indeed, girls are believed to take on the identity and spiritual qualities of Chang-
ing Woman during the ritual. Because she takes on the identity of Changing Woman,

a girl going through the rites is thought to have special healing powers. People may
visit her to request healing for their ailments.

One important Kinaalda activity is baking a giant cake of cornmeal. The initiate

prepares the cake with the assistance of her family. She grinds the corn and prepares

the batter carefully, since it is believed that if a cake turns out well, she will have a full
and productive life. A poorly made cake bodes ill for her future.

The Vision Quest A rite of passage common to many North American religions is
the vision quest. This is the attempt by an individual to communicate with the

spirit world. It is especially well known among peoples of the Great Plains and Great
Lakes regions, such as the Sioux and the Ojibwa. The quest may be undertaken by men

or women, depending on the culture, and may occur once or at several points in an

individual’s life. In some cultures, the vision quest marks the transition from child-

hood to adulthood.
Usually, the goal of the vision quest is for an individual to make contact with the

spirit world. This is frequently accomplished through contact with a spirit guide.

Often, the spirit guide takes an animal form, which may be revealed during the quest.

Sometimes, individuals report that the spirit guide appeared to them directly. Others

learned the identity of the guide by spotting a particular animal during the quest. In
other vision quests, the focus is not on a spirit guide but rather on accessing a spiritual

power more generally.
In most quests, the initiate will remove himself from normal society by spending

several days alone in the wilderness. The vision quest can be both mentally and physi-

cally demanding, as it may require long periods of isolation and fasting. A vision quest

teaches a person about the importance of seeking and following guidance from the
spirit world and has the potential to cultivate a mental and physical hardiness that will

serve the individual throughout his or her life.25 Among the Ojibwa, boys normally

undertook the vision quest at puberty. After a period of preparation, a boy was taken

deep in the woods where he would remain by himself, fasting, until he received a vision.

For many boys, visions were journeys into the spirit world, and spirit guides would

What rites of passage
are important in other
religious traditions? Do
they always mark the
transition to adulthood,
or can they mark other
transitions?

52 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

VISUAL GUIDE
North American Religions

Among Pueblo peoples such as the

Hopi and Zuni, kachina dances are

a type of renewal rite. When danc-

ers wear the masks of the kachinas,

they are thought to become

imbued with the spirit of the

kachinas. Kachinas have the power

to bring rain and enhance fertility.

This is a Hopi kachina doll, repre-

senting a kachina, from Arizona.

The doll dates to before 1901, and

is made of painted wood, feathers,

and pine needles.

In North American religions from

Mexico to Alaska, sweat lodge cer-

emonies ritually purify and cleanse

the body. In these ceremonies,

participants build an enclosed

structure that is filled with heated

stones.

The tipi is a typical structure of the
tribes of the Great Plains that has

religious significance. Each tipi is
an image of the universe. The

perimeter of the tipi is the edge
of the universe, and the lit fire in

the center represents the center

of al l existence.

help the boy figure out his life’s path. Boys who

were not able to endure the fast could try again at

a later time. 26

Rites of Renewal and Rites of Purification
As we learned earlier in this chapter, many Native

American religions focus on humanity’s import-

ant role in maintaining balance with other ele-

ments of creation. This goal forms the foundation

of many kinds of ritual practice, specifically those

ceremonies known as rites of renewal. Like the

term suggests, rites of renewal seek to renew the

sacred balance of all things. Such rites are often

seasonal because they are designed to correspond

with the cycle of planting and harvesting or

moving herd animals for grazing. They may aim

to enhance natural processes like rainfall or the

growth of crops.

As you recall, the Yurok tell of the knowledge

given to human beings by the Immortals, who

lived on earth before humans. The Immortals

taught human beings a ritual known as the Jump
Dance, which restores the balance of the earth

and renews the harmony that was present in the

time of the Immortals. Along with a number of

other rituals, the Jump Dance is performed during

the World Renewal Ceremonial Cycle. This is a

cycle of ceremonies that are performed by many

Northern California Indians at various times of

the year, and their purpose is to maintain the bal-

ance of all living things. In the Jump Dance, men

march to a special place that has been sanctified

by a priest, where they dance. By engaging in this

religious practice, which imitates and repeats

the words and actions that the Immortals taught

humans, the mythic time is called into the pres-

ent, and the earth is renewed. And because an

entire community may participate in rites of renewal, they also enhance group

solidarity. 27

In North American religions from Mexico to Alaska, sweat lodge ceremonies are

used to ritually purify and cleanse the body. They are rites of purification. In these

ceremonies, participants build an enclosed structure that is filled with heated stones.

Pouring water over the stones generates steam.

The steam has the power to cleanse the body and

clear the mind of anything that might distract an

individual from focusing on the divine. A sweat

bath may be used to prepare for other ritual activ-

ities, such as the Sun Dance described in the
opening part of this chapter. The ritual use of the

sweat lodge encourages a bond between all those

who bathe in it. And sometimes the cleansing

power extends even beyond the inhabitants of the

lodge to other elements of creation. 28 In this way,

this rite of purification also serves as a rite of re-
newal. The ritual use of the sweat bath is such an

important part of religious practice that some
states have been ordered by federal judges to pro-

vide Native prisoners access to sweat lodges.29

Among Pueblo peoples such as the Hopi and

Zuni, kachina dances are a type of renewal rite.
As we discussed earlier in this chapter, when dan-

cers wear the masks of the kachinas, they are

thought to become imbued with the spirit of the

kachina. Kachinas have the power to bring rain

and enhance fertility. Among the Hopi, who recognize over 200 kachina spirits, sev-

eral dances take place during the part of the year between the winter solstice and the
summer solstice. The songs used with the dances often call for fertility of the land, for

rainfall, and for the flourishing of crops. Rites of renewal also often have signifi-

cance beyond these material aims. The Hopi dance for rain calls not just for nourish-

ment of crops but also for nourishment of the cosmos. In the Hopi belief system, the
spiritual qualities of rain underlie all of existence. Thus rain dances rejuvenate the

entire cosmos, not just the crops in a particular locale.30

The kachina dances also teach young people about ethics and morality. Children

are not allowed to see the dancers without their masks. This is so the children will have

a strong association of the dancers with the kachinas and think of them only as repre-

senting the idealized qualities the kachinas possess. However, when they are old

enough, children learn that their parents or other relatives are behind the masks. This
disillusionment is part of their religious development, as children learn that the world

is not always as it seems. 31

CONCLUSION
Native American religions are not relics of the past but are living traditions that

continue to develop and change. One of the major challenges Native American

Conclusion 53

This Hopi kachina doll
from the twentieth
century might be used
to remind ch ildren
of the qualities the
kachinas possess.

54 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

religions have faced is the spread of Christianity, particularly through European
colonialism. However, even in those areas that have seen widespread conversion to

other religions, elements of indigenous religions have often been maintained and

even incorporated into the practice of the colonizing religions. In North America,

many non-Native peoples have found Native American religions attractive because

they offer a compelling and seemingly earth-centered spiritual alternative to other
religions. However, American Indians respond to such interest from non-Native

spiritual explorers in different ways. Some welcome this interest, and others reject

what they view as an inappropriate appropriation of Native religious ideas by non-

Native peoples.

What does the future hold for the religions of Native North America? It is likely

that Native and even non-Native peoples will continue to find great spiritual meaning
and religious fulfillment in the teachings and practices of indigenous religions.

Although many Native Americans are Christians today, as we have seen, Native reli-

gious ideas often coexist harmoniously with Christian teachings and practices. In many
communities, Native Americans are advocating a resurgence of indigenous religious

ways, and, as we saw with the Ghost Dance and the Native American Church, pan-

Indian or intertribal interest in certain types of religious practice will likely continue.
Although throughout this chapter we have emphasized the importance of recognizing

the diversity of Native American religious traditions, it is also essential to acknowledge

that pan-tribal movements and ceremonies can be an important means of fostering a

collective Native American identity.

SEEKING ANSWERS

What Is Ultimate Reality?

Myths contain sacred knowledge about ultimate reality and the nature of the world. In

Native American religions, the world is believed to have been created by creator deities. The

entire world, and the many elements within it-including human beings-may be believed

to be infused by the spiritual essence of a Supreme Being, or Great Spirit.

How Should We Live in This World?

In most Native American religions, myths provide the foundations for the way people

should live their lives. Humans are one part of the general order of existence and live in a
reciprocal relationship with the land, plants, and other animals. Myths teach that it is the

responsibility of humans to maintain balance, order, and right relationships with other ele-

ments of creation.
(continued)

Glossary 55

SEEKING ANSWERS (continued)

What Is Our Ultimate Purpose?

Native American religions differ in terms of humanity’s ultimate purpose. Some religions

focus on humanity’s role in maintaining balance with the natural world, and certain reli-

gious practices, such as the Jump Dance, aim to do this. Maintaining this balance can im-

prove the human condition, and upsetting the balance can have terrible consequences.
Many Native American religions conceive of life and death as cyclical in nature. In Native

religions, the transition of a person from birth to death is thought to be comparable to the

cyclical nature of the seasons of the year. In some religions, the deceased transitions to the

land of the dead, which may resemble this life.

REVIEW QUESTIONS

For Review
,. Why is it difficult to make generalizations

about Native American religions?

2. Many Native American religions emphasize
the interconnectedness of all things. How

does this play out in religious practice?
3. What are some common themes in Native

American mythology? What do these

themes teach the listeners?

4. What was the significance of the Ghost
Dance?

GLOSSARY

American Indian Religious Freedom Act 1978
U.S. law to guarantee freedom of religious prac-
tice for Native Americans.

axis mundi (ax-is mun-di; Latin) An academic term
for the center of the world, which connects the
earth with the heavens.

Black Elk Famous Lakota religious leader.

Changing Woman Mythic ancestor of the Navajo
people who created the first humans.

For Further Reflection
,. How do Native American traditions answer

some of the Great Questions that many

religions address? What is unique to Native
traditions? What do they share with other

traditions?

2. How are Native American religions tied to

specific places and landscapes? Do you see

this in other religions described in this

book? Why do you think some religions
emphasize ties to specific locales?

chantway The basis of Navajo ceremonial practice;
includes chants, prayers, songs, and other ritual
practice.

Ghost Dance Religious resistance movements in
1870 and 1890 that originated in Nevada among
Paiute peoples.

hogan (ho-gan; Pueblo) A sacred structure of Pueblo
peoples.

(continued)

56 Chapter 2 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF NORTH AMERICA

GLOSSARY (continued)

Holy People Ancestors to the Navajo people, de-
scribed in mythic narratives.

Holy Wind Navajo conception of a spiritual force
that inhabits every element of creation.

Jump Dance Renewal dance ofYurok people.

kachina (ka-chee-na; Hopi) Pueblo spiritual beings.

Kinaalda (kee-nal-dah) Rite of passage for young
Navajo women.

McKay, Mabel A Pomo woman who was well
known as healer and basket weaver.

Native American Church A church founded in
early twentieth century based on peyote religion.

peyote Hallucinogenic cactus used in many Native
American religions.

Popol Vuh (po-pol voo; Quiche Mayan, “council
book”) The Quiche Mayan book of creation.

Quanah Parker Comanche man who called for
embrace of peyote religion.

Quetzalcoatl (ket-zal-ko-at’-1; Aztec) Aztec God
and important culture hero in Mexico.

rites of passage Rituals that mark the transition
from one social stage to another.

rites of renewal Rituals that seek to enhance natu-
ral processes, like rain or fertility, or enhance the
solidarity of a group.

sand painting A painting made with sand used by
Navajo healers to treat ailments.

Sun Dance Midsummer ritual common to many Native
American religions; details vary across cultures.

sweat lodge A structure built for ritually cleansing
and purifying the body.

tipi A typical conical structure of the tribes of the
Great Plains which is often constructed with a
sacred blueprint.

two spirit An additional gender identity in many
Native North American cultures; often thought
to have special spiritual powers.

trickster A common figure in North American
mythologies; trickster tales often teach important
moral lessons.

vision quest A ritual attempt by an individual to
communicate with

the spirit world.

Wovoka A Paiute man whose visions started the
Ghost Dance of 1890.

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Brown, Joseph Epes. Teaching Spirits: Understanding

Native American Religious Tradition. New York:

Oxford University Press, 2001. A comprehen-
sive look at Native American religions including

topics like geography, creativity, and ritual.
DeLoria, Vine, Jr. God Is Red· A Native View of Reli-

gion. New York: Dell Publishing Company, 2003.
A seminal work on Native American spirituality

from a Native perspective.
Gill, Sam. Native American Religions: An Introduc-

tion. Boston: Thomson Wadsworth, 2005.

Hirschfelder, Arlene, and Paulette Molin. An Ency-
clopedia of Native American Religions. New York:

Facts on File, 1992. A useful encyclopedia with

detailed entries on many aspects of Native

American religious belief and practice.

Kehoe, Alice Beck. The Ghost Dance: Ethnohistory and

Revitalization. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press,
2006. A detailed look at the Ghost Dance in its
cultural and historical context.

Neihardt, John G., and Black Elk. Black Elk Speaks:

Being the Life Story of a Holy Man of the Oglala

Sioux. Omaha: University of Nebraska Press,

1961. An intimate account of the religious visions
and worldview of the Lakota religious leader
Black Elk.

ONLINE RESOURCES

National Museum of the American Indian
nmai.si.edu

This museum, part of the Smithsonian Institution,

has many materials about the research collection

online.

Online Resources 57

National Archives
archives.gov/research/alidreference/native-americans

.html

This portal page at the website of the National

Archives leads to the Archives’ research materials

on federally recognized tribes.

INDIGENOUS
RELIGIONS
of AFRICA

TEPI LIT OLE SAITOTI is a Maasai man from Tanzania, a country in East

Africa. The Maasai are a cattle-herding people, most of whom live in Kenya

and Tanzania. As a promising young student, Tepilit eventually studied

in the United States and Europe. In 1988, he published his autobiography,

The Worlds of a Maasai Warrior. In the book, he describes the initiation
ceremony that transformed him from a young boy into a warrior.

When Maasai boys reach adolescence, they are circumcised in a

public ritual to mark their transition to the status of warriors. Different

ceremonies mark the transition of Maasai girls into womanhood. In the

Maasai culture, warriors are known as moran. The moran are a special
group of young men who have particular responsibilities. They are usu-

ally between the ages of fifteen and thirty-five and are traditionally re-

sponsible for protecting the community and for herding the cattle and

other animals. Boys who become moran together fo rm a special bond
that continues throughout their lives. But first, a young man must sur-

vive his circumcision. ForTepilit, undergoing the circumcision ceremony

was an intense and transformational experience:

Three days before the ceremony my head was shaved and I dis-

carded all of my belongings such as my necklaces, garments,

spear, and sword. I even had to shave my pubic hair.

Competitive jumping can be part of the young Maasai
warriors’ rite of passage ceremonies.

60 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

ALGERIA LIBYA

SAUDI
ARABIA

N

MAURITANIA

MALI

Niger ·*·

0 km 500 1000

0 miles 500 1000

African peoples and
cultures that are
discussed in this
chapter.

SOUTH
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OCEAN

NIGER

CHAD

‘ ,;, SUDAN
\

I •

CENTRAL ‘ER
AFRICAN
REPUBLIC

BOTSWANA
s
INDIAN
OCEAN

Circumcision in many ways is similar to Christian baptism. You must put all

the sins you have committed during childhood behind and embark as a new

person with a different outlook on life.’

Tep ii it describes the apprehension he felt as the day approached. The circumcision

was important not just for Tepilit but for his entire family. His father and brothers

warned him that he must not cry, scream, or kick the knife away when the circumciser

removed his foreskin because that would embarrass his family. It could even jeopar-

dize his future. Bravery is highly valued in the Maasai culture, and people would lose

respect forTepilit if he showed himself to be a coward. He would never be considered

for a position of leadership if he became known as a “knife-kicker.”

The circumciser appeared, his knives at the ready. He spread my legs and

said “One cut,” a pronouncement necessary to prevent an initiate from

claiming that he had been taken by surprise. He splashed a white liquid, a

ceremonial paint called enturoto, across my face. Almost immediately I felt a

spark of pain under my belly as the knife cut through my penis’ foreskin. 2

Tepilit made it through the ceremony bravely,

and his friends and family congratulated him. His

head was shaved to mark his new status as a man

and a warrior.

As long as I live, I will never forget the day

my head was shaved and I emerged a

man, a Maasai warrior. I felt a sense of

control over my destiny so great that no

words can accurately describe it.3

L ike the Maasai, most African cultures (and cultures everywhere) have rituals that mark the transition of young people into adult-
hood. Although details of the ceremonies vary from

culture to culture, they share the public recogni-

tion that a young person has entered a new phase
of life. Often, this new phase of life is understood

through a religious worldview. In African religions,

other phases oflife are also marked through specific

ceremonies. For example, birth marks the journey

of an individual soul from the spirit world to the
human world, and death is the transition back to

the spirit world.

In this chapter, we will explore the indigenous,

small-scale religious traditions of Africa today

and in recent history. Although many Africans are

Muslims, Christians, or followers of other large-
scale religions with roots elsewhere, we will concern

ourselves here with religions that originated in

Africa. Because North Africa (Egypt, Libya, Algeria,

Morocco, Tunisia) has been predominantly Muslim

Tl MELINE
African Religions

Indigenous Religions of Africa 61

300s c.E. King of Axum (Ethiopia) converts to
Christianity.

700s Arab Muslims extend contro l across North Africa.

1000s Islam begins to spread throughout West Africa
and coasta l East Africa.

600-1100 The empire ofGhana rises.

800-1400 The rise of great cities and empires of Mali.

1500-1800s Muslim Swahili city-states thrive on the
East African coast.

1500s-1800s Atlantic slave trade; African religions
begin to spread to the Americas.

1884 Berlin Conference; European colonial powers
divide Africa.

1800-1900s European colonization and Christian
missionary work in Africa.

1804-1809 Usman dan Fodio leads campaigns in
northern Nigeria to rid Islamic practice
of indigenous religious elements.

1905 Kinjiketele organizes Maji Maji revolt against
German colonizers in Tanganyika (today’s
Tanzania).

Early 1900s Several new African Christian churches
are founded.

1920s Josiah Oshitelu founds an independent Yoruba
Christian church, known as the Aladura church.

1950s-1990s Decolonization: sub-Saharan African
countries gain independence.

1962-1965 Vatican II permits local church leaders
around the world to be more accepting
of local practice.

for about 1,000 years, this chapter explores Africa south of the Sahara, where indige-

nous religions have remained more prominent until the present.
Today, about 1 billion people live on the African continent. There are thousands of

different African cultural, ethnic, and linguistic groups. This cultural diversity is reflected

in the religious diversity of the continent. There is not one single ”African culture” or

”African religion.” Because African religions are so numerous, we will not attempt to dis-

cuss them all in this chapter. Instead, we will explore examples from a few religions that

reflect African cultural and geographic diversity. And although we address them together
in a single chapter, it is important to remember that all African religions are not the same.

Because of this diversity, it is not easy to generalize about them in a textbook chapter.

62 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

NORTH
ATLANTIC
OCEAN

. ”
-;~~ Su

SE

MALI

Niger

ALGERIA
NIGER
SAUDI
ARABIA

INDIAN
OCEAN

SOUTH
ATLANTIC
OCEAN
BOTSWANA

MADAGASCAR

African indigenous beliefs(%) 0 km 500 1000

0-1 1-5 5-25

African indigenous
beliefs today.

25-50 50-55
0 miles 500 1000

And yet, despite this diversity, it is possible to identify some common characteris-

tics in the realms of practice, teaching and beliefs, and historical development. The

story of Tepilit’s initiation explores one of these characteristics: many African religions

have specific ceremonies that mark the transition from one social state of being to

another. Many African religions also share some elements of belief and worldview. For

example, many share the belief in a supreme deity, or creator God. Also, many African

The Teachings of Indigenous African Religions 63

religions are primarily concerned with life in the here and now, rather than with what

comes after death.

African religions also share a great deal in terms of historical development. Most

African religions originated in small-scale communities and thus may be connected

intimately with a particular culture in a particular place. And although some followers

of African religions live in small-scale societies today, many more have been incorpo-
rated into large political systems and market economies in the modern, global era.

Furthermore, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, African religions faced the

reality of widespread European colonialism on the continent. In addition, the influ-
ence of African religions has spread far beyond their places of origin. This was primar-

ily a result of the Atlantic slave trade, which lasted from the 1500s to the 1800s. As we

will learn in this chapter, certain religions of the Americas, such as Vodou and Santeria,
were derived from and share a great deal with African religions.

THE TEACHINGS OF INDIGENOUS AFRICAN RELIGIONS
For followers of indigenous African religions, “religion” is not considered to be sepa-

rate from everyday existence. Religious practice is not relegated to particular times,

places, or spaces. Instead, religious beliefs and practices infuse and inform daily life
and everyday concerns. We will begin our discussion of African religions by consider-

ing their beliefs and teachings. Although the religions of Africa differ significantly,

certain ideas about the supernatural, the natural world, and humanity’s place within

it are common to many of the continent’s religions.

Myths
We find the beliefs of African religions primarily in mythic narratives, which contain

essential teachings. All religions, as we learned in Chapter 1, have a mythic component.

African religions are no exception, and most have a very rich mythic heritage. Myths

are not falsehoods; rather, they are narratives that we humans tell about our origins

and ourselves. In religions the world over, myths relate compelling stories about gods,
spirits, heroic figures, or human ancestors. Because of these intriguing narratives,

myths have the ability to teach the listener about the origins of humanity, about super-

natural beings, and about morality and ethics in a powerful and memorable way.

In most African religions, myths have been part of an oral tradition and have been
passed from one generation to the next through the spoken word. Today, however,
many myths also exist in written form. In many African cultures, elders or religious
leaders are responsible for maintaining and disseminating the teachings of myths to

others. Although all members of a culture may be familiar with basic mythic narra-

tives, elders and religious specialists often know more details and deeper meanings.

The myths of many African religions are most often concerned with this world-
the world of humanity-rather than the greater universe. Myths most often tell stories

about the origins of the earth and of human beings and about human social life and

social organization. Myths often convey moral lessons. When African myths contain

64 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

stories of gods and other supernatural beings, the stories frequently focus on the way
in which these beings interact with or relate to humanity.

Among the Dogon people of Mali and Burkina Faso, in West Africa, myth has

been part of the oral tradition for generations. The Dogon are primarily farmers, and

although some Dogon are Christians or Muslims, most still follow Dogon religion.

Dogon religious experts know far more about myths than the average person and are

therefore responsible for preserving, understanding, and passing on the myths. Dogon
mythology is intimately related to religious and social life. It involves complex expla-

nations of the origins of the world and human beings and the way in which human

beings should live on the earth, such as explanations for farming practices. Throughout

this section of the chapter, we will consider various myths from different African religions,

including the Dogon, as we learn about beliefs and teachings of African religions.

Supernatural Beings: Gods and Spirits
Many African religions teach that everyday human life is influenced or even controlled

by gods or other supernatural beings. African religions are therefore theistic, a term you

will recall from Chapter 1. Most also share the belief in a supreme deity, or High God.

African religions normally believe that the High God is all knowing, all powerful, and
the creator of the world and of humanity. This supreme deity is often associated with

the sky and may be more specifically connected to the sun or the rain because both

of these have life-giving powers. Most African religions regard the High God as eternal.

And although the High God is generally not thought to be human-like, the supreme

deity may be described as having human-like attributes, such as mercy, goodness, and

a concern for justice.
Many African religions consider the High God to be transcendent and removed

from the lives of humans. As a result, there are rarely temples, churches, or shrines

devoted to the High God. Because the High God is removed from everyday life, most

religious practice focuses on communicating with spirits or lesser gods. In the religion

of the Dogon, the High God Amma is an example of a deity who is distant from the
lives of ordinary humans. The Dogon creation myth tells that Amma made the earth

out of mud and clay. Although he was active in creation, Amma eventually retired

from the earth and left lesser deities to manage earthly affairs and attend to human

interests. Other African mythologies explain the transcendence of the High God as

the result of a transgression committed by humans or animals that upset the High

God, who then left this world for a supernatural realm. We will examine some of these
myths later in this chapter.

In some African religions, the High God is associated with the qualities of both a

father and a mother. In others, the High God has no gender. The Samburu people of

Kenya believe that God, known as Nkai, is flexible in gender and in form. In the Sam-
buru language, the word “Nkai” is feminine. God is associated with procreation and

is considered to have many female characteristics. Interestingly, some Samburu people
who claim to have been taken to the divine home of Nkai have reported that the deity

is not one individual at all but is actually a family group.4

The Teachings of Indigenous African Religions 65

VOICES: Interviews with

Sammy Letoole

and

Festus Ogunbitan

Sammy Letoole, a young Samburu man from Kenya, is a student at Friends
Theological College in Kaimosi, Kenya. Although he is studying Christianity, he
was raised in the Samburu religion and finds that it does not conflict with his
Christian faith . The Samburu people live in northern Kenya, and Samburu culture
and religion share some elements with Maasai culture and religion . Festus
Ogunbitan is a scholar of religion from Nigeria whose ancestry is Yoruban.
Festus was raised in a Christian home, but he explored his ancestral religion as
he matured. An author, he has written several books on Yoruba religion.

What is your religious background?

Sammy: My religious background is Samburu and now I am a Christian. I was
raised in a pure Samburu family who believed in traditional Samburu religion .
Every day, my father woke up very early in the morning to go out and pray for
everything-including the animals and the children. As a result, my faith in God
became very strong because I saw my dad praying without stopping. And this
makes my Christian foundation strong.

Festus: I am from the Yoruba nation of the southwestern part of Nigeria. I was
born into a Christian family who were biased about the values and virtues of
their ancestors ‘ culture. This happened to many Africans, since Christianity and
Islam declared their religion as the universal religion. When I grew up, I started
to read books about the religion of my ancestors , and I discovered that religion is
a social process-it is like a plant growing up to bring forth fruits . Therefore, my
Yoruba religion does not need to be suppressed by any foreign religion.

Sammy, you don’t seem to see much conflict between Christianity and Samburu
religion. Could you explain their similarities and differences? How does your
religious practice draw on both traditions?

The Samburu religion and Christianity have a similar conception of God. In both
traditions, God is a creator, provider, and protector and is caring and loving. The
Samburu people believe that God is found in the mountains, so they name their
gods after those big mountains. During the time of the Old Testament, Moses
climbed Mt. Sinai to pray, and he was given the commandments; similarly, the
Samburu pray to their God to give them direction.

There are many things that Samburu religion shares with the Bible, especially
the Old Testament. During that time, the Israelites were not supposed to eat all
grey animals without divided hooves and who did not chew the cud . Even now,
the Samburu do not eat those animals. Also, the people in the time of the Old
Testament offered sacrifices to their God; the Samburu also offer sacrifices to
their God.

Festus, could you explain your view of the nature of the world and humanity’s
place in it and how this developed through learning about the religion of your
ancestors?

Sammy Letoole

66 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

Festus Ogunbitan

I believe that the universe is created by God, and the universe is part of God
through nature. I believe in the ancient Yoruban concept of God which says that
nature is part of God-plants, animals, outer space, and human nature. As a
result, they worship nature and human nature by reinforcing them with praise
singing. I believe that nature is divine, and a sincere and ingenious person is
divine, and we should respect them. If we treat nature and creativity in humans
as divine, we shall be able to get lots of good things from them-such as the
invention of products and services for the needs of mankind.

Could you both describe your worship and religious practice?

Sammy: My worshiping styles and praises are influenced by Samburu religion.
Samburu prayers and Christian prayers differ because the Samburu believe that
God is found in mountains, rivers, and good springs. Therefore, when perform-
ing prayers a person must face a certain mountain like Mt. Kenya or Mt. Nyiro.
Christians forward their prayers to God through Jesus Christ, our savior. Al-
though people pray to God in different ways, they all seek protection, guidance,
love, and satisfaction.

Festus: I am not a Christian, and I don’t really practice Yoruba traditional religion
in a shrine. But I have faith in the religion of my ancestors, most especially
Ogun-the Yoruba god of Iron-which is half of the pronunciation of my last
name. My last name, Ogunbitan, means “a child through whom Ogun the god of
Iron shall create history.” By writing a book called Lyric Poems on Creation Story
of the Yorubas, I have fulfilled this promise.

In addition to the belief in a High God, most African religions also recognize other
supernatural beings that are lower in status than the High God, but still powerful. As

you learned in Chapter 1, a belief system in which many supernatural beings (includ-

ing gods and spirits) are recognized but in which one of these beings is elevated to a

higher status is known as henotheism. In African religions, gods or spirits interact

with human beings and are sometimes thought to be mutually interdependent with

humans. Because of this, much religious practice focuses on these beings. Therefore,
unlike the High God, these lesser gods and spirits often have temples, shrines, and

rituals devoted to them.

In many African religions, including the Dogon, the Ashanti, and the Igbo, the earth
is an important female deity. She is often understood to be the consort or daughter

of the High God, who is typically associated with the sky, the sun, or the heavens in
general. In Dogon mythology, Amma created the earth and then forcibly took her
as his mate. A jackal was born from this union. The Dogon consider the birth of the

jackal to be unfavorable because it was a single birth, not a twin. In Dogon culture,

twin birth is considered ideal. This misfortune of the jackal’s birth is attributed to

Amma’s unjust rape of the earth.5

Dogon religion provides another example of lesser deities. Although the original
union of Amma and the earth was problematic, Dogon myths tell of a second union.

The Teachings of Indigenous African Religions 67

This was favorable and produced twins-an ideal birth. The twins took the form of

another supernatural being-a lesser god called the N ummo. The N ummo twins rep-

resent the balance of male and female elements. The Nummo plays an important role

in Dogon myths about the origins of humans and the development of human social

structure. The N ummo is active in the affairs of humans, while Amma is not.

Some African religions have large and complex pantheons, or groups of deities.
One example of a pantheon is in the religion of the Yoruba people, a large ethnic group

in West Africa. Although many Yoruba have converted to Islam and Christianity, in-

digenous beliefs are still prominent, even among the converts. In Yoruba religion, the
High God, known as Olodumare, is accompanied by other categories of deities. One

such category is the Odu, who were the original prophets gifted with the ability to
look into the future. Another category is the orisa, who are believed to inhabit an
otherworldly realm called orun. The orisa live in a hierarchical social order that closely

reflects Yoruba social organization. Yoruba mythology teaches that the hundreds of

orisa were the first inhabitants of the earth. The High God sent the orisa to earth to

create land from the water and gave each a specific duty. Yoruba people believe that

the High God ultimately determines their destiny, although they serve different orisa

as their personal deities.
One of the foremost orisa is a goddess known as Oshun. Oshun is merciful, beau-

tiful, and loving, and she is associated with fertility and the life-giving properties of

water. Because of this, Yoruba people may call on her to help them with matters

pertaining to childbirth and family. She is also known as the “hair-braider” or “hair-

plaiter” and is powerful in this ability to make people beautiful. In Yoruba mythology,

Oshun was present at the time of creation, but she was the only female, and the Odu
ignored her. However, Olodumare reproached them and explained how important

Oshun was. The following passage from a Yoruba myth relates how the Odu appealed
to Oshun for forgiveness. In the myth, Oshun eventually bears a son who joins the
other Odu.

They returned to Oshun
And addressed her: “Mother, the pre-eminent hair-plaiter with the

coral beaded comb.
We have been to the Creator
And it was discovered that all Odu were derived from you.
And that our suffering in the world would continue
If we failed to recognize and obey you .”
So, on their return to earth from the Creator,
All the remaining Odu wanted to pacify and please Oshun.6

In some African religions, such as that of the Nuer people of Sudan, the High God may

manifest as multiple deities. The anthropologist E. E. Evans-Pritchard (1902-1973) lived
with the Nuer in the 1930s and made a detailed study of their religion.7 He argued

68 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

Th is picture of a Nuer
homestead was taken
by anthropologist
E. E. Evans-Pritchard
in the 1930s.

—-

that the N uer belief system should be

considered both monotheistic and poly-
theistic because the different deities

recognized were simply reflections of

the High God. Although many Nuer

people are Christian today, some ele-
ments of N uer religion remain impor-

tant. The Ashanti people of West Africa

similarly regard the many gods in their

belief system as the way in which the

High God manifests.

In African religions, spirits are often
considered to be a part of God’s cre-

ation, like humanity. Most often, spir-

its are thought to live alongside human

beings in a shared world. As a result,

in many African cultures, spirits are

a part of normal daily life. Spirits are
commonly believed to be immortal

and invisible. Many African religions

associate spirits with elements of the

natural world, such as mountains and

trees, and forces of the natural world,

such as rain and lightning. However, they are able to interact with human beings in
various ways. Like human beings, spirits are neither entirely good nor entirely evil. They

are typically thought to be more powerful than human beings, but humans can learn

to interact with and even manipulate them to some degree. Religious experts or leaders

may even call upon the spirits to act as messengers between humans and God.

Spirits of the Dead In many African religions, the spirits of deceased humans are
very important. In fact, most African religions do not regard death as a final state of
oblivion. Instead, death is a change to another spiritual state. As birth is believed to

be a transition from the world of the spirits to the world of the living, death is a

transition back to the spirit world. This belief often has a basis in mythology. In

Dogan myths, the original human ancestors became spirits, who then paved the way

for later generations to enter the spirit realm after their death. Although the spirits
of the dead are sometimes called “ancestor spirits,” scholars of African religions

argue that this term is not very accurate. This is because the category includes the

spirits of many people who have died-not just those who bore children and have

living descendants to whom they are ancestors. 8 Therefore, children or people who

died childless can also become spirits.

The Teachings of Indigenous African Religions 69

The spirits of the dead are often active in the lives of their relatives and descen-

dants for several generations. These spirits may also be concerned with upholding

cultural values and family unity from beyond the grave. They are also frequently

believed to be the most effective intermediaries between the High God and humans.

Because of this, living people engage in specific practices to maintain positive rela-

tions with these spirits. And the spirits depend to some extent on humans. The living
may symbolically care for the spirits by offering food and drink or making sacrifices

to them. Like other supernatural beings of African religions, ancestor spirits are not

necessarily good or bad, and they can both help and hurt their living relatives. If
spirits are neglected, they may become angry and cause problems for the living. It is
therefore very important for the living to respect their elderly relatives, who are close

to transitioning to the spirit world. It is also essential to remember to pay respect to
the deceased.

The Gikuyu people of Kenya (also known as the Kikuyu) recognize several cat-

egories of spirits of the dead. One category consists of deceased members of the

immediate family, and another category includes the deceased members of the ex-

tended family group, or clan. The former are active in the day-to-day life of the

living immediate family, and the latter spirits maintain an interest in the welfare of
the clan. Living people may consult with the spirits of the dead for advice or guid-

ance in their own affairs.9 Therefore, in African cultures such as the Gikuyu, a per-

son’s family is considered to include not just his living relatives but also those who

have passed on. The Gikuyu believe that if the spirits of the dead are neglected, they

can harm the living as a form of punishment for such bad behavior. They may cause

illnesses or bring about other misfortunes on their negligent descendants. Usually,
the living make an effort to care for the spirits of the dead until the last person who

knew the deceased during his life has died. At this point, the deceased moves into a

different spiritual category in which he will have less active involvement in the lives

of the living, or none at all. 10

Humanity and the Human Condition
Most African religions are anthropocentric, which means that they recognize human-
ity as the center of the cosmos.11 Because of this, African belief systems understand the

cosmos and elements within it, like supernatural beings, in terms of their relationship

to humanity. Unlike many other religions, most African religions do not teach about

the possibility of salvation or punishment in an afterlife. Rather, teachings generally

focus on the importance of the present world.

This anthropocentrism is reflected in the many African mythologies that begin
with the creation of human beings instead of the creation of the world. As we have

seen, a High God is often the creator of human beings. In many African myths, God
creates humanity from clay or mud. The Dogon creation narrative tells that after the

birth of the Nummo twins, Amma decided to create eight human beings from clay.

Why is it difficult to
describe some African
religions as simply
“monotheistic” or
“polytheistic”? Do you
see this in any other
religions you have
studied so far?

70 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

The Dogon recognize these eight beings as the original human ancestors. In myths
from other African traditions, God brings forth humanity from beneath the earth or

out of a rock or tree. In still others, human beings come to this world from another

one. The myths of the Chagga people of Tanzania explain that humanity descended to

earth from heaven by the gossamer thread of a spider’s web.

In some creation narratives, lesser gods are responsible for creating human beings.
In a Yoruba narrative, the deity Obatala, son of the High God, was assigned by his

father to make human beings from clay. Once the beings were made, the High God

breathed life into them. One version of the myth tells that Obatala got very thirsty

during his work of making humans. To quench his thirst, he started to drink beer. He

became so drunk that he fashioned some people who were missing limbs, had crooked

backs, or had other physical problems. When he sobered up, Obatala was so distraught
at what he had done that he vowed to watch over the disabled people he had made.

This myth accounts for people who are born with disabilities and for Obatala’s special

concern for them.

Many African religions teach that humans were created in a male-female pair as

either husband and wife or (less often) as brother and sister. Dogon myths explain

that the first eight humans each had a dual soul-they were both male and female.
As a result, all humans are born with a dual soul. Circumcision reduces this dual

soul to one soul-male or female. Other African cultures also regard humans as

having a dual nature. Sometimes this is understood to be a physical body and an

immaterial essence, like a spirit. The Lugbara people of Uganda believe that human

beings have multiple souls. Each soul is associated with a different part of the body,

like the heart or the lungs.
As we discussed earlier in this chapter, African religions often teach that the High

God is removed from everyday human life. However, many teach that the High God

was not always distant but originally lived with humans in a time of complete happi-

ness, when God provided people with all they needed. However, God and humanity

became separated. In some religions, this separation from God introduced death and
toil into the lives of humans. These religions tend to emphasize the past-when humans
coexisted with God-as an ideal, paradise-like existence.

In myths, the separation from the High God often was the result of humans

breaking one of God’s rules. In a myth of the Dinka people, who are cattle herders

in southern Sudan, death is explained as the result of the anger of the first woman.

In the beginning, the High God gave one grain of millet to the first woman and her
husband. The woman was greedy and decided to plant more than a single grain. In

her eagerness to plant, she hit God with her hoe. God was so angry that he withdrew

from humanity and severed the rope that connected heaven and earth. Because of

this, the Dinka believe that humans are doomed to work hard throughout life and

then die. The myth also teaches an important moral lesson: humans should avoid

being prideful and greedy.

The History of Indigenous African Religions 71

Sometimes, human mortality results from the actions of animals who deliberately

or unintentionally betrayed humans. The religion of the Nuer people teaches that a

rope originally connected earth to heaven; this is similar to the Dinka myth. If some-
one climbed the rope to heaven, Kwoth, the High God, would make that person

young again. One day, a hyena and a bird climbed the rope. Kwoth said they were not

allowed to return to earth because they would cause trouble there. However, they es-
caped and returned to earth. Then the hyena cut the rope. Because of this, humans

could no longer get to heaven, and now they grow old and die.

Many African religions also teach that the High God created human social orga-

nization, customs, and rules of conduct. Ethical and moral teachings often focus on

the importance of maintaining agreeable relationships within human society and the

spirit world. Sometimes, this extends to the proper relationship between humanity
and the earth. Dogon mythology teaches that after they were created, the Nummo

twins taught human beings how to farm. In many African cultures, farming is an

important activity not only for subsistence but also in terms of religion. As we read,

Dogon myths explain that the first child of the unfortunate union between Amma

and the earth was a jackal. The jackal defiled its mother, the earth, by attempting to

rape her. Humans, however, have the ability to correct this defilement and purify the
earth through farming.

THE HISTORY OF INDIGENOUS AFRICAN RELIGIONS
Just like large-scale world religions, African religions have developed historically and

accommodated cultural changes. Individual African religious traditions have unique

histories that would be impossible to explore fully in a single chapter. Furthermore, the

task is made more difficult because there are few surviving written records document-
ing the histories of these religions before the modern period. However, African reli-

gions have faced some common challenges and concerns in modern history that we

can address together. We can also examine how indigenous African religions and their

adherents have responded to the increasing influence of large-scale world religions,

colonialism, and globalization.

The Spread of Islam
Large-scale world religions, especially Christianity and Islam, have been prevalent in

Africa for centuries. More Africans convert to Islam and Christianity every day. How-

ever, even when people become Christians or Muslims, the influence of indigenous
religious traditions remains and has shaped the form that these world religions take in

Africa. In much of Africa, indigenous religious ideas, narratives, and practice coexist

with Christianity and Islam. Africans often combine elements of many religions in

their own worldviews and practice.

Islam has been present in Africa since the seventh century c.E. By the eighth century,

Arab Muslims controlled North Africa from Egypt to Morocco, and Islam has been

72 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

the dominant religion in North Africa for several centuries. Islam spread more slowly

throughout sub-Saharan Africa. The number of Muslims in sub-Saharan Africa in-

creased as Islam spread throughout West Africa and along the East African coast from

the eleventh century until the present. Today, in addition to North Africa, the popula-

tions of much of West Africa, Northeast Africa, and the East African coast are pre-

dominantly Muslim.
In most cases, Islam spread through trade and through the teachings of traveling

scholars. Often, elite Africans adopted Islam as a means to facilitate trade connections,

because Muslim traders from North Africa were more likely to trade with other Muslims

than with non-Muslims. As Africans became Muslims, they often retained elements of

indigenous religious practice. For example, in Northeast and East Africa, the spirits known

as zar are part of the religious worldview and practice of Muslims and Christians, as
well as followers of indigenous religions. This is similar to the persistent belief in bori

spirits in West Africa among Muslims and non-Muslims alike. The belief in possession

by zar and bori spirits preexisted the arrival of Islam and has been incorporated into

the religious practice of African Muslims. We will discussion possession in more detail

later in the chapter.

Christianity and Colonialism
Christianity has also been present in Africa for centuries and is very widespread in

Africa today. The Ethiopian Coptic church is an indigenous African church that

dates to the fourth century c.E. However, Christianity did not become widespread

outside of North and Northeast Africa until much more recently. In fact, much of

African Christianity today is the result of missionary efforts and European impe-
rialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Missionary movements and pros-

elytizing often went hand in hand with imperialism, and almost all of Africa was

colonized by European powers-primarily Britain, France, and Portugal. Ethiopia

is a notable exception.

The colonial powers sent missionaries to convert Africans to Christianity, and

the Christian Bible was translated into numerous African languages. Often, the
process of converting Africans included cultural indoctrination. African people

were taught not only that their indigenous religions were false but also that their

cultures were inferior to Western ways of life. Therefore, when Africans became

Christians, they sometimes left behind their own cultural practices and cultural

identities. Often, the new Christians were incorporated in the colonial bureaucra-

cies as government officials. African Christians were also sometimes put in charge
of missions and were charged with furthering European aims by converting their

own people.12

Reform and Resistance
Both today and in the past, African Muslim and Christian communities have de-

bated whether practices derived from indigenous religions are an appropriate or au-
thentic part of Muslim or Christian religious practice. In some cases, disapproval of

The History of Indigenous African Religions 73

indigenous practices and customs has led to major reform movements. Such criticisms

of indigenous religions have largely been based on the idea that the beliefs, teachings,

and practices of indigenous religions are at best “primitive” deviations from Christian-

ity or Islam and at worst heretical and sinful.

Beginning in 1804, Usman dan Fodio (1754-1817), a West African Muslim re-

former and religious leader, waged a campaign in northern Nigeria to rid Islamic
practice of what he thought were inappropriate indigenous elements. One of the prac-

tices that he specifically criticized was spirit possession by the bori spirits, which was
widespread at the time among both Muslims and non-Muslims. For over two decades,

Usman dan Fodio and his followers tried to rid Muslim religious practice of what they

viewed as inappropriate ”African” elements such as this.

Similar campaigns have also been launched more recently. Christian and Muslim
religious leaders have often targeted initiation rites such as those discussed earlier in

this chapter. The rites have sometimes been described as “backward,” “un-Christian,”

and “un-Islamic” or have simply been condemned as relics of a past best left behind.

In some cases, Muslims and Christians have been receptive to the criticism and have

stopped performing initiation rites or have replaced them with ceremonies that are

deemed more appropriate by Muslim and Christian religious leaders. However, else-
where, Muslims and Christians have continued to participate in the rites, despite the

condemnation. Advocates argue that the rites are important means of achieving adult-

hood and are not in conflict with Christianity or Islam. Later in the chapter, we’ll

explore such rites of passage in more detail.

Occasionally, religious leaders who criticized the rites in the past have changed

their approach. For example, at one time the Catholic Church in Zambia strongly
restricted female initiation rites in some Zambian cultures. However, in the 1960s,

Vatican II (a meeting of Roman Catholic Church leaders to address issues facing the

church at the time) permitted church leaders to be more accepting of local practices.

As a result, Zambian Catholic leaders changed their point of view. They argued that

the initiation rites could be used to instill Catholic teachings about marriage and

family in young women.13

In the first decades of the twentieth century, African Christian leaders began to deve-

lop new Christian churches that spun off from the long-established mission churches,

like the Anglican and Catholic churches. African Christian leaders were often frus-

trated with their inferior status in the mission churches. Their new churches aimed to

make Christianity more accessible and appropriate in African cultural contexts. The
new independent churches became very popular, and today there are thousands of

independent churches in Africa. 14

In the 1920s, a man called Josiah Oshitelu (1902-1966) founded an independent
Yoruba Christian church known as the Aladura church. As a young man, he thought

witches plagued him. However, a Christian healer explained that it was God testing

him and that if he prayed, he could chase away the evil. Oshitelu began praying. He
received visions, and he tried to convince others that the old African religions were

How do debates in
Africa about the
authenticity or
appropriateness of
religious practice
compare with other
religions discussed in
this book?

74 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

A Benzedeira, or
Brazilian traditional
healer, tends to an altar
in the temple that is
also her home.

disappearing and that they should all become Christians. His teachings focused on the

power of prayer and fasting to influence the will of God. Interestingly, many indige-

nous Yoruba religious beliefs and practices still held relevance for Aladura Christians.

For example, most of the practitioners maintained beliefs in witchcraft and powerful

spirits. The emphasis on prayer is also reminiscent of Yoruba ideas of harnessing spiri-

tual power. Furthermore, the Aladura church focused on improving life in this world
in much the same way as Yoruba religion.15

The Maji Maji Revolt Throughout Africa, religious groups spearheaded anticolo-
nial movements, and indigenous religious leaders were at the forefront of some of the

most important of these. In 1905, a religious leader called Kinjiketele organized a
rebellion against the German colonizers in Tanganyika (later called Tanzania). The
revolt was known as the Maji Maji (Water Water) rebellion. Kinjiketele, a diviner, was
believed to receive communications from the spirit world. One well-known story

about him reports that a spirit took him into a river pool. Later, he emerged completely

dry and carried a message to his people that their dead ancestors would all come back.

Many people came to see him and to take the sacred water, which they believed would

make them impervious to the bullets of the Europeans.
Kinjiketele attracted a large multiethnic following that supported his call for re-

bellion against the German colonizers. His message was compelling because it drew

on indigenous religious beliefs in the power of spirits and the power of sacred waters.

(The revolt takes its name from this sacred water.) Eventually, a group of Kinjiketele’s

followers, impatient with waiting for him to signal the proper time, began the revolt

against the Germans without him. The uprising lasted two years and was eventually
defeated by the Germans. 16

African Religions in the Americas
The influence of African religions has spread far beyond the conti-

nent. In fact, many religious traditions of the Americas are derived
from African religions. During the Atlantic slave trade, the religion

of the Yoruba and other West African peoples such as the Dahome

and the Fon spread far beyond the shores of their homelands. Most

of the millions of African people who were enslaved and brought to

the Americas followed indigenous religions. And although the reli-

gious traditions and practices of Africans were most often sup-
pressed or even forbidden by white slave owners, indigenous beliefs

often survived and sometimes flourished.

The worship of Yoruba orisa remains popular to this day in

communities of African descent throughout the Americas. The re-

ligious tradition known as Candomble owes much to the Yoruba
slaves who were brought to South America; Candomble has been
particularly prominent in northeastern Brazil. African slaves managed

Indigenous African Religions as a Way of Life 75

to keep worshiping Yoruba deities in the face of conversion pressure from the European

slave master by cloaking the orisa in the guise of Catholic saints. Many of the divination
practices of Ifo have been incorporated within Candomble. Santeria is a Cuban reli-
gion that bears similarity to Candomble and also incorporates the orisa. The Cuban
diaspora has spread the religion throughout the Caribbean region, including northern

South America, and the United States. Today, it is likely that there are hundreds of
thousands of practitioners of Santeria in the United States alone.

Another example from the Caribbean is the Vodou religion, which originated in
Haiti and then spread elsewhere in the Caribbean and southern United States. Also

known as voodoo, this religious tradition owes much to both Catholicism and reli-
gions of West Africa, especially the religions of the Yoruba, Fon, and Kongo peoples.
The term “vodou” comes from the Fon word “vudon,” which means spirit. Practitioners

of vodou recognize many different spirits. The spirits are called loa and have origins
in West Africa. As in Santeria, the spirits are also sometimes identified with Catholic

saints. Today, the majority of Haitians claim vodou as their primary religious affili-

ation, although earlier in the twentieth century the Catholic Church denounced it

as heretical.

INDIGENOUS AFRICAN RELIGIONS AS A WAY OF LIFE
For followers of African religions, religion is something that infuses everyday life. It is

not reserved for just one day of the week or for certain times of the year. Instead, reli-

gious practice is a daily activity. As we have learned, most African religions do not

focus on reward or punishment in the afterlife, so religious practice does not normally

center on preparing for an afterlife. Instead, rituals and ceremonies focus on improv-
ing life in this world. Thus religious practice might address vital material needs, such

as a good harvest, or social needs, such as a harmonious family life. Also, because the

High God is often believed to be remote from day-to-day human life, most African

religions do not emphasize worshipping a supreme deity. Instead, religious practice

normally focuses on communication with other supernatural beings.

Communicating with the Spirit World
Many African religions believe that the world of the spirits and the world of humans

are closely intertwined. Spirits live near human beings in the same communities and

often exist in a reciprocal relationship with them. Because spirits can interact and in-

terfere with the lives of humans, religious rituals and ceremonies often focus on
communicating with spirits or accessing their power. People may ask spirits to

intervene with God on their behalf or to assist with particular problems in family

or work life. In this section, we will discuss three practices associated with commu-

nicating with the spirit world: sacrifice, divination, and spirit possession.

Sacrifice In African religions, the primary way people communicate with supernat-
ural beings is through sacrifice. In many religions the world over, the dedication of

76 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

VISUAL GUIDE
African Religions

Among the Dogon, the dama is a
rite of passage for young men,
which also helps the recently
deceased enter the state of being
ancestors. The rite happens only
once every several years, and
masked participants dance to
usher the recently deceased into
the world of the spirits. The
masks prepared for the dama
are elaborately carved and
represent animals and the
mythical ancestors.

This early twentieth-century
wooden tray is used to determine
future events with the lfa
divination system, a part of
Yoruba religion.

These nineteenth-century
Yoruba sculptures from Nigeria
commemorate twins who died.
Twins are of great significance
in many African religions, as
among the Dogon, discussed
in this chapter.

something valuable to a spirit-a sacrifice-has

the power to influence that spirit. A sacrifice can

be relatively small, like a prayer or a portion of
one’s daily food or drink. In some religions, such

as the Yoruba, individuals may have a special rela-

tionship with one or more spirits or gods, and they

might make these small offerings every day to

maintain their goodwill. Yoruba families often

have household shrines at which they make similar
offerings to the spirits of the dead.

In other African contexts, larger sacrifices,

such as an animal, are necessary. In some religions,

there has traditionally been a close relationship be-

tween practices of healing and sacrifice. Illnesses

may be attributed to a spirit’s punishment of a per-
son’s bad behavior. In such cases, an animal may

be sacrificed as a form of repentance and as a re-

quest for forgiveness from the aggrieved spirit. The

Nuer, for example, typically sacrificed animals as a

substitute for the person who was afflicted with an

illness. The animal was offered to the spirits in ex-

change for the health of the person. However, in

recent years, as Nuer people have begun attributing

illness to biological causes instead of angry spirits

and as more have adopted Christianity, the use of

animal sacrifice in healing has diminished. 17

Divination In some African religions, people
use a practice called divination to communicate
with spirits. Divination is the attempt to predict

the future th rough supernatural agents or powers.

The Yoruba use a divination system called Jfa to
communicate with the spirit world. A person

called a diviner performs the divination. Yoruba

religion teaches that Ifa was developed when the
High God removed himself from the earthly world .

His children remained behind, and he gave them a

divinatory system to communicate with him. They

shared this system with human beings. Through
Jfa, humans are able to communicate with and make requests of the gods and the
spirits of the dead.

Indigenous African Religions as a Way of Life 77

Yoruba diviners also use Ifa to predict
the destinies and future of individuals.

The diviners use a special collection of

poetic verses and palm nuts to foresee future

events and converse with supernatural

beings. Most of the verses are from sacred
Yoruba texts, and they tell of the time of

the gods and ancestors. Diviners select specific verses because they contain the

solution to problems that faced the ancestors and are thus helpful in solving cur-

rent problems.

Spirit Possession Another way people communicate with the spirit world is
through spirit possession. A belief in spirit possession is prevalent throughout Africa,

and in many places this sort of interaction with spirits is a normal part of daily life.

People communicate with spirits through a medium-an individual who has become
possessed. Although women and men may both become possessed, in many cultures

women are far more likely to become so. The possessed individual is called a medium

because she mediates between the human world and the spirit world. The spirit takes
over the medium’s body, and the medium then acts according to the will of the spirit

while she is possessed. Because spirit possession usually takes place in public, many

people can witness the possession and interact with the spirit through the medium.

When a spirit possesses a person, she enters a state of trance. Others may then talk to

or make requests of the spirit through her.

Throughout Africa, people ascribe different meanings to possession. Some tradi-
tions view possession negatively. It might cause illness or cause the medium to harm
others. In such cases, they may call on a spiritual healer to drive the spirit away. Else-
where, people may encourage possession in order to communicate with the spirit world.

Individuals may use special dancing, music, and drumming to entice a spirit. In such

contexts, some people, such as women, may be more prone to spirit possession than

others. Sometimes, people who have the ability to become possessed achieve a special
religious status.

In West Africa, there is a widespread belief in spirits known as bori who have the
power to possess people. There are many different bori, and they have individual per-

sonalities. Among the Mawri people of Niger, spirits such as Maria, a flirtatious young

prostitute, regularly possess mediums.18 In Northeast Africa, the zar spirits are similar
to the bori and prominent throughout the region. Possession beliefs are also prevalent

among Muslims and Christians in Africa. As these religions gained adherents in sub-

Saharan Africa, many elements of preexisting religious practice remained. For ex-

ample, Mawri people began converting to Islam in the mid-twentieth century, but the

bori spirits remain. In Northeast Africa, the zar spirits possess both Muslims and

Christians.

Palm nuts with a blue
cloth bag, used by the
Yoruba people for
divination.

78 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

Two Orixas, or orisas,
who possess the
women, dance in their
finery at a Candomble
festival in Brazi l held in
their honor.

How do people
communicate with gods
and spirits in other
religious traditions? Are
practices similar across
religions or different?

Why do people become possessed? What does
it mean for those who become possessed? Many

scholars have tried to answer these questions.

Some have argued that spirit possession is thera-

peutic for those who have mental or physical ill-

ness. Others suggest that spirit possession is a

way for people to deal with rapid cultural change
and the problems of modernity. For example,

when the spirit Maria possesses Mawri women,

they might be expressing an internal conflict

between their desire to be traditional wives and

mothers and the temptations of urban life and
consumer culture, which Maria loves.19

Using Supernatural Powers
Practitioners of African religions believe that

some people have the ability to manipulate the
supernatural for their own ends. Western scholars have traditionally used the term

witchcraft to explain the use of supernatural powers to cause illness or other misfor-
tune. (It is important to note that in other religions, such as Wicca, the term “witch-

craft” does not have negative connotations. For more on Wicca, see Chapter 14.) In

African languages, many different terms are used to denote witchcraft, although the

idea that one can use supernatural powers to cause harm is fairly widespread. Often,
witchcraft pervades everyday life and is understood as a normal part of existence.

However, the use of witchcraft is not always thought to be intentional. In fact, in some

cultures, people may be “witches” without even knowing it. As a result, they may cause

harm to others unintentionally.

One of the most well-known examples of witchcraft is from the Azande people,

who live in Sudan and the Central African Republic. The Azande believe that witchcraft
is a physical substance that is present in some people’s bodies. Evans-Pritchard, who

conducted research among the Azande in the 1930s, showed that witchcraft beliefs

were part of the Azande theory of causation. Witchcraft is a way of explaining why

certain things happen to certain people. For example, if a man happened to be killed

because he was sitting under a granary when it collapsed, the Azande would attribute

this to witchcraft. Even if the granary collapsed because termites had destroyed the

supporting wooden posts, the question of why it collapsed when a particular individual
was sitting underneath it remained. The Azande would argue that this was an instance

of witchcraft: the termites explained how it collapsed, but this explanation did not

answer the question of why it collapsed when it did and killed the man sitting under

it. Only witchcraft could answer the “why” question. 20

Sometimes, people use supernatural powers or call on supernatural beings to fa-

cilitate healing. Healers may use special divination methods to determine what has

Indigenous African Religions as a Way of Life 79

caused an illness. Although illness might be attributed to biomedical causes, a healer

normally looks for an ultimate cause, which might be witchcraft or the malicious actions

of spirits. Then the healer can take special ritual action to try to cure it. A cure may

involve repairing damaged social relationships that have caused jealousy. Or a cure

may involve a sacrifice to appease an angry spirit that caused the illness. Among the

Ndembu of Zambia, some illnesses are believed to be caused by a particular spirit that
is attracted to social conflicts. The spirit eats at the flesh of quarreling people with a

sharp “tooth.” To get rid of the spirit, Ndembu religious priests encourage the afflicted

people to air their grievances against one another. During this discussion, the priest

will use a special cup to extract the “tooth” that has been causing the illness. 21

Life Cycle Rituals
Most African religions emphasize the life cycle. Celebrations and ceremonies that

mark the transitions from one phase of existence to another are an important part of

religious practice. These ceremonies define individuals as new members of the human

community, as adults with full responsibilities and privileges of adulthood, or as having

departed the living for the world of the spirits. African religions frequently believe that
the life cycle begins before birth and continues after death. Rituals (Chapter 1) are

formal religious practice. They are repetitive and rule-bound, and people often enact

them with a specific goal in mind. The goal could be pleasing a deity, encouraging a

good crop, or smoothing the transition between phases of the life cycle. As you learned

in Chapter 2, rituals that facilitate this transition are called rites of passage. These
rituals may be performed after a birth, during the transition from childhood to adult-

hood, or at death, when the deceased moves to the world of the spirits.

Birth: The Transition to the Human World In many African religions, birth is
the first important spiritual transition in a person’s life. It is the moment a new indi-

vidual enters the living community of humans. Preparing for a birth and welcoming a

child is a process that often begins long before the child is born. Among the Bambuti
people of the central African rainforest, a pregnant woman will offer food to a god as
thanks for the pregnancy. In other African cultures, a pregnant woman is expected to

observe certain rules and restrictions as a means of protecting herself and the child.

For example, a woman may avoid certain foods or sexual relations with her husband

while pregnant.
Practices surrounding the birth of a child vary tremendously from culture to cul-

ture in Africa. However, there are some common beliefs surrounding birth. One of these

is the belief that birth marks the transition of the newborn from the world of spirits to

the world of the living. Ceremonies after birth designate the child as belonging to the

entire community, not just the mother. In many cultures, the placenta symbolizes the
link between the child and its mother in its dependent state in the womb, and special

care may be taken with its disposal after the child is born. The disposal of the placenta

can symbolize the necessary separation of the child from its mother. The Yansi people

80 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

Bambuti woman and
children in Uganda.

of the Democratic Republic of Congo
throw the placenta into a river. This

act symbolizes that the child no longer

belongs only to his or her mother but

now belongs to the entire commu-
nity. 22 The Gikuyu of Kenya practice

a rite with a similar meaning. After

she has given birth, a mother’s head

is shaved. This represents the severing

of the exclusive tie between her and the

child and also represents renewal: the

mother is now ready to bear another
child. Like the Yansi, the Gikuyu then

recognize the child as a member of the

wider society. 23

Many African cultures have special
-c’ naming ceremonies for children to mark

their transition from the spirit world
to the human world. The Akamba

people of Kenya name a child on the third day after he or she is born. The next day,

the child’s father presents him or her with a special necklace, and the parents have ritual

intercourse. Together, these events mark the transition of the child from the spirit

world to the world of living humans.24 The Yoruba name their children after a special

birth ritual called “stepping into the world.” The ritual teaches parents how to raise
their new child. At the request of the new parents, a diviner uses the !fa divination
system (discussed earlier in this chapter) to determine the baby’s future. Using special

tools, foods, and texts, the Yoruba diviner will try to determine the nature of the

infant and will select a name based on what is found out. In one of the most important
parts of the ritual, the diviner holds the baby’s feet in the center of a special divination

tray, which represents the entire world. This act places the baby symbolically in the
center of the world and lets the diviner understand the baby’s nature. 25

Initiation Rites: The Transition to Adulthood Rites of passage marking the tran-
sition from childhood to adulthood are extremely important in African religious tradi-

tions. Although they differ significantly in the details, rites of passage focus on
successfully initiating a young person into adulthood and setting him or her on the

path to becoming a complete member of the community. The new adult will have new

privileges and responsibilities and will be expected to behave with maturity and

wisdom appropriate to this new status. Often, it is rites of passage at adolescence that

create a fully gendered adult. In many cultures, young people are able to marry only if

they have been initiated. Sometimes, young people acquire special religious knowledge

Indigenous African Religions as a Way of Life 81

during initiation. Rites of passage also form important bonds

for young people who go through them together. Among the
Ndembu people of Zambia, for example, boys going through

initiation are secluded for circumcision rites. Their mothers bring

them food, which all the boys share. The boys spend all their

time together and develop close friendships, which are intended
to last their entire lives.

Young Maasai men (like Tepilit, whose story begins this

chapter) become warriors when they go through initiation. Much

later, when men are in their thirties, they will be initiated as

elders and be allowed to marry. Maasai girls are also circum-

cised when they reach adolescence. However, they do not tran-
sition into an intermediate warrior stage but become ready for

marriage. Young women change the way they dress, and they

spend much time preparing beautifully beaded necklaces and

head ornaments to wear. Many of these young women marry

soon after they are circumcised, and they most often move away

from their homes to the villages of their husbands. As with the
young men, girls become fully socially mature when they transi-

tion through these important rituals. For both, the coming of age

rituals express important community values, such as strength,

responsibility, and maturity.

Death: The Transition to the Spirit World Many African religions understand
death not as an end to existence but as the transition to the spirit world. Funerals and

other rituals surrounding death are important because they have the ability to ease the

transition of the deceased from one state of being to another. In many cultures, the
spirits of the dead cannot make the transition to the spirit world without the proper

rituals. Normally, the living relatives of the deceased must facilitate the performance

of these rituals. The LoDagaa people of Ghana hold complex funeral rites to facilitate
this transition. The LoDagaa carve a special tree branch that represents the deceased.

Ideally, a son cares for the branch as a representation of his late parent. While the

symbolic branch is being cared for, the soul of the dead person is believed to travel to

the world of the dead. The ritual is very important. If the living relatives do not per-
form it properly, then the soul of the deceased will be trapped in his or her village in-
stead of moving to the realm of the dead. 26

Among the Dogon, a rite of passage for young men also helps the recently deceased

enter the state of being ancestors. This rite is known as the dama, and the basis for it
is laid out in myths. In the dama, which happens only once every several years, masked
participants dance to usher the recently deceased into the world of the spirits. The

masks prepared for the dama are elaborately carved and represent animals and the

Maasai women often
wear intricately beaded
necklaces.

82 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

mythical ancestors. The dama is also important for the living.
If the dead do not enter the world of the spirits, they can cause
problems for the living. Therefore, a successful dama frees the

living from misfortune caused by the spirits of the dead and

restores the normal balance of life and death. Today, these

masked dances not only are used for ritual purposes but are also
performed to entertain tourists; versions of the masks are pro-

duced for the tourist trade.

The rituals surrounding death are not always sad, and they

may even be joyful. Among the Yoruba, for example, if a person

over forty years old dies of natural causes, then the death is

regarded as an important and happy transition to the world of
the spirits and gods. This world is called orun, and the spirit of

the deceased person will remain there and be called upon to

assist in the affairs of her living relatives. However, if someone

is under age forty at the time of death or dies of unnatural

causes, the Yoruba consider it to be a great tragedy. Their spirits

cannot enter orun but are rather doomed to wander the earth

unhappily forever. 27

Women in Indigenous African Religions
As we have seen, women play many roles in African indigenous

religions. The teachings of many African religions acknowl-
A Dogon masked dancer. edge and honor important female deities or spirits, and women are actively involved

in many aspects of religious practice. Women have also been essential to the histori-

cal development of Christianity and Islam in Africa.

As noted earlier in this chapter, women often play a prominent role in possession

cults and are more likely to become possessed than are men. When possessed, a woman

becomes a powerful representative of the spirit world. Some scholars have argued that
this allows women to achieve a temporarily high status in male-dominated societies

and in religions in which men control mainstream religious practice.28 However,

women’s spirit possession practices are frequently at the center of religious life, not

relegated to the margins. In Nigeria, Edo women participate in the worship of the god
Olokun, who is at the heart of Edo religion. In Edo cosmology, Olokun is a very im-

portant god who has authority over fertility and wealth. By participating in the pos-
session cult, Edo women gain permanent high status in the community. And although

women who serve Olokun as priestesses do not have political authority in the same

way men do, they can exert a great deal of power by settling disputes and acting as

medical advisors. 29

Women have been important in the historical development of religion in Africa.

Some scholars have argued that women’s active role in spirit possession has led to their

prominence in new religious movements. Because mission churches such as the Anglican

and Catholic churches most often prohibited women from holding leadership roles,

women were highly influential in the development of the African Independent Christian

churches. Women founded new churches across Africa.3° For example, a woman called
Grace Tani founded the Church of the Twelve Apostles in Ghana in 1914. Tani was

regarded as a prophet, and like many other influential women leaders, she incorporated

many local traditions into her Christian practice.3 1 Although many of these new churches
are now headed by men, women have often maintained important roles in preaching,

leadership, and healing in the churches. The Aladura Church, which we discussed

earlier in this chapter, has separate male and female leadership structures. 32

Women have also played active roles in African Islam. In early nineteenth-century

West Africa, the teacher and scholar Nana Asma’u, a daughter of Usman dan Fodio,

dedicated her career to encouraging the education of Muslim women. She taught that
all women had a duty as Muslims to seek knowledge, and she is still a role model for

Muslim women in Nigeria today. 33

As you have read, some African religions emphasize the importance of male and

female circumcision. In recent years, much controversy has surrounded female cir-

cumcision. It is often described as having a religious basis, sometimes to maintain the
sexual purity of women, and it is not practiced solely within one religious community.
In Africa, followers of many different religions practice female circumcision. This in-

cludes Christians and Muslims, in addition to followers of indigenous religions. Cir-

cumcision can take many forms. It can range from a simple incision on the clitoris to

draw blood to what is known as infibulation. In infibulation, most of the external

female genitalia are removed, and the incision is then sewn together. Because the more

extensive types of circumcision, such as infibulation, can endanger the health of young
girls, many people have called for an end to the practice. Some countries, such as

Uganda, have banned it. However, reaction to these calls is mixed. Many women in

Africa argue that circumcision is an essential part of their cultural identity.34 They

stress that a girl would never be considered a marriageable adult without undergoing

the procedure during initiation. Others resent what they see as a movement led by
Western activists, who remain silent about male circumcision because it is also preva-

lent in the West. Still others have succeeded in replacing circumcision with different

kinds of rituals to mark the transition from girlhood to adulthood.

CONCLUSION
What does the future hold for the indigenous religions of Africa? Will these religious

traditions maintain relevance in the face of ever-expanding world religions and in an

increasingly globalized world?

The challenges of colonialism and growing world religions in the last few centuries
have vastly increased the numbers of Africans following such large-scale religions as

Islam and Christianity. Although the majority of Africans today profess one of these

two faiths, their prevalence has certainly not eradicated indigenous African religions.

Conclusion 83

84 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

As we have seen in this chapter, people throughout Africa have incorporated beliefs

and practices from indigenous religions into large-scale religions. As a result, Islam

and Christianity have taken on distinctly African forms and have essentially become

indigenous African religions. We have learned that African religions tend to focus

on the present, and much African religious practice looks for ways to improve one’s

immediate circumstances. These concerns have remained meaningful to many people
in Africa, even when they become followers of salvation-oriented religions such as

Christianity and Islam.35

Furthermore, religions such as Santeria and Vodou, which are derived from Afri-

can traditions, are flourishing in much of the Americas. Through increasing migration

and mobility, practitioners of these religions make them significant and relevant in

diverse cultural contexts and introduce others to their teachings and practices. Today,
you can find practitioners of Santeria and Vodou who have no ancestral ties to Africa.

As a result, these religions will likely continue to thrive and even grow in the Americas.

And as more Africans move to parts of Europe and Asia for work or schooling, their

religious practices will likely go with them and will adjust to new contexts.

In sum, we can assume that African religions will continue to change and adapt to
wider social environments both in Africa and in the African diaspora. Although their
forms and modes of practice will change from one generation to the next, this develop-

ment only continues processes of change that are characteristic to all religions. African

religions are not relics of the past; rather, they are meaningful living traditions that

will continue to thrive in the future.

SEEKING ANSWERS

What Is the Nature of Ultimate Reality?

Most African traditions understand the world to have been created by a High God. The
natural world, the supernatural world, and the social world of human beings are not sepa-
rate and distinct realms but are often considered to be interlinked. Dogan creation narratives
illustrate this idea. Most African religions are anthropocentric, or human-centered; they teach
that God created humans and that creation and the universe revolve around humanity.
Often, it is believed that humans and God once coexisted in an idealized past, but that
something happened to separate humanity from God. African religions differ in terms of
how ultimate reality is revealed to human beings: humans communicate with the divine
through possession, sacrifice, and divination.

(continued)

Review Questions 85

SEEKING ANSWERS (continued)
What Is Our Ultimate Purpose?

African religions do not tend to focus on salvation or the goal of transcending the human

condition but, rather, seek to emulate an idealized past in this life. However, many tradi-

tions hold that after death, people may transition to a spiritual state and may continue to

interact with living humans. There are some exceptions to this. The Degon and the Yoruba,
for example, conceive of the possibility of a grand afterlife.

How Should We Live in This World?

Many African religions emphasize the importance of caring for and respecting the living
and deceased members of one’s family, the necessity of maintaining beneficial relation-

ships with the beings of the spirit world, and the importance of harmony with the natural

world. Because most African religions do not focus on reward or punishment in the after-

life, religious practice does not normally center on preparing for an afterlife. Instead, rituals

and ceremonies focus on improving life in this world.

REVIEW QUESTIONS

For Review
,. What is the relationship between humanity

and gods in African religions? Give specific

examples from religions.
2 . Describe the spirits of the dead. What role

do they have in the lives of the living in par-
ticular religions? How are the beliefs about

the dead reflected in religious practice?

3. What are the three main ways African reli-

gions communicate with the supernatural?
Describe each.

4. What influence have African religions had

on American religions? How did this

happen?

For Further Reflection
,. Do you see any similarities between the reli-

gions of Africa and the religions of Native

America? How do conceptions of the super-
natural differ? Do they share similarities?

2. What parallels can you draw between Native
American and African religious resistance

movements? What motivated these move-

ments, and how were they carried out?

86 Chapter 3 INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF AFRICA

GLOSSARY

Amma (ah-ma; Dogan) The High God of the Dagon
people.

bori (boh-ree; various languages) A term for West
African spirits.

Candomble New World religion with roots in West
Africa-particularly Yoruba culture-which is
prominent in Brazil.

dama (dah-ma; Dogan) A Dagon rite of passage
marking the transition to adulthood and to the
afterlife.

divination The attempt to learn about events that will
happen in the future through supernatural means.

/fa (ee-fah; Yoruba) The divination system of the
Yoruba religion, believed to be revealed to hu-
manity by the gods.

Kinjiketele (kin-jee-ke-te-le) The leader of the Maji
Maji rebellion in Tanganyika (today’s Tanzania).

Maji Maji (mah-jee mah-jee; Swahili) A 1905 rebel-
lion against German colonizers in Tanganyika
(today’s Tanzania).

medium A person who is possessed by a spirit and thus
mediates between the human and spirit worlds.

moran (mor-an; Samburu and Maasai) A young
man in Samburu or Maasai culture who has been
circumcised and thus has special cultural and re-
ligious duties.

Odu (oh-doo; Yoruba) The original prophets in
Yoruba religion.

orisa (oh-ree-sha; Yoruba) Term for lesser deities in
Yoruba religion.

Oshun (oh-shoon; Yoruba) A Yoruba goddess.

pantheon A group of deities or spirits.

rites of passage Rituals that mark the transition
from one life stage to another.

Santeria (san-teh-ree-a; Spanish) New World reli-
gion with roots in West Africa; prominent in Cuba.

Vodou (voo-doo; Fon and French) New World reli-
gion with roots in West Africa; prominent in
Haiti and the Haitian diaspora.

witchcraft A term used by Western scholars to de-
scribe the use of supernatural powers to harm
others.

zar (zahr; various languages) A term for spirits in
East Africa.

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Abimbola, Wande. Jfo: An Exposition of !fa Literary
Corpus. Ibadan, Nigeria: Oxford University Press,

1976. Scholarly look at Yoruba religious texts
and beliefs.

Evans-Pritchard, Edward E. Witchcraft, Oracles, and

Magic Among the Azande. New York: Oxford

University Press, 1976. Classic anthropological
account of beliefs about witchcraft and magic

among the Azande people of southern Sudan.

Griaule, Marcel. Conversations with Ogotemmeli.

London: Oxford University Press, 1965. A first-

hand description of Dagon cosmology based on

conversations with a Dagon elder.
Mbiti, John S. African Religions and Philosophy. New

York: Praeger, 1969. Useful introduction to

African belief systems and religions.

McCarthy Brown, Karen. Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess

in Brooklyn. Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1998. Engrossing ethnographic account
of a modern-day Vodou priestess.

Olupona, Jacob K. African Traditional Religions in
Contemporary Society. St. Paul, MN: Paragon

House, 1998. Useful look at African religions in
the present day.

Ray, Benjamin C. African Religions: Symbol, Ritual,
and Community. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice

Hall, 2000. Introduction to African religions

aimed at students focusing on religious practice.

ONLINE RESOURCES

National Museum of African Art
africa.si.edu

The National Museum of African Art, part of the

Smithsonian Institution, offers abundant useful

resources for African religion and material culture.

African Voices
mnh.si.edu/africanvoices

Online Resources 87

The Smithsonian’s ”African Voices” site explores

the diversity of African cultures and their connec-

tions to the global world.

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