Due tomorrow 9pm
1.How many women were suspected and convicted of trafficking in human beings during the period 1994–2016?
2. For what forms of exploitation within human trafficking have these women been convicted?
3. What sanctions have been imposed on these women?
4. What are the offender and offense characteristics of women who have been convicted of human trafficking?
4pages
Sex Trafficking of Women and Girls in a Southern Ontario Region: Police
File Review Exploring Victim Characteristics, Trafficking Experiences, and
the Intersection With Child Welfare
Kyla Baird, Kyla P. McDonald, and Jennifer Connolly
York University
Domestic sex trafficking is a growing crime in Canada, with the majority of victims being children and youth.
Youth involved with Child Welfare (CW) are vastly over-represented among sex trafficking victims. Yet, it
is poorly understood why these youth are so vulnerable, particularly within the Canadian context. The goal of
the current study was to increase our understanding of the elevated risk status of CW involved youth who are
victimized by sex traffickers, as well as explore routes into sex trafficking. To address this goal, researchers
collaborated with local CW and police agencies to conduct a secondary data analysis of sex trafficking cases
from 200
8
to 2016. In total, data were included on 223 victims, 52 of these cases were involved with CW.
Findings underscore the high-risk status of CW youth victimized by sex trafficking. All CW involved sex
trafficking victims were recruited under the age of 18. CW victims were more likely to use alcohol, cocaine,
and crystal methamphetamine; live in a group home; and experience childhood maltreatment. Traffickers
utilized online platforms and relationships to recruit youth. Results from this study suggest early identification
of high-risk status should be a priority for CW agencies. Moreover, professionals working with youth in
various capacities such as, schools, hospitals, and mental health centers should be knowledgeable about risk,
recruitment by traffickers, and warning signs of victimization.
Public Significance Statement
Youth in care of child welfare are at enhanced risk of being recruited into sex trafficking. CW victims
are alarmingly young and present with complex psychosocial histories. Traffickers utilize online
platforms and preexisting relationships in recruitment and employ grooming strategies rather than
violence or threats in the process of recruitment.
Keywords: child welfare, sex trafficking, exploitation, recruitment, law enforcement
Sex trafficking consists of the recruitment and exploitation of an
individual through use of threats, force, coercion, deception or
abuse of power for the purpose of a commercial sex act (United
Nation’s Office on Drugs and Crime [UNODC], 2014). It is one of
the most common forms of human trafficking and involves the
selling of persons for sex domestically, within country borders,
and internationally, across country borders. The majority of avail-
able research is on the international industry, leaving gaps in our
understanding for the exploitation of domestic individuals (Cec-
chet & Thoburn, 2014; Hepburn & Simon, 2010). Although the
exact numbers of sex trafficking victims1 are unknown (Public
Safety Canada, 2012), the International Labour Office (ILO) re-
ports approximately 4.5 million people worldwide are trafficked
for sex (ILO, 2012). The province of Ontario has been identified as
a major hub for sex trafficking, with 75% of Ontario’s cases
occurring within the Greater Toronto Area (GTA; RCMP, 2014).
Growing public awareness and concern on issues of Canadian sex
trafficking of youth (under age 18) has led to both Federal and
1 In the literature on sex trafficking, terminology is a contentious issue.
The words “victim” and “survivor” are two words that are used to describe
individuals who have been trafficked. The term “victim” is often used
when referring to an individual who is in the process of being recruited or
currently being trafficked/exploited, while “survivor” is used when refer-
ring to an individual who is no longer being trafficked. The current study
accessed participant data through a criminal lens on women and girls who
were, at the time, being exploited. Thus, we view these individuals as
victims of a crime and use the term “victim” throughout the paper.
Editor’s Note. Martin Drapeau served as Action Editor for this article.—AJO
This article was published Online First October 10, 2019.
Kyla Baird, Kyla P. McDonald, and Jennifer Connolly, Department of
Psychology, York University.
We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of the staff at York Region
Children’s Aid Society and of DS Thai Truong and his staff of the York
Regional Police in providing access to the data for this study and for their
ongoing support in promoting the protection of youth involved in human
trafficking.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Kyla
Baird, Department of Psychology, York University, 268, Behavioural
Sciences Building—BSB Keele Campus, Toronto, ON M3J 1P3, Can-
ada. E-mail: bairdka@yorku.ca
Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science /
Revue canadienne des sciences du comportement
ISSN: 0008-400X 2020, Vol. 52, No. 1, 8 –17
© 2019 Canadian Psychological Association http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cbs0000151
8
mailto:bairdka@yorku.ca
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cbs0000151
Provincial antitrafficking task forces and with these initiatives
comes the call for relevant research to inform best practices.
By virtue of age, youth from all sectors of the population are at
risk of involvement in sex trafficking. In fact, the majority of
victims are recruited as minors between ages 12 and 14 (Jordan,
Patel, & Rapp, 2013; Smith, Healy Vardaman, & Snow, 2009).
The developmental vulnerabilities of youth such as identity for-
mation, the need for belonging, desire for autonomy, desire for
romantic relationships and poor problem-solving skills prime this
population as a target for psychological coercion and manipulation
(Schwartz, 2015). In addition, youth are highly accessible online
via social media platforms, making it easy for traffickers to con-
nect with them and build relationships anonymously (Greenbaum,
Crawford-Jakubiak, & the Committee on Child Abuse and
Neglect, 2015). However, some populations of youth are at greater
risk for recruitment than others. A particularly robust finding in the
literature is that youth involved with child welfare (CW) are at an
elevated risk for being victimized for sex trafficking (Landers,
McGrath, Johnson, Armstrong, & Dollard, 2017). Likewise, CW
agencies, are becoming increasingly concerned about how to im-
prove the protection of their vulnerable youth in an empirically
supported way (O’Brien, White, & Rizo, 2017). Unfortunately,
there is limited Canadian empirical research available to inform
antisex trafficking initiatives. Using Canadian definitions of sex
trafficking, the current study seeks to investigate a sample of sex
trafficked youth within an Ontario district in order to compare
those with and without CW involvement on age of recruitment,
exposure to child maltreatment, substance use, criminal behavior
and trafficking experiences.
Sex Trafficking and Victim Involvement in
Child Welfare
Previous research has repeatedly highlighted that among sex
trafficked youth, CW involvement is elevated (Countryman-
Roswurm & Bolin, 2014; Estes & Weiner, 2001; Fong & Berger
Cardoso, 2010; Gragg, Petta, Bernstein, Eisen, & Quinn, 2007;
Williams & Frederick, 2009). One report indicated that 85% of
trafficked youth have a history of involvement with CW and 75%
have lived in foster care (Gragg et al., 2007). Researchers have
speculated on why sex trafficked youth are overrepresented in CW.
Risk based research has highlighted the overwhelming rates of
childhood maltreatment experiences among trafficked individuals,
particularly exposure to childhood sexual abuse (Countryman-
Roswurm & Bolin, 2014; Farley, Lynne, & Cotton, 2005; Fedina,
Williamson, & Perdue, 2016; Grace, Starck, Potenza, Kenney, &
Sheetz, 2012; Havlicek, Huston, Boughton, & Zhang, 2016;
Kotrla, 2010; Moore, Houck, Hirway, Barron, & Goldberg, 2017;
Raymond, Hughes, & Gomez, 2001; Roe-Sepowitz, 2012). Many
youth come into the care of CW due to experiences of childhood
maltreatment, while others are referred for experiences of child-
hood adversity (Simmons-Horton, 2017). Additionally, not all
youth who experience childhood maltreatment are involved with
CW due to issues such as, underreporting of maltreatment inci-
dents, lack of follow-up on cases, differences in the definition and
interpretation of what “maltreatment” is by service and care pro-
viders. Nonetheless, the ruptured familial relationships and expe-
riences of childhood adversity are circumstances that place CW
youth at heightened risk for exploitation because traffickers target
these youths’ unmet needs for positive caregiver relationships,
love and belonging. In addition, CW youth are more likely to
exhibit runaway behaviors that place them at risk for recruitment
on the streets (Landers et al., 2017). Despite a growing body of
literature on risk for sex trafficking, there is limited empirical
research available examining the shared and unique characteristics
and experiences of sex trafficked youth involved with CW com-
pared to non-CW involved youth. Given the overlap between CW
involvement and sex trafficking involvement, understanding the
unique characteristics of this exploited group of youth might allow
for early identification of risk for recruitment and special consid-
erations for the placement of at-risk youth in care.
Recruitment and Entrapment
Recruitment refers the targeting of locations where traffickers
find their potential victims. Youth are recruited across all geo-
graphic regions including metropolitan, micropolitan, and rural
communities (Cole & Sprang, 2015). Traffickers focus on loca-
tions where vulnerable youth spend unmonitored time. With the
insurgence of social media usage among youth and the anonymity
afforded with online connections, recruitment is increasingly tak-
ing place on sites like Facebook, MySpace, and Twitter
(Greenbaum, Crawford-Jakubiak, & the Committee on Child
Abuse and Neglect, 2015; Latonero, 2011), as well as on dating
applications like Tinder. In fact, one study found that between
41.7% and 52.0% of traffickers use the Internet to recruit youth
(Cole & Sprang, 2015). Recruitment also takes place on the streets
in malls, in and around schools (middle/high), bus stations, court-
houses, bars, parks, restaurants, and playgrounds (Boxill & Rich-
ardson, 2007; Moore et al., 2017; Smith, Healy Vardaman, &
Snow, 2009). Typically, traffickers have greater success in recruit-
ing vulnerable youth who are homeless, involved with gangs, in
transitional or unstable housing, suffering from drug and alcohol
addictions, and residing in abusive households (Saewyc, MacKay,
Anderson, & Drozda, 2008). While researchers have cited that
youth involved with CW are targets while in care (Choi, 2015;
Countryman-Roswurm & Bolin, 2014; Fong & Berger Cardoso,
2010; O’Brien et al., 2017; Williams & Frederick, 2009), there is
no research examining whether there are specific trends in the
targeting and recruitment of youth who reside in foster and group
homes. Likewise, it is unclear how traffickers proceed to entrap
these youth once they have recruited them.
Entrapment refers to the strategies traffickers use to engage
youth once they have made contact with them. Trafficker strategies
to entrap youth can be divided into two categories, grooming and
aversive strategies. Grooming involves providing the target youth
with basic needs (e.g., shelter, food) and desires, including show-
ering her with presents, attention, money, and even drugs
(Raphael, Reichert, & Powers, 2010; Schwartz, 2015). The traf-
ficker’s grooming process often includes meeting the youth’s need
for safety, security, love, and belonging by taking on the role of a
caring, available, and attentive boyfriend (Schwartz, 2015). Com-
paratively, aversive strategies include threats, physical violence, or
pressure from the trafficker or others involved (Kennedy, Klein,
Bristowe, Cooper, & Yuille, 2007; Williamson & Prior, 2009).
Victims may be entrapped in more than one way (e.g., love and
violence) and both grooming and/or aversive methods may be used
prior to recruitment into sex trafficking or at the time of recruit-
9SEX TRAFFICKING OF WOMEN AND GIRLS
ment and thereafter (Kennedy et al., 2007). A trafficker’s recruit-
ment strategy intersects with the vulnerability of the youth who is
victimized. For example, a youth with a drug addiction may be
offered “free” drugs by the trafficker in the grooming process and
a homeless youth seeking shelter may be offered a “free” room at
a hotel. Unfortunately, “free” offerings become debt and the youth
is then asked to work to pay it back (Estes & Weiner, 2001;
Kennedy et al., 2007; Williamson & Prior, 2009).
Research Approaches to Sex Trafficking
Given the covert and transient nature of sex trafficking, excep-
tional challenges exist in research (Hom & Woods, 2013). One of
the most challenging factors is accessing victimized individuals for
research. Involvement in sex trafficking often includes involve-
ment in illegal behaviors (e.g., theft, drug trafficking), stigmatiza-
tion from the public, and risk to the victim, all of which impacts
individuals’ willingness to participate in research and an increased
likelihood of unreliable answers for privacy protection (Tyldum &
Brunovskis, 2005). There is an added challenge in researching
youth victims of trafficking, as researchers have reporting obliga-
tions to child welfare (Zimmerman & Watts, 2003), which may
deter youth engagement in this research. Challenges in accessing
this hidden population for research has led to specific methodol-
ogies for studying sex trafficking, most of which present a host of
limitations in the generalizability of the data obtained. Sex
trafficking research has largely relied upon participant self-
identification, retrospective accounts and convenience sampling
(e.g., Lederer & Wetzel, 2014; Moore et al., 2017; O’Brien et al.,
2017; Raphael et al., 2010; Reid & Piquero, 2014), all of which
yield a range of sampling biases. Without corroborating informa-
tion from other sources, the simplistic questions used for self-
identification (e.g., “In the past 6 months, have you been paid for
having sexual relations with someone?”; O’Brien et al., 2017) do
not gather enough information to accurately determine if individ-
uals’ exploitive experiences align with legal definitions of sex
trafficking. Additionally, there are known challenges for victim
participation in research including mistrust of others, fear of their
trafficker, and denial of being a victim of a crime (Pearce, 2009).
Therefore, we can assume that those who identify themselves as a
victim of sex trafficking for participation in research are likely not
representative of victims who do not. Another common method for
accessing participants is within treatment or community programs
(e.g., homeless outreach programs, sex trafficking community
intervention programs; Countryman-Roswurm & Bolin, 2014;
Landers et al., 2017; Roe-Sepowitz, 2012; Twill, Green, &
Traylor, 2010). While these studies provide valuable insights into
issues of sex trafficking, there are inherent biases in their samples,
as victimized individuals who have access to programs, likely also
live in urban areas and have access to resources, support, and
perhaps the financial means to make it easier to connect with
treatment programs. Thus, the assumption can be made that indi-
viduals who self-identify, seek or obtain access to treatment are
systematically different from those who do not.
The current study utilizes a unique approach for gathering data
on sex trafficked individuals. Through collaboration with police
services, researchers were able to examine chart data on all sex
trafficked individuals police opened investigations for between
2008 and 2016. Partnering with police services allowed for the
data to bypass obligatory reporting issues, as all underage victims
have already been brought to the attention of child welfare, there-
fore allowing the inclusion of younger victims in the sample.
Using corroborating information from family members, the victim
and other sources, these individuals were identified under Cana-
dian law as being trafficked, whether or not the individual them-
selves self-identified as a victim. In addition, a local CW agency
provided information about victim CW involvement allowing for
the comparison of victims with and without CW involvement. The
current study offers a novel and important exploration into the
constellation of characteristics and trafficking experiences of sex
trafficked victims within the Canadian context.
Study Objectives
The current study is a secondary data analysis of police and CW
files that aims to enhance the understanding of the characteristics
of trafficked females in an Ontario district by conducting a com-
parison of those with and without CW involvement. Based on the
literature reviewed, it was hypothesized that CW victims will more
likely be domestic (i.e., Canada as their country of origin), will
have been recruited at a younger age, will be more likely to
experience childhood maltreatment, more likely to use alcohol and
drugs, and the time between recruitment and police investigation
initiation would be shorter compared to non-CW victims. With
regards to recruitment and entrapment, it was expected that com-
pared to non-CW victims, CW victims will be more likely to
experience multiple grooming and entrapment strategies, live in a
group home while being trafficked and meet their trafficker online.
Method
The current study was completed in collaboration with a local
police agency (York Regional Police) and child welfare agency
(York Region Children’s Aid Society), who requested assistance in
understanding sex trafficking of underage youth in their vicinity.
These two agencies had a preexisting relationship facilitated by a
specific human trafficking protocol the two agencies cocreated,
that involves CW workers reporting suspected sex trafficking
cases to police and police notifying CW when a minor is identified
as being at-risk for or is currently being exploited. The geographic
area serviced by these agencies spans approximately 1,700 square
kilometers in the Greater Toronto Area. It is one of Canada’s
fastest growing suburban municipalities with 1.2 million residents.
The region contains high ethnocultural diversity with 78% identi-
fying as a visible minority and 47% born outside of Canada. Crime
in the region has risen 8% over the past five years, with human
trafficking related offenses being one of the highest rates in On-
tario (RCMP, 2014; Statistics Canada, 2017).
York Regional Police staff members on the Human Trafficking
Team reviewed 275 sex trafficking case files which were investi-
gated between May 2008 through December 2016. Sex trafficking
in these investigations came to the attention of the police for
various reasons including, but not limited to, victims seeking
police assistance, cases with victim cooperation and charges
against the accused trafficker, cases without victim cooperation,
proactive cases where tips were provided, and police involvement
for other reasons (e.g., responding to reported violence). Due to
issues of confidentiality and privacy, researchers were not given
10 BAIRD, MCDONALD, AND CONNOLLY
direct access to case files and all data were de-identified. The
research team consulted with police to determine variables of
interest to extract from the case files. Data were collected from
police reports, police notes, investigative summaries, audio or
video interviews, statements from victims or their families, and
information gathered from police staff involved in the investiga-
tion. Some of the data provided to the researchers by the police
were qualitative and later organized into coherent categories. The
coded data was later reviewed by the Detective Sergeant to ensure
accuracy. A senior supervisor at York Region Children’s Aid
Society then reviewed the identified victims to determine which
have current or past involvement with a Canadian child welfare
agency in any capacity (e.g., crown ward, temporary care custody,
society wards).
The researchers provided the police with a template containing
variables of interest to be extracted from the case files. Data were
obtained on age of recruitment and age when sex trafficking
investigation was initiated. The latter variable is important in order
to obtain the length of time victims are exploited prior to police
investigation. In addition, country of origin was determined in
order to establish whether victims were domestic (i.e., from Can-
ada) or international (i.e., from another country). Data were also
obtained on CW involvement, exposure to child maltreatment,
substance use, criminal behavior, and victim trafficking experi-
ences. Victim trafficking experiences were broken down into
where the victim was living at time of investigation initiation, as
this is indicative of where they were living while being trafficked,
as well as various modes of recruitment (e.g., Facebook, through a
romantic relationship, strip club), and methods of entrapment by
trafficker (e.g., use of grooming and aversive strategies). Informa-
tion regarding the methods of recruitment and grooming strategies
used by traffickers were coded into conceptually similar modes of
recruitment (e.g., use of media, place of employment).
Ethics approval was obtained from York University Human
Participants Review Committee for the present study. All identi-
fying information was removed from the secondary dataset prior to
providing access to the researchers. Data were inputted in an excel
spreadsheet created by the authors and provided in a secure,
encrypted format.
Data Set
Data were retrieved from all sex trafficking case files (N � 275).
Of these cases, 51 were incomplete with over 90% missing data.
These cases were excluded from analysis. All remaining cases
(N � 223) were identified as female in the current sample. Fifty-
two were identified as being involved with a CW agency at some
point in their lives, 102 had no CW involvement at all and 69 cases
were unknown. Ethnic diversity was observed in the current sam-
ple, with 43% identifying as an ethnicity other than White. Six
categories of ethnicity were identified within the data: White,
Black, Hispanic, Asian, South Asian, and Indigenous. The major-
ity of the sample were identified as White (57%), South Asian
(17.9%) or Black/African Canadian (16.1%). No significant dif-
ferences in ethnicity were observed between CW and non-CW
victims.
Findings are first reported for the total sample (N � 223) and
then the file was reorganized so that comparisons could be made
between CW-involved (N � 52) and non-CW involved females
(N � 102). Given data were extracted from preexisting files and
documents, missing data varied across participants and variables.
Results
Overall group demographic variables were explored, and com-
parisons were made between CW and non-CW involved victims
(see Table 1). Frequency and chi-squared analyses were executed
to describe the characteristics of the total sample (N � 223).
Similarities and differences between the subsamples of CW and
non-CW cases were then analysed using chi-squared statistics.
Analyses begin first with age, followed by ethnicity, living situa-
tion prior to trafficking, childhood maltreatment experiences, sub-
stance use and criminality, and finally trafficking experiences.
Effect sizes were calculated to account for unequal sample sizes
using Cramer’s V. All statistical assumptions were met in the
present analyses.
Age
Overall, the majority of the total sample were recruited into sex
trafficking as minors (M � 16.77, SD � 3.72) (68.5%). In fact, all
CW victims were recruited as minors (100%, M � 14.71, SD �
1.40), whereas just over half of non-CW victims were recruited as
minors (54.7%, M � 17.81, SD � 4.22). Thus, compared to
non-CW victims, CW victims were significantly more likely to be
recruited as minors (�2(1) � 32.87, p � .001, Cramer’s V � .49).
When the sex trafficking investigation was initiated, victims
were, on average, over the age of 18 (66.4%, M � 22.82, SD �
9.0). The average time between victim recruitment into sex traf-
ficking and the initiation of the investigation was 2.5 years (SD �
3.1). In comparing CW and non-CW victims, approximately 80%
(82.7%) of CW victims (M � 16.65, SD � 2.17) and a quarter
(25.5%) of non-CW victims were minors at time of the investiga-
tion initiation (M � 21.20, SD � 5.34). This difference was
statistically significant (�2(1) � 45.57, p � .001, Cramer’s V �
.54). More specifically, the time (in years) between recruitment and
the investigation initiation was shorter for CW victims (Myears � 1.75,
SD � 2.17) than non-CW victims (Myears � 2.74, SD � 3.28), but
this difference was not statistically significant.
Country of Origin
The majority of the sample were domestic, with their country of
origin being Canada (81.8%). 18% were from other countries
including Europe (2.5%), Asia (11%), South America and the
Caribbean (3%) and Africa (1.5%). CW victims were significantly
more likely to report Canada being their country of origin (98%)
than non-CW victims (85%) (�2(1) � 5.88, p � .01, Cramer’s V �
.20).
Living Situation Prior to Trafficking
Police staff extracted data on where victims were living prior to
being trafficked. The majority of the sample identified coming
from a single-parent household (38.5%) or a two-parent household
(33.3%). The remaining 28% lived with extended family (5.8%),
in group homes (12.2%), foster parents (5.8%), or with legal or
adoptive parents (3.8%). CW victims were more likely to identify
coming from a group home (39.6%), single-parent home (25%), or
11SEX TRAFFICKING OF WOMEN AND GIRLS
a foster home (18.8%). Of those in care of CW, 40% were
designated as crown wards, meaning children who are the legal
responsibility of the government.
Childhood Maltreatment
Victims disclosed high rates of childhood maltreatment predat-
ing their exploitation. Table 2 summarizes rates of childhood
maltreatment for the entire sample, as well as for CW and non-CW
groups. Seventy-five percent of the sample (74.6%) reported hav-
ing experienced childhood maltreatment. Neglect was the most
commonly reported type of childhood maltreatment (67%). Emo-
tional abuse was reported by 65.8% of the sample, physical abuse
by 38.2%, and sexual abuse by 15.5%. CW victims reported higher
rates of childhood maltreatment (87.8%) compared to non-CW
victims (67.6%) (�2(1) � 6.20, p � .009, Cramer’s V � .20).
Specifically, CW victims were more likely to experience emo-
tional abuse (�2(1) � 8.58, p � .002, Cramer’s V � .25) and
neglect (�2(1) � 4.93, p � .02, Cramer’s V � .19), compared to
non-CW victims.
Substance Use and Criminality
All victims of sex trafficking reported high rates of substance
use, including drugs and alcohol. Seventy-eight percent of the total
sample reported using substances, with 68.4% abusing alcohol and
74.9% using drugs. As shown in Table 3, marijuana was the most
commonly used drug in the total sample (54.8%). Cocaine was the
second most commonly reported used drug (32.3%). Overall, CW
victims were significantly more likely to report using alcohol
(�2(1) � 6.32, p � .01, Cramer’s V � .21). No significant
differences were found for overall drug use between CW and
Table 1
Socio-Demographic Characteristics
Full sample
CW sample
Non
CW sample
�2 p valueDemographics (N � 223) (n � 52) (n � 102)
Age when recruited into sex trafficking 32.87 .00��
Under 18 111 69% 52 100% 47 55%
18 and over 51 32% — — 39 45%
Age when investigation initiated 45.57 .00��
Under 18 75 34% 43 83% 26 26%
18 and over 148 66% 9 17% 76 75%
Country of origin
Canada 162 82% 50 98% 81 85% 5.88 .01�
Other 36 18% 1 2% 14 15%
Europe 5 2.5% — — 2 2%
Asia 22 11% — — 5 5%
South America and Caribbean 6 3% 1 2% 4 4%
Africa 3 1.5% — — 3 3%
Living situation prior to trafficking
Two parent household 52 33% 4 8% 37 46%
Single parent household 60 39% 12 25 33 41%
Multifamily household 1 1% — — 1 1%
Legal guardian/adoptive 6 4% 1 2% 3 4%
Foster parents 9 6% 9 19% — —
Group home 19 12% 19 40% — —
Extended family 9 6% 3 6% 6 8%
Note. CW � child welfare.
� p � .05. �� p � .01.
Table 2
Childhood Maltreatment
Maltreatment
types
Full sample CW sample
Non
CW sample
�2 p value(N � 223) (n � 52) (n � 102)
Yes 141 75% 43 88% 69 68% 6.20 .01�
No 48 25% 6 12% 31 31%
Physical 63 38% 19 46% 33 36% 1.31 .17
Emotional 114 65% 38 81% 53 56% 8.58 .00��
Sexual 22 16% 6 17% 12 15% .05 .51
Neglect 118 67% 38 79% 57 61% 4.93 .02�
Note. CW � child welfare.
� p � .05. �� p � .01.
12 BAIRD, MCDONALD, AND CONNOLLY
non-CW groups, however there were significant differences for
particular drug types. CW victims were significantly more likely to
report using cocaine than non-CW victims (�2(1) � 6.40, p � .01,
Cramer’s V � .22). CW victims were also significantly more likely
to use crystal methamphetamine than non-CW victims (14.6% and
3.5% respectively) (�2(1) � 5.24, p � .03, Cramer’s V � .20). No
drugs were used more by the non-CW sample of victims.
Just under half of the sample (47.6%) had a criminal record that
predated their contact with the police for involvement in sex
trafficking. Crimes reported were theft, drug possession, drug
trafficking, assault, and being an inmate of a common bawdy
house (i.e., brothel). There were no significant differences in crime
rates between CW (52%) and non-CW groups (39%).
Trafficking Experiences
Living situation at time of the initiation of the police
investigation. At the time the victim was being trafficked, vic-
tims were most likely to live in a private residence (79.4%). Of the
remaining 20.6% of victims, 8.7% were living in a group home,
7.6% in a hotel, 3.8% in a foster home, and 0.5% in a shelter.
Examining the CW group alone, 45.1% were reported to have been
living in a group home or foster home when contacted by police
(31.4% and 13.7% respectively). Of the remainder, 49% were
living in a private residence, 3.9% in a hotel, and 2% were in a
shelter.
Recruitment. Table 4 summarizes the recruitment mode and
entrapment strategies (i.e., grooming and aversive strategies) used
by traffickers during the recruitment process and contains com-
parative analyses between CW and non-CW samples. The data
revealed five main modes of recruitment including online, through
relationships, employment, nightlife, and as a stranger. Based on
the current sample, the most common way victims meet their
trafficker is online. Thirty-six percent of the total sample reported
being recruited on websites such as, Kjiji or Craigslist, or through
social media accounts such as, Instagram or Facebook. As shown
in Table 4, there were no significant differences between CW and
Table 3
Substance Use
Full sample CW sample
Non
CW sample
�2 p valueSubstances (N � 179) (n � 52) (n � 102)
Alcohol use 119 68% 39 81% 58 60% 6.32 .01�
Drug use 134 75% 38 81% 66 68% 2.60 .08
Marijuana 85 55% 28 68% 43 51% 3.32 .05
Cocaine 50 32% 18 44% 19 22% 6.40 .01�
Ecstasy 11 7% 4 10% 7 8% .10 .50
Prescription 8 5% 3 6% 4 5% .38 .40
Heroin 11 7% 4 8% 4 5% 1.23 .23
Crystal meth 11 7% 6 15% 3 4% 5.24 .03�
Hash 1 1% — — 1 1% .48 .68
Note. CW � child welfare.
� p � .05.
Table 4
Recruitment Methods and Entrapment Strategies
Methods and
strategies
Full sample CW sample
Non
CW sample
�2 p value(N � 223) (n � 52) (n � 102)
Recruitment
Online 64 36% 18 38% 33 39% .04 .84
Relationship 50 28% 14 29% 25 30% .01 .94
Employment 41 23% 4 8% 19 23% 4.33 .03�
Nightlife 9 5% 4 8% 2 2% 2.49 .11
Stranger 14 8% 8 17% 5 6% 3.94 .04�
Entrapment
Grooming 152 85% 44 94% 79 81% 3.77 .04�
Attention/Gifts 88 48% 29 59% 46 47% 1.96 .11
Drugs 58 32% 19 39% 26 27% 2.31 .09
Money 109 60% 28 57% 60 61% .23 .38
Housing 10 6% 3 6% 7 7% .05 .56
Aversive 44 24% 12 25% 21 21% .18 .41
Violence 20 11% 4 8% 9 9% .07 .53
Threats 32 18% 10 20% 15 15% .60 .29
Note. CW � child welfare.
� p � .05.
13SEX TRAFFICKING OF WOMEN AND GIRLS
non-CW groups for online recruitment. Twenty-eight percent
(28.1%) of the total sample were recruited through a relationship.
Examples provided by victims included: traffickers posing as a
romantic partner, a friend recruiting them to work for their pimp,
or a family member trafficking them. There were no significant
differences between CW and non-CW groups for recruitment
through a relationship. Twenty-three percent of the sample were
recruited by their trafficker at their place of employment, most
commonly a massage parlor. Non-CW victims were significantly
more likely to be recruited at work (22.6%) compared to CW
victims (8.3%) (�2(1) � 4.33, p � .03, Cramer’s V � .18). Eight
percent (7.9%) of the total sample reported that their trafficker was
a stranger to them when they were recruited. For example, victims
reported being approached at bus stops, in the mall, or on the
street. CW victims were significantly more likely to be recruited
by a stranger than Non-CW victims (�2(1) � 3.94, p � .04,
Cramer’s V � .17). Lastly, 5.1% of the sample reported being
recruited at a nightlife event such as a club, bar or party. There
were no significant differences between CW and non-CW groups.
Entrapment strategies. Overall, victims were significantly
more likely to experience grooming strategies such as being given
gifts, attention, drugs, money or offered housing, compared to
aversive strategies such as violence and threats (�2(1) � 133.28,
p � .001, Cramer’s V � 0.61). Comparing CW and non-CW
groups, CW victims were significantly more likely to experience
grooming than non-CW victims (�2(1) � 3.77, p � .04, Cramer’s
V � .16), however there were no significant differences for spe-
cific types of grooming strategies experienced. Notably, being
offered or given money during the early stages of recruitment was
the most common form of grooming reported by victims (59.9%).
Attention and gifts by the trafficker was the second most common
form of grooming experienced (48.4%). Thirty-two percent
(31.9%) of victims reported being groomed with drugs, however it
is important to note that victims with prior drug use were signif-
icantly more likely to be groomed with drugs by their trafficker
compared to nondrug users (�2(1) � 27.43, p � .001, Cramer’s
V � .40). Finally, 5.5% of the sample reported being offered
housing as a form of grooming. Experiences of aversive strategies
were less common (24.3%), with threats (17.6%) being more
common than violence (11%). There were no significant differ-
ences between CW and non-CW groups for aversive strategies.
Discussion
The current study explored the characteristics of individuals
victimized by sex trafficking in a region of southern Ontario that
is known to be part of a large Canadian hub for sex trafficking.
Utilizing data from law enforcement and CW, the central goals of
the study were to examine the constellation of characteristics of
Canadian victims of sex trafficking and to differentiate between
CW and non-CW involved victims in order to better understand
the ways in which CW youth are recruited and trafficked. Results
extend previous literature by confirming victims of sex trafficking
are most commonly domestic and living in Canada at the time of
their recruitment, rather than international. Consistent with region
demographics, victims were ethnically diverse, with nearly half
identifying as being “non-white”.
Previous research has highlighted that CW youth are overrep-
resented among sex trafficking victims and are targeted because of
their lack of supervision, poor family connections, and histories of
trauma and abuse (Countryman-Roswurm & Bolin, 2014; Landers
et al., 2017). CW’s mandate is to work toward keeping families
together. Thus, children and youth in foster care and group homes
indubitably experienced a great amount of familial dysfunction
prompting CW to remove them from their family’s care. In the
current sample, nearly 60% of CW victims reported growing up in
foster-care or in group homes. This indirectly speaks to the level of
familial dysfunction or stress that prompted these children to be
removed from their family’s care, placing them at risk for the kinds
of grooming strategies employed by traffickers which target
youth’s need for familial love and belonging (Countryman-
Roswurm & Bolin, 2014).
The intersection between sex trafficking and child welfare are
twofold, youth who are extracted from trafficking are often placed
in child welfare to enhance their protection and youth involved in
child welfare are at risk for recruitment while in-care (Bounds,
Julion, & Delaney, 2015; Fong & Berger Cardoso, 2010). Based
on the current study, it is evident that a significant majority of CW
youth were living in a group or foster home while being trafficked.
Nearly half of the CW sample were reported to be living in a group
or foster home when the police opened the trafficking investiga-
tion; a time during which the youth was being exploited. Although
it is unknown if CW involvement predated exploitation, knowing
where youth were living during exploitation paints a picture of the
level of monitoring they received. It is also informative of the
place where prevention and intervention efforts should be directed.
According to these findings, CW agencies should target their
protection efforts within group and foster homes. Recent prelim-
inary evidence has demonstrated the efficacy of specialized mod-
els of care for victims of sex trafficking involved in the child
welfare system, such as therapeutic foster care (Landers et al.,
2017; Shuker, 2015) and residential treatment programs guided
through motivational interviewing (Thomson, Hirshberg, Corbett,
Valila, & Howley, 2011). However, future research is needed to
examine mechanisms of change and long-term outcomes in these
treatment models.
The current study is consistent with prior research in finding that
victims of sex trafficking are young and most often minors (under
age 18), when recruited. When comparing CW and non-CW vic-
tims, it was found that all CW victims were recruited as minors,
and in fact, three years younger compared to non-CW victims. A
novel finding of the current study was that CW victims were
younger when sex trafficking investigations were initiated. This is
likely reflective of the fact that CW victims were trafficked at a
younger age, but may also be indicative of the human trafficking
reporting protocol between the CW and policing agencies,
whereby police are directed to cases of youth victims of sex
trafficking by CW. As a result, these CW victims are drawn to the
attention of police sooner than victims without CW agency in-
volvement. Although the specifics of why CW youth are recruited
at a younger age than non-CW youth is unknown, we can deduce
that being under the age of 16 and involved with CW are a
significant factor for recruitment and these youths need special
considerations with regards to placement in group homes or foster
homes.
Risk based research has identified several factors that contribute
to youth victimization in sex trafficking. In particular, previous
research has noted child maltreatment to be the leading risk factor
14 BAIRD, MCDONALD, AND CONNOLLY
for sex trafficking victimization among youth (e.g., Choi, 2015;
Countryman-Roswurm & Bolin, 2014; Havlicek et al., 2016).
Victims of the current study experienced high rates of all subtypes of
child maltreatment (i.e., neglect, emotional abuse, physical abuse,
sexual abuse). CW victims in particular had elevated rates compared
to non-CW victims, specifically emotional abuse and neglect. How-
ever, it is important to note that experiences of childhood maltreat-
ment are also one of the leading reasons youth are involved with CW
and thus childhood maltreatment may be underreported among the
non-CW victims in our study. As such, these findings should be
interpreted cautiously. With regards to experiences of childhood mal-
treatment, our findings suggest CW victims of sex trafficking are a
distinct group of youth in child welfare. Consistent with this possi-
bility, a 2015 study by Fallon and colleagues (Fallon et al., 2015)
obtained rates of substantiated child maltreatment among Ontario
families investigated by child welfare in 2013. They reported 13%
experienced physical abuse, 2% sexual abuse, 24% neglect and 13%
emotional abuse. Comparatively, across CW involved victims of sex
trafficking in the current study, 46% reported physical abuse, 17%
sexual abuse, 79% neglect, and 81% emotional abuse. The high rates
of child maltreatment among sex trafficking victims indicate CW
agencies should be targeting prevention and intervention efforts to-
ward children and youth who enter their care with maltreatment
trauma experiences.
The current study found drug and alcohol use, and criminal
history to be common across the total sample of victims. CW
victims reported higher rates of using alcohol and using cocaine
and crystal meth than non-CW victims. Although we were unable
to determine whether substance use originated prior, during, and/or
after exploitation, those who reported using drugs were likely to be
offered drugs by their trafficker during the recruitment process.
Previous literature describes this form of grooming as a way of
creating a dependency on the trafficker to obtain drugs (Kennedy
et al., 2007). The current findings suggest CW youth are particu-
larly vulnerable to this kind of grooming compared to non-CW
youth and highlight the need for CW agencies to address substance
use and addiction among their youth.
To our knowledge this is the first study to describe and compare
the recruitment and entrapment strategies experienced by CW
victims compared to non-CW victims. The data revealed five main
modes of recruitment by traffickers; online meeting, through a
relationship (e.g., friendship, romantic relationship), through place
of employment, at a nightlife event, and being approached by a
stranger. Consistent with prior research, traffickers are largely
recruiting their target online on websites such as, Kjiji or Craig-
slist, or through social media accounts such as, Instagram or
Facebook. However, we are not able to make inferences about who
initiated contact on these platforms, namely the victim or the
trafficker. The second most common way traffickers recruit targets
is through a relationship. For example, they may pose as a loving
and attentive boyfriend, or befriend the young woman platonically.
Non-CW victims were more likely to be recruited at their place of
employment than CW victims. This is likely due to the older age
bracket of the non-CW sample and the freedoms that they are
afforded by not being in care of CW. On the other hand, CW
victims were more likely to be recruited by a stranger and ap-
proached in malls, bus shelters, or on the street. Although we did
not obtain data on runaway behaviors, we speculate that the high
number of CW youth recruited by strangers is due to running away
from their placement, visibility on the streets (e.g., outside late at
night, loitering etc.), and poor monitoring by group and foster
homes.
Entrapment strategies were divided into two categories, grooming
and aversive. Previous research suggests that grooming strategies are
more commonly used by traffickers than aversive strategies, simply
because violence does not promote loyalty and attachment to the
trafficker (Kennedy et al., 2007). Similarly, victims in the current
study were significantly more likely to experience grooming strate-
gies such as being given gifts, attention, drugs, money or offered
housing, compared to aversive strategies such as violence and threats.
Money, attention and gifts were the most common forms of grooming
experienced by victims. CW victims were more likely to experience
grooming than non-CW victims, however there were no specific
differences in the type of grooming experienced.
Limitations
Findings from the current study should be considered in the context
of certain limitations. First, all victims in the current sample had
police involvement and are likely not representative of all sex traf-
ficked individuals, particularly those without police involvement. It is
possible that victims without police involvement are groomed and
entrapped in different ways that isolate them from police access. In
addition, the victims in the sample are from a region in Southern
Ontario and perhaps represent a unique cohort of trafficked individ-
uals. For example, previous research suggests indigenous populations
are at heightened risk for recruitment and are overrepresented among
trafficked individuals (Sethi, 2007), however, only 5% of the current
sample were identified as Indigenous. Another important limitation of
the study is that the CW agency was unable to corroborate informa-
tion regarding CW involvement for all victims leading to a large
amount of missing data on that variable. Consequently, it is possible
the rate of CW involvement was underreported in the current study.
Lastly, variables of interest were extracted from each police file,
however, not all variables were available in each file leading to high
rates of missing data across variables.
Implications
Despite limitations, the current study offers novel information
on the characteristics of Canadian CW youth and their routes into
sex trafficking. The findings highlight the urgency for CW agen-
cies to enhance their care of at-risk youth by targeting prevention
initiatives to those most at risk and increasing support and protec-
tion in CW placements. This study also illustrates the exemplary
way CW and police agencies can collaborate in effectively ad-
dressing issues of sex trafficking in their shared community of
service. Additionally, this study provides a Canadian specific lens
to the issue of domestic sex trafficking. The results of this study
will directly inform the development and use of a risk protocol
used by frontline CW staff at a local agency, designed to aid staff
in identifying youth in their care who are most at risk of being
recruited. Moreover, this article is helping inform the prevention
and intervention initiatives of CW agencies in a region of southern
Ontario who are interested in providing sex trafficking specific
placements and services to victims in care of CW.
15SEX TRAFFICKING OF WOMEN AND GIRLS
Conclusion
Taken together, the current study has truly illustrated the complex
psychosocial history of victims of sex trafficking. Some of the iden-
tified characteristics and vulnerabilities of victims in the current study
are: CW involvement, being underage, using substances, engaging in
criminal activity, and experiencing childhood maltreatment. While
research and discussions around sex trafficking victimization is over-
whelmingly focused on risk and vulnerability, it is equally important
to discuss resiliency. Risk and vulnerability cannot be erased from a
young person’s narrative, however prevention and intervention initia-
tives for sex trafficking should also focus on fostering youths’ resil-
iency by providing programs and services aimed at meeting their
needs for love, belonging, and connection. Likewise, training for
service providers across multiple sectors is important in efforts to
combat sex trafficking. Victims present in many contexts such as
schools, hospitals, and community mental health centers and profes-
sionals working in these settings need to be knowledgeable about risk,
vulnerability, recruitment by traffickers and warning signs of victim-
ization (Baldwin, Eisenman, Sayles, Ryan, & Chuang, 2011; Green-
baum, Crawford-Jakubiak, & the Committee on Child Abuse and
Neglect, 2015).
Moreover, service workers interacting with victims must be
aware of evidence-based methods for serving these cliental includ-
ing trauma-based, victim-centered and gender-sensitive frame-
works (Stoklosa, Grace, & Littenberg, 2015). Along this vein,
future research is needed to explore the knowledge of Canadian
service providers on issues of sex trafficking among the youth they
work with and to assess gaps in knowledge, as well as opportuni-
ties for programming.
Résumé
Le trafic sexuel domestique est un crime en hausse au Canada, qui
touche majoritairement des enfants et des jeunes. Les jeunes re-
cevant des services de protection de l’enfance sont surreprésentés
parmi les victimes de trafic sexuel. Pourtant, on comprend mal
pourquoi ces jeunes sont si vulnérables, particulièrement dans le
contexte canadien. La présente étude visait à mieux comprendre
pourquoi les jeunes recevant des services de protection de
l’enfance sont plus à risque de devenir des victimes de trafic
sexuel, et à explorer les voies menant au trafic sexuel. Afin
d’atteindre cet objectif, les chercheurs ont collaboré avec les
services de protection de l’enfance et des services de police locaux
pour mener une analyse de données secondaires des cas de trafic
sexuel recensés entre 2008 et 2016. Au total, des données ont été
recueillies sur 223 victimes; 52 d’entre elles recevaient des ser-
vices de protection de l’enfance. Les constatations soulignent que
les jeunes recevant des services de protection de l’enfance sont
plus à risque de devenir des victimes de trafic sexuel. Toutes les
victimes de trafic sexuel recevant des services de protection de
l’enfance avaient été recrutées avant l’âge de 18 ans. Les victimes
recevant des services de protection de l’enfance étaient plus sus-
ceptibles de consommer de l’alcool, de la cocaïne et de la méth-
amphétamine en cristaux, de vivre dans un foyer collectif et
d’avoir vécu des expériences de maltraitance pendant l’enfance.
Les trafiquants avaient recours aux plates-formes et aux relations
en ligne pour recruter leurs jeunes victimes. Les résultats émanant
de cette étude laissent croire qu’une identification précoce d’une
telle vulnérabilité accrue devrait être une priorité pour les organ-
ismes de protection de l’enfance. De plus, les professionnels qui
travaillent avec des jeunes à divers titres, notamment dans des
écoles, des hôpitaux et des centres de santé mentale, devraient
connaître les risques, les modes de recrutement des trafiquants et
les signes avant-coureurs de victimisation.
Mots-clés : protection de l’enfance, trafic sexuel, exploitation,
recrutement, répression criminelle.
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Received March 26, 2019
Revision received July 11, 2019
Accepted August 12, 2019 �
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- Sex Trafficking of Women and Girls in a Southern Ontario Region: Police File Review Exploring Vi …
Sex Trafficking and Victim Involvement in Child Welfare
Recruitment and Entrapment
Research Approaches to Sex Trafficking
Study Objectives
Method
Data Set
Results
Age
Country of Origin
Living Situation Prior to Trafficking
Childhood Maltreatment
Substance Use and Criminality
Trafficking Experiences
Living situation at time of the initiation of the police investigation
Recruitment
Entrapment strategies
Discussion
Limitations
Implications
Conclusion
References