Sociology of Sport VII Critique

Hello everyone, I have an Assignment for you today. This assignment must be DONE by Monday, November 16, 2020, no later than 10 pm. By the way, I need this assignment to be PLAGIARISM FREE & a Spell Check when completed. Make sure you READ the instructions CAREFULLY. Now without further ado, the instructions to the assignments are below:

Instructions

Deviance and Violence in Sports

The article critique assignment investigates professional journals and current relatable information. You should locate an article pertaining to how the societal issues of deviance and violence have impacted sports. The article should be less than 3 years old. You are encouraged to use the research database found in theCSU Online Library. (The CSU Articles will be below. Choose one article to complete this article.)

Include the following parts:

• Title page – Include the assignment title, Columbia Southern University, and your name.
• Introduction – Provide a brief Introduction of your article and connection to this chapter’s topic.
• Article summary – Summarize the article. List the main points that the author has tried to establish (i.e., 1, 2, 3 or first, second, third). Typically, there will be three to five main points. If you are summarizing a court case, you should discuss the following points: What provision of the law was at issue? Briefly state the facts of the case. What legal tests were applied? Were there any unusual elements in the case?
• Article critique – Critique the article. You are to provide your reaction (insightful, critical, and logical) to the points that the author tried to make or an overall critique of the entire article. Be sure to state how this information has affected the sports arena. A simple statement of agreement or disagreement is not sufficient. While you may make such a statement by way of introduction to your reaction, you must clearly and logically state the reasons for the post that you have taken.
• Conclusion – Provide a brief conclusion wrapping up the elements of the article and how it relates to the chapter topic.
• Reference page – Include a reference page that lists the sources in proper APA format. If you also used content from our text, be sure to include this as a source in your reference page, as well. It is important that you provide the reader with enough information about your article so he/she will be able to locate the article.

Length: The journal article selected for the article critique should be long enough to provide the content necessary to complete this critique. Usually, this is approximately four pages long.

Your article critique must be at least two pages in length, not counting title and reference pages. Follow APA Style when constructing this assignment, including a title page, and in-text citations and references for all sources that are used.

By the way, I several attachments below. The first attachment is a study guide. The next two attachments are Power Points going over Chapter 5 & Chapter 6 for this unit. Lastly, are CSU articles which you will CHOOSE one article from to complete this assignment. Be sure to use the resources below. Remember NO PLAGIARISM & I need will need a PLAGIARISM REPORT upon completion.

SOC 3301, Sociology of Sport 1

Course Learning Outcomes for Unit VII

Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to:

5. Examine deviance and violence in sports.
5.1 Explain how deviance and violence issues in sports have impacted the sports industry.

Course/Unit
Learning Outcomes

Learning Activity

5.1

Unit Lesson
Chapter 5, pp. 102–135
Chapter 6, pp. 138–167
Unit VII Article Critique

Required Unit Resources

Chapter 5: Deviance in Sports: Is It Out of Control?, pp. 102–135

Chapter 6: Violence in Sports: Does It Affect Our Lives?, pp. 138–167

Unit Lesson

Most of us would like to believe that sport builds character, among other positive traits. For many of us, this
remains true. However, from Lance Armstrong to Ray Rice, we have learned about the various violent and
deviant behaviors that exist within sports that might warrant a reassessment of our position.

Studying deviance in sport presents many challenges. First, most definitions of deviance often include the
word norm, so we are forced to define what norm is before being able to define deviance. A norm is what is
acceptable by people in society; deviance is anything that falls outside of the acceptable range of the norm.
Both norm and deviance can be divided even further into formal and informal. Formal norms are those that
are usually written rules or laws, and informal norms are those that are unwritten or understood. Based on
this, formal deviance occurs when official rules and laws are violated, and those who commit the behaviors
are punished by official sanctions from those in authority. Informal deviance occurs when the unwritten or
understood customs are disrupted. These violators receive unofficial punishment by observers or peers
(Coakley, 2017).

UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE

Deviance and Violence in Sports

SOC 3301, Sociology of Sport 2

UNIT x STUDY GUIDE

Title

The two methods for studying deviance in sports are the absolutist approach and the constructionist
approach. The absolutist approach is truth-based, which means that norms represent ideals. Any time an
idea, attribute, or action deviates from the ideal, deviance occurs. An increase in the deviation constitutes an
escalation in the offense (Coakley, 2017). When fans, the media, and the general public discuss rule
violations and criminal actions by coaches and athletes, the absolutist approach is often used.

The constructionist approach is interaction-based, which means that when ideas, attributes, and actions are
determined unacceptable by society or the societal world, deviance occurs.

Deviance in sports may be categorized into two other forms when actions fall outside the normal range of
acceptance—underconformity and overconformity. Underconformity involves actions, such as bar fights and
sexual assault, while overconformity involves athletes who play despite major injuries or the consumption of
painkillers that allow them to continue to play (Coakley, 2017).

Similar to deviance in sports, the offenses of violence in sports are associated with people’s ideas and
morals. Identification of violence in sports is often confusing. Although some feel that violence is a part of the
game, others feel that violence destroys the game’s dynamics. This confusion exists because of four reasons:
multiple-meaning words are often used to describe violence in sports (aggressive, assertive, tough, rough,

Absolutist approach to deviance
(Coakley, 2017, p. 107)

A constructivist approach to deviance
(Coakley, 2017, p. 108)

SOC 3301, Sociology of Sport 3

UNIT x STUDY GUIDE
Title

intense, and competitive), players are not distinguished from spectators, all sports are classified together, and
short-term effects of violence are not separated from long-term effects (Coakley, 2017).

So what constitutes violence in sports? Our author defines violence as excessive physical force, which
causes or has obvious potential to cause harm or destruction (Coakley, 2017). Violence is not just those
illegal or unsanctioned acts. In fact, some violence is accepted by society and perceived as protecting people
or pursuing victories for others.

Throughout history, sport sociologists have been able to study athletes and their actions to determine why
violence and deviance in sport happens.

The evidence points out that some athletes become deviant as a way of increasing excitement and
involvement, maintaining playing time, and being recognized and identified. Violence in sport can be
attributed for the same or similar reasons as deviance, but is also a means of finding revenge or retaliation
and to prove masculinity and power (Coakley, 2017).

Violence and deviance also occurs off the field. These situations are often difficult to manage and control, but
the consequences of the athletes’ actions are becoming more of an issue in society. The commissions for all
four major professional leagues have begun to make tougher punishments for those who engage in such
activities. It is also important to note that, while most of the research has been focused on males in sport,
female violence and deviance is now also gaining attention.

Reference

Coakley, J. (2017). Sports in society: Issues and controversies (12th ed.). New York, NY: McGraw Hill.

Suggested Unit Resources

In order to access the following resources, click the links below.

The following information discusses the role of the media and sports, as well as the effects that media has on
sports, both positive and negative. This section of the article comes from McGraw-Hill’s Online Learning
Center (OLC) for Coakley’s Sports in Society: Issues and Controversies (12th ed.) online version. Open
Chapter 5 readings, then scroll to Reading 7 to read “Arguments for and against drug testing as a deterrent.”

The following article suggests that deviant and violent behavior in sports begins in the youth years. You are
encouraged to view this information.

Peterson, D. (2008, December 2). Bad sports behavior starts in youth. Retrieved from

http://www.livescience.com/3123-bad-sports-behavior-starts-youth.html

Learning Activities (Nongraded)

Nongraded Learning Activities are provided to aid students in their course of study. You do not have to submit
them. If you have questions, contact your instructor for further guidance and information.

The following activities will help you understand how sports deviance and violence interplay with individuals in
sports. You may complete one, two, or all of the activities.

Activity 1:

Locate an article involving deviance and/or violence in sport and its impact on sports. Briefly summarize the
article’s key parts and express your reaction to the article.

https://online.columbiasouthern.edu/bbcswebdav/xid-121350706_1

http://www.livescience.com/3123-bad-sports-behavior-starts-youth.html

SOC 3301, Sociology of Sport 4

UNIT x STUDY GUIDE
Title

Activity 2:

Review the PowerPoint presentations on Chapter 5 and Chapter 6 to supplement the textbook reading and
lesson content. Alternate formats and transcripts for the presentations are provided below.

Chapter 5: Deviance in Sports: Is It Out of Control?

 Chapter 5 PowerPoint presentation

 PDF version of the Chapter 5 PowerPoint presentation

Chapter 6: Violence in Sports: Does it Affect Our Lives?

 Chapter 6 PowerPoint presentation

 PDF version of the Chapter 6 PowerPoint presentation

https://online.columbiasouthern.edu/bbcswebdav/xid-121350443_1

https://online.columbiasouthern.edu/bbcswebdav/xid-121350489_1

https://online.columbiasouthern.edu/bbcswebdav/xid-121350444_1

https://online.columbiasouthern.edu/bbcswebdav/xid-121350490_1

Sports in Society:

Issues and Controversies

Chapter 5

Deviance in Sports:

Is It Out of Control?

M edia stories about drug use, on -the-field rule violations, and

off-the-field criminal actions are so common today that
deviance is seen by many as out of control in sports.

Defining and studying

deviance in sports

Deviance occurs when a person’s ideas, traits, or

actions are perceived by others to fall outside the
norm al range of acceptance in a society

 Formal deviance = violations of official rules and laws

that are punished by official sanctions adm inistered
by people in positions of authority

 Informal deviance = violations of unwritten custom s

and shared understandings that are punished by
unofficial sanctions adm inistered by observers or
peers

Defining and studying
deviance in sports

Understanding deviance requires

an understanding of norms

Norm = a shared expectation that people use to
identify what is acceptable and unacceptable in

a social world

 Formal norms = official expectations that
take the form of written rules or laws

 Inform al norm s = custom s or unwritten,
shared understandings of how a person is

expected to think, appear, & act in a social
world

Problems faced when studying

deviance in

sports

1. Types and causes of deviance are diverse; one theory

cannot explain them.

2. Actions accepted in sports may be deviant in other
situations; and actions accepted in society may be
deviant in sports.

3. Deviance in sports often involves uncritical acceptance
of norms, rather than a rejection of norms.

4. Training and performance are now based on such new

forms of science and technology that people haven’t

had time to develop new norms to guide and regulate
the actions of people in sports.

Assault & battery or sport?

Who decides?

Two approaches to

studying deviance

 Absolutist approach = assum es that social norm s

are based on essential principles that constitute
an unchanging foundation for identifying good &

evil and distinguishing right from wrong.



This approach is based on four assumptions:

 Norms represent social or moral ideals

 Any departure from the ideal constitutes deviance

 The greater the departure from the ideal, the more

serious the deviance.

According to an absolutist approach, “normal” is conforming

to an ideal, and anything less than normal is deviant.

An absolutist

approach to
deviance does little
to explain or control

most deviance in
sports today.

Two approaches to
studying deviance

2. Constructionist approach = deviance occurs when ideas,

traits, and actions fall outside socially determ ined
boundaries that people use to determ ine what is acceptable
and unacceptable in a social world.

This approach is based on four assumptions:

 Norm s are socially constructed as people interact with each other

and determ ine what’s acceptable and what isn’t

 Deviance is socially constructed as people negotiate the boundaries

of their acceptance.

 Power dynam ics influence this negotiation

 M ost ideas, traits, and actions fall into a norm ally accepted range

According to a constructionist approach, there are two

types of deviance— one involving underconformity to
norms and the other involving overconformity.

Using a constructionist approach

to explain deviance in sports

M ost deviance in sports is not due to the

moral bankruptcy of athletes, as inferred
by an absolutist approach.

 M uch deviance in sports involves overconform ity

to established norm s in sports.

 Sport deviance must be understood in terms of
the context of sport cultures and the norms of

“the sport ethic.”

The sport ethic

. . . an interrelated set of norm s or
standards that are used to guide and
evaluate ideas, traits, and actions in the
social worlds created around power and
perform ance sports.

Why do athletes engage in

deviant overconformity?

1. Playing sports is so exciting and
exhilarating that athletes will do almost
anything to stay involved.

2. Being selected to play high -performance
sports often requires overconformity to
the

norms of the sport ethic

.

3. Exceeding normative limits creates drama
and excitement and leads to strong social
bonds between athletes.

Athletes most likely to overconform

to the sport ethic

1. Those with low self-esteem and a deep need to
be accepted as athletes by their peers in a sport

2. Those who see achievement in sports as their
only way to gain success and respect

3. Those males who link their identities as athletes
and as men so that being an athlete and being a
man become one and the same thing

Deviant overconformity

and group dynamics

Engaging in deviant overconformity

 Bonds athletes together in ways that normalize

overconformity to the sport ethic in sport groups

 Separates athletes from the general community
while inspiring awe and admiration among

community members

 Often leads athletes to develop HUBRIS – that is,
pride-driven arrogance and an inflated sense of self –

im portance that leads one to feel separate from and

superior to others

Is there a relationship

between deviant

overconformity in sport

cultures and deviant

underconformity in the

larger social world?

If so, some athletes may

feel that certain norms

to not apply to them,

and that certain people

don’t deserve their

respect.

Additional hypotheses about

deviance

among athletes

Deviance becom es m ore likely when

1. Social bonds among athletes normalize risk taking

2. Athletes are separated from the rest of the
community

3. Athletes develop extreme degrees of hubris

4. People in the community see athletes as deserving
special privilege because they engage in entertaining,
even if dangerous and disabling, actions

How to control

deviant overconformity in sports

 Learn to identify the forms and dynamics of over-
conformity among athletes (and make coaches
aware)

 Raise critical questions about the meaning,
organization, and purpose of sports

 Help athletes to learn how and when to set limits
on their conformity to the norms of the sport
ethic

 Assist athletes to connect more meaningfully and
deeply with people in the general community

Research on deviance

among athletes

On-the-Field Deviance
 Evidence suggests that cheating, dirty play, and fighting

are less common today than in the past.
 It seem s like there is m ore today because there are m ore rules to

violate and video technology captures it.

 Athletes in power and performance sports accept “good
fouls,” “cheating when you can get away with it,” and
“playing to the level of the referee.”

 People focus exclusively on deviant underconformity and
overlook deviant overconformity — the form of deviance
that might be more pervasive today.
 This historical finding contradicts popular perceptions. M any

people think that athletes are more deviant today because there
are more rules than ever before, and expectations for conformity
are greater.

Deviance

by people other than athletes

 Coaches

 Administrators

 Team owners

 Referees

 Trainers

 Public officials

 Media people

 Agents

 Parents

 Spectators

Athletes are not the only ones in sports who engage in

deviant behavior. Think of other examples involving:

Corruption in Sport Organizations

 As the personal stakes (i.e., status and money) have

increased in sports and surveillance methods are more
pervasive, our awareness of corruption in sport
organizations has increased.

 Self-policing in sport organizations is inherently flawed

 W hen people believe in the great sport myth, they overlook

deviance because they don’t want to see it

 There are m any conflicts of interest that underm ine self –

policing

 People managing sport organizations are not trained rule

enforcers

 The “good ol’ boy” networks in these organization undermine

transparency and accountability

Institutional corruption = established, widespread & taken -for-granted

processes and practices that, if publicly known, would be seen as immoral,

unethical, or illegal to the point of destroying public trust in its leaders

Many top executives in FIFA have

been arrested for corrupt business

practices.

Chuck Blazer, former executive for the

American Soccer League and the U.S.

Soccer Federation was suspended

from his post in FIFA for paying

himself $1.5 million in commissions,

among other things—plus he amassed

a fortune without ever paying taxes.

Gambling & Associated Deviance

 New digital technologies have enabled more people

to gamble on more sports in more regions of the
world than ever before.

 Heavy betting occurs in soccer with its more than 10,000

professional team s worldwide

 High stakes gamblers have tried to increase their
odds of wining by making deals with athletes and

referees. M ost of these deals are very difficult to
detect, except viewing betting patters worldwide to

detect patterns that may indicate when a “fix is in”

 Organized crim e is now involved in global sport gam bling,

and this increases danger for rule enforcers

Hazing: Deviance or Team Building?

 Hazing is a chronic issue at many levels of sports

 People often confuse hazing, bullying, and rites of

passage.

 It is difficult to obtain data on hazing

 Hazing becomes an insider secret among members of

high status groups

 Hazing increasingly involves demeaning sex acts which
people don’t want to admit to or discuss

 Hazing on some teams becomes increasingly extreme

over time and has led to serious injuries and deaths.

Like hazing on all teams, it is

used by team veterans as a
means of asserting power and

control over new team members.

Hazing on professional teams

often involves forcing rookies to
engage juvenile actions that
place them in a subordinate

position. .

Research on deviance

among athletes (I)

Off-the-Field Deviance

 Research shows that many athletes have lower rates

of delinquency than similar peers who do not play

sports

 There are exceptions to this in the case of certain athletes

(football players and wrestlers in one study) who are more

likely to engage in serious fights than other athletes

 Sport programs do nothing to alter the social conditions

associated with delinquency

(continued)

Research on deviance among athletes (II)

 Data on academic cheating is inconclusive.

 Membership in any tight-knit group is more important than

simply playing sports when explaining cheating patterns

 Data on rates of alcohol use & binge drinking are mixed

 Drinking norms vary by the age of athletes & the contexts in

which they live (e.g., dorm vs. parents’ home)

 Binge drinking also is a

problem

in society as a whole

 Felony rates among adult athletes do not seem to be

out of control, but they are a serious problem.

 Age, race, ethnicity, & social class background must be taken

into account when analyzing data

 Sexual assault rates seem to be high and constitute a serious

problem

The “Sport books” in Las Vegas casinos are a big attraction for

25-45 year old males who think they know more than the bookies

Using deviance to create

commercial personas in sports

Consumptive deviance = actions and appearances

that can be im agined as “real” deviance without
producing any real negative consequences for

anyone involved.

 This form of deviance m ay be used to create
m arketable personas or to m ake one’s self
into a brand— without hurting anyone in the

process

Performance-Enhancing Substances (PESs):

A Case Study of Deviant Overconformity

 Use of PESs has a long history in sports and it has

been difficult to detect and control in every era

 Coakley conclusion: substance use is not caused

by defective socialization or a lack of moral

character among athletes

 It usually occurs among the most dedicated,

committed, & hard-working athletes in sports.

 Most substance use and abuse is tied to an athlete’s

uncritical acceptance of the norms of the sport ethic.

Therefore, it is grounded in overconformity to the

norms of the sport ethic

Using performance enhancing

substances in sports

 The use of performance-enhancing substances occurs
regularly today in high -performance sports.

 In most cases, substances, illegal or legal, are used as
training aids more than performance enhancers during
competition— they enable athletes to train more
intensely and for longer periods than “normal ”

 PESs will be used as long as athletes believe they are
effective and allow athletes to remain in the game they
love and depend on for their identities and livelihoods

Lance Armstrong completes a half triathlon with his daughters running

with him to the finish line. After his pro cycling career, he continued

to train incessantly for marathons & triathlons, even though he had

little chance of winning at his age. But his identity depended on it.

PES use is best explained in terms of career socialization and survival

Dietary Supplements

are not subject to
government testing &
approval before they

are marketed and sold

When two people

died using OxyELITE

Pro, it was taken off

the market

Nearly all elite athletes today take one kind of PESs or another.

These have been big sellers in Colorado Springs, home of the U.S.
Olympic Training Center and other athletes training at altitude

Defining and banning

performance-enhancing substances

Defining a “performance-enhancing substance”

 Defining what is unnatural, artificial, abnormal, or

foreign to the body is difficult.

 Defining what is fair is difficult when athletes now use
science, medicine, & technology in their training and

competition.

 Determining what is dangerous to health is difficult—
and irrelevant to athletes who put their bodies on the

line just to participate in their sport

 Studying and testing for substances is limited by
ethical and legal factors

The negative side

effects of various
combinations
of substances are

more difficult to
identify than this!

Why has substance use become normalized

in elite sports today? (I)

1. The visibility and resources associated with sports

have fueled massive research and development
efforts, and increased the availability of substances.

2. People are fascinated with technology and want to
use it to push human limits.

3. The rationalization of the body influences how
people see the mind-body relationship.

4. There’s a growing emphasis on self-medication.

(continued)

Why has substance use become normalized

in elite sports today? (II)

5. Gender relations are changing, & substances are used

to challenge or preserve gender ideology.

6. The organization of power & performance sports
encourages overconformity to norms of the sport ethic.

7. Coaches, sponsors, administrators, and fans encourage

deviant overconformity.

8. Athletes’ performances are closely monitored with an
emphasis on control over body and conform ity to
demands of coaches.

Arguments for testing

used by

WADA and

USADA

Testing is needed to:

 Protect the health of athletes and reduce pressures to take

substances to keep up with competitors

 Guarantee fairness and a level playing field

 Protect children who may imitate athletes

 M aintain normal law enforcement procedures

 Preserve the inherent integrity of sports and the true

meaning of athletic achievement

 Preserve faith in the great sport myth (although they don’t

say it this way)

Some athletes take

multiple “nutritional

supplements.” The

industries that produce

them are unregulated and

they often market products

as performance enhancing.

The Anti-

Doping

Passport

used by
USADA

Arguments against testing

Testing should be dropped because:

 Athletes remain one -step ahead of the testers, making

tests ineffective

 Testing violates privacy rights

 Testing drains valuable sport resources

 Testing can’t detect all performance enhancing

substances

 Testing encourages athletes to seek other technologies

such as genetic engineering

The “War on Doping”

 This rationale for the “war” is based on an absolutist

approach assuming that any use of PESs violates the ideals of

sport and is therefore deviant.

 This approach

 Demonizing all athletes who use banned substances for any reason

 Is now the basis for a m ulti-billion dollar industry worldwide

 Creates a cat and m ouse system of policing that is ineffective, but

gives the public the illusion that athletes are “clean” and fit to be role

models for children who don’t know them beyond their sport

performances and what they tweet about them.

 Pushes sport medicine and other researchers to develop new

approaches to performance enhancement that may further endanger

athletes.

 Protects sponsors and m edia com pany profits as it sacrifices athletes

Controlling substance use:

where to start (I)

1. Critically examine the hypocrisy in elite sports

2. Establish rules indicating that risks to health are
undesirable and unnecessary in sports

3. Establish a “harm reduction” approach,
disallowing athletes to play until they are

certified as “well” by an independent medical
expert

4. Establish injury and health education programs

for athletes
(continued)

Controlling substance use:

where to start (II)

5. Establish a code of ethics for sport scientists,
coaches, managers, and those who arrange
competition schedules (that are inhumane and
destroy athletes’ bodies)

6. M ake drug education part of deviance and health
education to

 Critically exam ine values and norm s in sports

 Redefine m eaning of achievem ent

 Teach athletes to think critically

 Provide accurate and current inform ation to parents,

coaches, and athletes

Sports in Society:

Issues and Controversies

Chapter 6

Violence in Sports:

Does It Affect Our Lives?

Statements about

violence in sports may be

confusing because people

fail to define important

terms.

Definition of Violence

The use of excessive physical force, which
causes or has obvious potential to cause
harm or destruction

***

 Violence is not always illegal or disapproved.
 It may be praised as necessary to achieve goals

 When violence involves widespread
rejection of norms, it may signal anarchy.

 When violence involves extreme
overconformity to norms, it may signal
fascism.

Violence is primarily about control. Violence works. It makes

people do what they otherwise would not. It governs the thin
line between life and death. —Allan G. Johnson, sociologist, 2013

Definition of aggression

Verbal or physical actions grounded
in an intent to dominate, control, or

do harm to another person

***

 Aggression is not the same as trying hard or being
assertive and achievement oriented.

 Intimidation refers to words, gestures, and actions
that threaten violence or aggression.

Violence in sports is not new,
but not all sports are violent.

Violence in sports history

 Research shows that violence was more severe

in the past, both on and off the field.

 Rates of sports violence have not increased
over time.

 Violence in sports is an issue today partly
because it may reproduce gender ideology

that privileges men over women at the same
time that it endangers many men.

Serious sport has nothing to do

with fair play.
It is bound up with hatred,

jealousy, boastfulness,

disregard of all rules and
sadistic pleasure in witnessing

violence:
in other words, it is war minus the
shooting.

—George Orwell, 1945

Types of

on-the-field violence

1. Brutal body contact

2. Borderline violence

3. Quasi-criminal violence

4. Criminal violence

When violence is associated

with excellence, athletes
may learn to see it as a

normal part of sports.

Photo by Jay Coakley

Violence on-the-field as

overconformity to the sport ethic (I)

 Coaches may expect players to use violence.

 Violence often attracts media attention.

 Players may not like violence, but most

accept it as part of the game.

 Quasi-criminal and criminal violence are

routinely rejected by athletes and spectators.

(continued)

Violence as

overconformity to the sport ethic (II)

 Violence may be related to insecurities in

high-performance sports.

 Expressions of violence are related to

masculinity, but not limited to men.

 Physicality and facing violence creates drama

and excitement, strong emotions, and special

bonds of mutual support among athletes.

Commercialization and violence

 Some athletes are paid to do violence.

 Commercialization and money expand the
visibility of violence in sports and encourage
a promotional rhetoric that uses violent
images.

 Violence is not caused by TV and money— it
existed long before TV coverage and big
salaries.

If we want to understand

violence in sports, we must
understand gender ideology

and issues of masculinity in
culture.

Violence & masculinity

 Violence is grounded in
general cultural norms.

 Violence in sports is not
limited to men.

 Playing power and
performance sports often are
ways to prove masculinity.

Doing violence in sports

is not limited to males.

Women UFC fighters

disrupt orthodox

gender ideology, but

reaffirm an emphasis

on domination that

works to their

disadvantage

Violence in sports

and gender ideology

 Doing violence in sports reproduces the

belief that “men are superior to women.”

 Power and performance sports, when they

encourage violence, emphasize differences

between men and women.

 Sports violence reproduces an ideology of

male entitlement.

Violence is

institutionalized in some sports

 In non-contact sports, violence is usually
limited to using violent images in verbal
statements.

 Male players learn to use violence as a
strategy.

 In contact sports, enforcers and goons
are paid to do violence.

 Female players learn to use violence as a
strategy in contact sports, but they don’t
use it to prove femininity.

In certain sports, violence is taught as a strategy.

Violence is most likely when:

Sports are organized in ways that

 Produce hubris

 Separate athletes from the community

 Encourage athletes to think that others do

not deserve their respect

Pain and injury

as the price of violence

 A paradox in today’s sports: People accept
violence while being concerned about
injuries caused by it.

 Disabling injuries caused by violence are a
serious problem in some sports.

 Dominant ideas about masculinity are
related to high injury rates in men’s sports.

90% of all serious injuries in
college football occur on legal plays.

Brutal body contact, head trauma

and brain damage

As research shows that concussions and repetitive

sub-concussive head trauma can cause both
temporary and permanent brain damage, some

people are beginning to question the existence of
collision sports.

 Vested interests in these sports are so strong that many

people refuse to heed what science is saying

 There is no form of headgear that prevents the brain from
hitting the inside of the skull during violent collisions or rapid
head rotation; helmets provide the illusion of safety.

Controlling

on-the-field violence

 Brutal body contact is the most difficult form

of violence to control.

 Most injuries occur on “legal hits.”

 The most effective strategies might involve:

 Suspensions for players

 Fines for team owners

Ultimate fighting (aka cage fighting) is
organized around brutal body contact and

borderline violence; rules exist only to
remain a legal sport in U.S. states.

Off-the-field violence

control vs carryover

Research suggests that the relationship
between violence on-the-field and

violence off-the-field depends on:

 The meanings that athletes give to their

on-the-field actions

 The context in which athletes seek and

maintain status off the field

Learning to control

violence through sports

Control may be learned if sport
cultures emphasize:

 Non-violence

 Self-control

 Respect for self and others

 Physical fitness

 Patience

Assault & sexual assault rates

by male athletes

 Assault and sexual assault by males are serious

problems in United States and many other
societies

 To focus only on athletes distracts attention from the

larger problem of violence against women

 Valid and reliable research on the dynamics of such
violence perpetrated by athletes is difficult to do

 Sexual assault and rape are vastly underreported

crimes due to

 gender relations

 popular misconceptions about the meaning of “no”

 police investigations that are insensitive to rape victims

Research-based hypotheses about

male athletes’ violence against women (I)

Violence is related to

1. Support from fellow athletes for using physical
force as interpersonal strategy

2. Perceived cultural support for domination as a
basis for status and identity among men

3. Social bonds created by collective over-
conformity to the norms of the sport ethic

(continued)

Violence is related to
4. Collective hubris among athletes and the

notion that outsiders do not deserve their
respect

5. The belief that women are “groupies” in
sport worlds

6. Institutional support for elite athletes
regardless of their actions

7. Institutional failures to hold athletes
accountable for deviance

Hypotheses about male athletes’

violence against women (II)

Violence among spectators

 Violence is not usually a problem among spectators
watching non-contact sports

 Violence is occasionally a problem among
spectators watching collision sports but the causes
of that violence varies by situation.

 Evidence indicates that
 rates of spectator violence today are lower

than rates in the past

 Nearly all sport spectator violence involves men

Spectator violence

and the context in which events occur

 Spectators bring with them the histories, issues,

controversies, and ideologies of the communities in
which they live.

 When tensions and conflicts are intense and

widespread, confrontations may occur.

 Sport events may be used as sites for confrontations.

 Racial, ethnic, and class divisions increase the

likelihood of violence.

 Nearly all spectator violence involves younger men.

The language used by sport spectators refers to

violence, but are they are violent people?

There is little research on spectator violence in venues where

crowds watch events on large outdoor screens.

Photo by Jay Coakley

Research is needed on celebratory violence associated

with certain sports. This violence is difficult to control

when it occurs in diverse locations away from the stadium.

Spectator violence worldwide

 Violence is always related to the context in

which it occurs; it is most likely when

 Male spectators are unemployed an alienated from

society generally

 Groups of male spectators see violent confrontations

with police or opposing fans as a means of creating

excitement and gaining status

 Male spectators use the stadium as a site for

expressing nationalism, racism, extreme positions on

social issues, political opposition to local or national

officials perceived as autocratic and corrupt.

Spectator panics
 More spectators have been killed in mass panics

and accidents at sport events than from any
intentional violence

 Panics are linked with many factors, but they are
fueled by emotional contagion, or the rapid

formation of social norms that large numbers of
people follow simultaneously

 The most common factor in deadly panics is a

lack of escape routes.

 When thousands of people flee in fear and hit a

blocked exit, people are crushed and trampled.

Post-event violence

 Celebratory riots
 These were often defined as over exuberant fans expressing team

loyalty—until someone had to pay for the destruction they caused.

 Some police forces (in many college campus towns, for example)

have learned to anticipate these riots and how to disburse crowds

without creating confrontations

 Frustration riots
 These are rare; they usually occur in response to a perceived

injustice that determines the outcome in the final minutes of a

game; violence between players often is a precipitating incident

 Both of these forms of riots are linked with the

extent to which a team is a source of spectators’
identities

Crowd dynamics and situational factors

related to spectator violence

 Crowd size

 Composition of crowd

 Meaning and importance
of event

 History of relationship
between teams

 Crowd control strategies
at event

 Alcohol consumption by
spectators

 Location of event

 Motivations for attending
the event

 Importance of teams as
sources of identity for
spectators

Controlling crowd violence

Be aware of the following factors:

1. Perceived violence on the field is

positively related to crowd violence

2. Crowd dynamics and conditions

3. Historical, social, economic, and political

issues underlying spectator orientations

 Employ visible coaches and athletes to
give anti-violence messages

 Use on field rituals to highlight
connections between opponents

 Make spectators aware of anti-violence
norms; promote civility towards other
fans

 Regulate alcohol consumption

(continued)

Controlling violence

by creating anti-violence norms (I)

 Limit the use of social control methods that
dehumanize spectators or limit attendance

 Law enforcement officials must be well
trained

 Long term control depends on the extent

to which anti-violence norms are

established and maintained in stadiums
and by people in attendance at events

Controlling violence

by creating anti-violence norms (II)

Terrorism at sport events

 Terrorism is a special form of violence designed to

intimidate a target population of people for the purpose
of achieving political or social goals

 Terrorism occurs most frequently in divided societies or when

oppressed populations have an oppositional political agenda

 Although sport events appear to be likely targets for terrorism

due to their visibility and media coverage, few deadly attacks

have occurred in recent history—acknowledging

 Boston Marathon attack in 2013

 Domestic terrorism at the 1996 Olympic Games in Atlanta

 Palestinian attack on Israeli teams members at the 1972 Olympic

games in Munich, Germany

Terrorism

as spectator violence

 Terrorism has occurred at sports events in
the past (e.g., 1972 Olympics).

 Current threats of terrorism have increased
security at sport venues.

 Understanding terrorism requires

awareness of global issues.

 Sports do not exist in social vacuums.

 Global problems and hostilities may be

expressed in sport crowds.

The threat of terrorism has led

to billions of dollars of security
expenses at major sport events
worldwide.

This is one of the factors that has

increased the expenses for host
cities and nations.

Here are two of the thousands of

police, military, and private security

personnel on duty for every minute of

the Olympic Games in London.
Photo by Lara Killick

The cost of terrorism:

© The Author(s) 2018. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.
All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com

SPORTS FANDOM AND

POLITICAL ATTITUDES

EMILY A. THORSON*
MICHAEL SERAZIO

Abstract A majority of Americans identify as sports fans, and sports
broadcasts attract substantially larger audiences than news on both
broadcast and cable television. But despite the outsize role of sports
in American life, we know little about how—or whether—sports fan-
dom is related to political attitudes. This paper draws on a representa-
tive survey to examine (1) the association between sports fandom and
political opinions; and (2) opposition to the “politicization” of sports.
Republicans and Democrats are equally likely to follow sports closely.
However, sports fandom is positively associated with individualistic
attributions for economic success and support for the US military. In
addition, conservatives are more likely to resist the intrusion of partisan
politics into sports.

In the summer of 2016, San Francisco Forty-Niners quarterback Colin
Kaepernick chose not to stand for the singing of the US national anthem in
order to spotlight racial injustice and police violence. Other professional and
amateur athletes soon joined the protest, setting off a national conversation
about the appropriateness of Kaepernick’s actions (Eligon and Cacciola 2016).
Many on both the left and the right who disapproved of players’ participation
in the protest invoked an enduring cliché: that sports and politics do not and
should not mix (Zirin 2013).

In this paper, we argue that despite what some fans and commentators
might wish to believe, sports and politics are closely intertwined. A nationally

Emily A. Thorson is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at Syracuse
University, Syracuse, NY, USA. Michael Serazio is an assistant professor in the Department of
Communication at Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA, USA. The authors thank the editors and
anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful feedback. This work was supported by a $16,350 grant
from Boston College’s Research across Departments and Schools Program awarded to Emily
Thorson and Michael Serazio. *Address correspondence to Emily Thorson, Syracuse University,
Department of Political Science, 100 Eggers Hall, Syracuse, NY, 13244, USA; email: ethorson@
gmail.com.

doi:10.1093/poq/nfy018 Advance Access publication May 25, 2018

Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 82, No. 2, Summer 2018, pp. 391–403

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mailto:ethorson@gmail.com?subject=

mailto:ethorson@gmail.com?subject=

representative survey investigated the relationship between sports fandom and
political attitudes. While many may view sports as an escape from social and
economic problems (Huizinga 1949; Wann et al. 2001), the results suggest that
sports culture may reinforce subtle messages about the causes of and remedies
for those problems.

Politics in Sports

Two-thirds of Americans self-identify as sports fans (Jones 2015), and sports
broadcasts are consistently among the most-watched television programs
(Billings 2011). In 2015, 93 of the 100 most-watched television shows were
live sports broadcasts—up from just 14 of the top 100 in 2005 (Nielsen 2016).
Nearly a quarter of all Americans spend money at least once a month on
sports (Luker 2016), contributing to some $60 billion worth of annual revenue
(Broughton 2015).

These financial high stakes have incentivized the sports industry to actively
maintain sports as an apolitical cultural form in order to avoid alienating fans
through partisan politics (McAllister 1998). Broadcast commenters are often
criticized by fans for bringing political issues into sports discourse (Rowe
2004), and in some cases team management has explicitly discouraged ath-
letes from taking up political causes (Zirin 2013). However, just as supposedly
apolitical cultural phenomena like television dramas (Lenart and McGraw
1989), commercial advertising (Oakenfull and Greenlee 2005), and even Harry
Potter (Mutz 2016) can shape political attitudes, sports can and does convey
subtle ideological messages (Houlihan 1994; Sage 1998; Whannel 2005). In
this paper, we argue that while partisan conflict may still be anomalous in
professional sports, sports culture reinforces values that are relevant to—if
not explicitly about—politics. By “sports culture,” we refer not only to media
coverage of sports, but also to the many other public-facing components of the
professional sports industry, from merchandise to online advertising.

First, both professional athletes and sports announcers often deliver a
straightforward narrative in which victory is solely a function of effort: it is
hard work and strategy that wins games, not structural or monetary advantage
(Brohm 1978; Sage 1998). Sports culture implicitly assumes the existence of
a “level playing field” (Goldman and Papson 1998) and often valorizes long-
shot underdogs (Sage 1998). This framing may reify a narrative of “economic
individualism” (Schlozman and Verba 1981) in which Americans attribute
economic success to individual effort rather than to structural advantages
(Alesina and Angeletos 2005; Bullock 2008).

H1: Sports fandom is positively associated with the attribution of
economic success to individual effort.

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Sports culture also contains messages about gender (Bernstein and Blain
2002). By producing coverage largely “by men, for men, and about men”
(Bruce 2013), media coverage of sports has prioritized male strength (Elias
and Dunning 1986; Nelson 1994). Content analyses of sports coverage have
found that women athletes are accorded just a fraction of the hours of broad-
cast attention given over to male counterparts (Cooky, Messner, and Musto
2015). When women are ceded the spotlight, they are often infantilized and
sexualized (Duncan 2006). Sports culture’s treatment of women, we argue,
may be associated with regressive attitudes toward women off the field as well
as on (Messner, Duncan, and Jensen 1993; Duncan 2006; Cooky, Messner,
and Musto 2015).

H2: Sports fandom is positively associated with endorsement of tradi-
tional gender roles.

The role of sports as a vehicle for militaristic ambitions has both a long his-
tory and a conspicuous present (Houlihan 1994; Rugg 2016). The ancient
Greeks used sport to “rehearse” for military action, and the modern Olympics
was born of French ambition to toughen up its youth in the aftermath of
defeat by Germany (Guttmann 1998; Burstyn 2000). More recently, a 2015
Congressional report found that the Department of Defense had spent $10.4
million on marketing contracts with professional sports teams, with the goal of
improving the military’s public standing and boosting recruiting (Hogg 2015;
Huetteman 2015; Rugg 2016). The historical connection between sports and
military, as well as these recent advertising campaigns, may both factor into
sports fans’ attitudes toward the military (Butterworth 2012).

H3: Sports fandom is positively associated with support for the military.

These hypotheses are relational rather than causal. Sports culture may shape
attitudes; indeed, the very fact that many people perceive sports as apoliti-
cal may decrease the likelihood that they counterargue against the ideological
messaging contained within it (McDonald and Birrell 1999; Mutz and Nir
2010). At the same time, it is also plausible that these same messages shape
who chooses to become a fan in the first place (Fox and Williams 1974; Shah
et al. 2007). Thus, this study attempts not to establish a definitive causal rela-
tionship between sports fandom and political attitudes, but to assess whether
such a relationship exists at all—a necessary first step toward investigating
questions of causal inference.

Our final hypothesis examines perceptions of—and reactions to—the
explicit encroachment of politics into sports. Historically, liberal agitators
have often instigated the “intrusion” of politics into sports (Earp 2010). In the
1960s, Muhammad Ali protested the Vietnam War draft and Olympic sprinters

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Tommie Smith and John Carlos ascended the medalist podium while raising a
Black Power salute. More recently, the issues of gay marriage (former punter
Chris Kluwe’s advocacy for same-sex marriage) and immigration (Latino
athletes’ contemplating a boycott of the Arizona all-star game in response to
a controversial immigration law) followed a similar pattern, in which those
seeking to “keep politics out of sports” were largely defending conservative
positions (Leitch 2014). We expect that this historical precedent will lead con-
servatives to more strongly defend the world of sports from perceived political
incursion.

H4: Conservative political attitudes will be associated with opposition to
the explicit politicization of sports.

Methods

An online survey (N  =  1,051) was conducted in November 2016 in partner-
ship with Civis Analytics. Civis links the TargetSmart VoterBase file (which
contains information on over 191 million voters and 58 million unregistered,
voting-age consumers) to panelists from online survey companies.1 The sur-
vey was conducted online between November 1 and November 3 and took
approximately seven minutes to complete. It included four blocks of questions:
fan identity, political attitudes, opinions about the politicization of sports, and
demographic questions. See Appendix for complete survey wording.

FAN IDENTITY

These questions were designed to measure respondents’ consumption of
sports media as well as their immersion in sports culture. An initial question
asked respondents if they identified as a fan of or closely followed profes-
sional or collegiate football, basketball, baseball, or another sport. Then, for
each sport they followed, they indicated whether they had engaged in six dif-
ferent fan-related behaviors (e.g., wearing team clothing or posting on social
media) (Donavan, Carlson, and Zimmerman 2005; Wann 2006), as well as
how frequently they watched or listened to games. The full scale, an additive
index that ranged from 0 to 30 (M = 7.3, SD = 7.6, α = .89), was recoded into

1. The sample is drawn from opt-in internet panels. Civis defines a target population (in this case,
US adults) using demographic characteristics and stratifies on these characteristics with the goal
of recruiting a sample that reflects that general population of US adults. Individuals are selected
using proportional allocation by strata. Finally, Civis employs weights with the goal of making the
survey representative of the general population both demographically and geographically. This is
a nonprobability sample, so a response rate cannot be calculated. The analyses in this paper are
based on weighted data, though the results are nearly identical with unweighted data.

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quintiles to create a variable that classified fan intensity on a scale that ranged
from zero (no sports involvement) to four (high sports involvement).2

POLITICAL ATTITUDES

The next set of questions asked about a range of political attitudes. Questions
were randomized within the block. To assess attitudes about economic mobil-
ity, respondents were asked about the extent to which they thought eight differ-
ent factors contributed to a person’s “ability to improve themselves financially
and get ahead in life.” Individualistic causal attribution was measured with
three questions asking people how important they believed ambition, hard
work, and good money management skills are to economic success (1–4 scale,
M  =  3.6, SD  =  .52, α  =  .77). Endorsement of traditional gender roles was
measured with three questions (1–5 scale, M = 2.3, SD = .87, α = .61). This
index had relatively low reliability, suggesting it may not adequately capture
the underlying concept. Support for the military was measured by with an
index of three questions (1–5 scale, M = 3.80, SD = .97, α = .82).3

POLITICIZATION OF SPORTS

Respondents answered three agree-disagree statements, such as “It is appro-
priate for athletes to speak publicly about political subjects” (α  =  .77, 1–5
scale, M  =  3.0, SD  =  .1.0). They also answered the following open-ended
question: “What do you think is good and/or bad about politics mixing with
sports (for example, athletes endorsing candidates or talking about issues)?”

DEMOGRAPHICS

Finally, participants answered a series of demographic questions including
gender, income, education, and ideology.

Results

In previous representative national surveys, about two-thirds of Americans
identify as sports fans (Jones 2015). Our survey showed a similar distribution,
with 73 percent of respondents saying they identify as a fan or closely follow
a sport. Football was the most popular sport, with 56 percent identifying as
fans, followed by baseball (38 percent) and basketball (26 percent). Finally,

2. Using the full scale produced substantively similar results. The quintiled version is used in
table 1 to aid in interpreting the magnitude of effects.
3. For each of these indices, we follow recommendations that .70 is an acceptable criterion of
reliability if there is good evidence for validity and the scale is made up of fewer than 10 items
(Loewenthal 2001).

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19 percent of respondents said that they were a fan of another sport (these
included golf, hockey, and soccer). Almost half of respondents (42 percent)
identified as fans of more than one sport.

For just one sport—basketball—does the political orientation of fans dif-
fer significantly from that of non-fans. Basketball fans are more likely than
those who do not follow sports to lean Democratic (t(4.66) = 1052, p < .001) and identify as liberals (t(5.45) = 1052, p < .001).4 For each of the other three sports, the partisanship and ideology of fans was statistically indistinguishable from that of non-fans.

Table 1 includes three models examining the relationship between fan inten-
sity and individualistic attributions for economic success (H1), traditional gen-
der roles (H2), and support for the military (H3). Each OLS regression includes
the same set of demographic control variables: party identification (leaners
recoded into party), ideology (measured on a 0–1 scale), race (a dummy vari-
able for white), income, education, sex, age, and church attendance.

Unsurprisingly, Democratic party identification and liberal ideology are
negatively associated with all three attitudes. Model 1 shows that those with

4. Basketball’s fan base is disproportionately composed of people from groups who traditionally
identify as Democrats. It has the highest percentage of non-white fans (18.8 percent) as well as a
lower median fan age.

Table 1. Sports and political attitudes

Model 1:
Individual attributions

Model 2:
Traditional gender roles

Model 3:
Support for military

B (SE) B (SE)

B (SE)

Constant 3.520*** (0.09) 3.353*** (0.15) 4.228*** (0.16)
Democrat –0.094* (0.04) –0.192*** (0.06) –0.279*** (0.06)
Ideology

(Liberal) –0.261*** (0.07) –1.225*** (0.11) –1.184*** (0.12)
White –0.147** (0.05) 0.106 (0.08) –0.159* (0.09)
Income 0.026*** (0.01) –0.010 (0.01) 0.004 (0.01)
Education –0.023 (0.02) –0.089*** (0.02) –0.095*** (0.03)
Female 0.126*** (0.03) –0.332*** (0.05) –0.006 (0.06)
Age 0.042** (0.02) –0.016 (0.02) 0.147*** (0.03)
Church

attendance 0.001 (0.01) 0.029 (0.02) 0.032 (0.02)
Fan intensity 0.034** (0.01) 0.011 (0.02) 0.112*** (0.02)
N 1,051 1,051 1,051
R-squared 0.27 0.26 0.23

*p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

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higher incomes are more likely to endorse individualistic attributions for eco-
nomic success, which corresponds with existing research suggesting that the
wealthy are unwilling to attribute their success to external factors (Hunt 2004).
As H1 predicted, fan intensity is significantly associated with the belief that
economic success is due to individual effort. A one-unit change in fan intensity
(measured on a five-point scale) is associated with about a .034 change (on a
four-point scale) in attitudes. Regular consumers of sports are bombarded with
narrative frames that emphasize victory as a product of hard work, and these
frames may have downstream effects on attitudes toward economic success.
Similarly, those who are attracted to individualistic narratives of success may
gravitate toward sports culture.

Model 2 shows that, as we might expect, women are significantly less likely
to endorse traditional gender roles. Fan intensity is not associated with support
for traditional gender roles: H2 is not supported (though it is worth noting that
the dependent variable is only weakly reliable, suggesting that it may not be an
appropriate measure of the underlying attitude). However, men are much more
likely than women to follow sports in the first place. A third of women (34.7
percent) say they do not follow a sport or identify as a fan, compared to just
18.7 percent of men. While sports viewership may not be explicitly associated
with support of traditional gender roles, it does illustrate a substantial gender
divide in cultural preferences.

Model 3 offers substantial support for H3. Fan intensity is strongly and
significantly associated with support for the armed forces. The magnitude of
the relationship is substantial; a one-unit increase in the fan intensity scale is
similar to the effect of moving up one age cohort (e.g., from 50–64 to 65+).
The persistent military presence in the presentation of games may inculcate a
positive view of the military, and it is also quite plausible that people who tend
to support the military are especially drawn to organized sports. Regardless of
the mechanism, these results confirm the wisdom of the Pentagon’s strategy
of sponsoring military appreciation initiatives within sporting events (most
notably in football, the nation’s most popular sport).

Finally, H4 predicted that political conservatism would be associated with
stronger opposition to the intrusion of politics into sports. Table  2 offers
strong support for H4. Conservatives are substantially more likely to oppose
the mixing of sports and politics. This finding dovetails with the association
between conservative attitudes and sports fandom. Insofar as the domain of
sports does support some traditional conservative values, conservatives may
be more threatened by a disruption to this status quo. In addition, whites are
more likely than non-whites to characterize the politicization of sports as
inappropriate, as are older respondents. This attitude may be partly attribut-
able to the fact that, historically, most ideological challenges that have arisen
in sports have come from left-leaning agitators. In addition, this survey was
fielded as Colin Kaepernick’s protest was in the news. The salience of the

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Kaepernick protest might also explain the strong and significant effect of race,
since his protest was explicitly aimed at drawing attention to race issues. In
the open-ended question asking people to discuss their general opinions on
mixing sports and politics, a number of respondents specifically mentioned
the protest, with comments like “Disrespecting the national anthem should be
immediate cause for termination.”

Conclusion

This project fits within a long research tradition examining how popular
entertainment can both shape and reflect attitudes about political topics.
Entertainment, including sports, is often perceived as an escape from real-
world problems, and many open-ended responses rejected the idea that sports
should or could be political, expressing sentiments like “watching sports is
an outlet or escape from real life.” The results of this study suggest that such
escapism may be more perception than reality.

On the aggregate level, Republicans are no more likely than Democrats
to identify as sports fans and are no more intense in their fandom. However,
examining specific issue areas shows a strong relationship between sports fan-
dom and support for the military and individualistic attributions of economic
success. This relationship persisted even after controlling for a number of
potential confounding factors, including demographic characteristics as well
as partisanship and ideology.

These results should not be interpreted as definitive evidence that immer-
sion in sports culture changes attitudes. Because these data are observational,

Table 2. Opposition to the politicization of sports

B (SE)

(Constant) 3.467*** (0.18)
Democrat –0.039 (0.07)
Ideology (Liberal) –1.196*** (0.14)
White 0.289** (0.09)
Income –0.025 (0.01)
Education –0.063* (0.03)
Female 0.037 (0.06)
Age 0.076** (0.03)
Church attendance –0.020 (0.02)
Fan intensity 0.018 (0.02)
N 1,051
R-squared .135

*p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

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the observed association could be a result of other variables not included as
controls. Personality traits like support for individualistic values (Markus
2001), behaviors like entertainment media consumption more broadly, and
demographic factors like occupation could all affect both political attitudes
and sports fandom. In addition, it is possible that any causal relationship runs
in both directions. The implicit messages contained within sports culture may
well increase the likelihood that those who already hold conservative attitudes
gravitate toward sports as a cultural diversion.

Ideological messaging is omnipresent in sports culture. This study takes a
first step toward unpacking the complicated relationship between sports and
politics. Future research could gain additional causal leverage by examining
this relationship experimentally (e.g., by manipulating the messages con-
tained within sports coverage), as well as examining how our understanding
of politics is informed by our experience of sports, from the “horse race” to
“game-changers.”

Appendix

Which of the following sports do you consider yourself a fan of and/or follow
on a regular basis? Please select all that apply. Football; Basketball; Baseball;
Other [open-ended]; None of the above

[Asked only to those who said they followed football] In the last year, which
of the following have you done? Attended a professional or college football
game; Worn an item of clothing with a professional or college football team’s
logo; Read an article about a professional or college football team; Talked
about a professional or college football game with someone; Watched a pro-
fessional or college football game on television; Posted about professional or
college football on social media

[Asked only to those who said they followed basketball] In the last year,
which of the following have you done? Attended a professional or college
basketball game; Worn an item of clothing with a professional or college bas-
ketball team’s logo; Read an article about a professional or college basketball
team; Talked about a professional or college basketball game with someone;
Watched a professional or college basketball game on television; Posted about
professional or college basketball on social media

[Asked only to those who said they followed baseball] In the last year, which
of the following have you done? Attended a professional or college baseball
game; Worn an item of clothing with a professional or college baseball team’s
logo; Read an article about a professional or college baseball team; Talked
about a professional or college baseball game with someone; Watched a pro-
fessional or college baseball game on television; Posted about professional or
college baseball on social media

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[Asked only to those who said they followed football] During a typical foot-
ball season, about how many games do you watch on television or listen to on
the radio per week?

Fewer than one; 1–2; 3–4; More than 4
[Asked only to those who said they followed basketball] During a typical

basketball season, about how many games do you watch on television or listen
to on the radio per week? Fewer than one; 1–2; 3–4; More than 4

[Asked only to those who said they followed baseball] During a typical
baseball season, about how many games do you watch on television or listen
to on the radio per week? Fewer than one; 1–2; 3–4; More than 4

How important is being a fan of your favorite team to your life? Very
important;

Somewhat important; Not too important; Not at all important; I don’t have
a favorite team

What sports team do you follow most closely? [open-ended]

Do you agree or disagree with the following statements:

– It is important for the U.S. to have a strong military force in order to be
effective in dealing with our enemies.

– Military spending should be increased.
– The best way to ensure peace is through military strength.

Do you agree or disagree with the following statements:

– Discrimination against women is a problem in the U.S.
– It is common to see women treated in a sexist manner on television.
– It is much better for everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside

the home and the woman takes care of the home and family.

Some people use the term economic mobility to describe the ability of indi-
viduals to move up or down the income ladder over a lifetime or from one
generation to the next. How important do you think the following factors are
to a person’s economic mobility, that is, their ability to improve themselves
financially and get ahead in life? [Not important at all; A  little important;
Important; Very Important]

– Growing up in a good neighborhood
– Good money management skills
– Access to quality K–12 education
– Hard work
– Great ability or talent
– Having ambition
– Knowing the right people
– Coming from a wealthy family

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Do you agree or disagree with the following statements:

– Professional sports teams should prohibit athletes from publicly discuss-
ing politics.

– It is appropriate for athletes to speak publicly about political subjects.
– Sports and politics should not mix.

What do you think is good and/or bad about politics mixing with sports (for
example, athletes endorsing candidates or talking about issues)? [open-ended]

Do you agree or disagree with the following statements:

– I seldom worry about whether other people care about me.
– If other people don’t seem to accept me, I don’t let it bother me.
– I have a strong need to belong.
– It bothers me a great deal when I am not included in other people’s plans.

Generally speaking, do you think of yourself as a: Democrat; Republican;
Independent;

Another party; No preference?
Which party comes closer to your views? Democrat; Republican

Do you consider yourself to be: Very conservative; Somewhat conservative;
Moderate; Somewhat liberal; Very liberal

Who will you vote for in the election for President in November? Hillary
Clinton; Donald Trump; Gary Johnson; Jill Stein; Other; Not sure; I probably
won’t vote

If you added together the yearly income of all the members of your fam-
ily who were living at home last year, which of the following ranges best
describes your total household income? Less than $10,000; $10,001–$20,000;
$20,001–$30,000; $30,001–$40,000; $40,001–$50,000; $50,001–$75,000;
$75,001–$100,000;

$100,001–$120,000; More than $120,000; Not sure
Aside from weddings and funerals, how often do you attend religious ser-

vices? More than once a week; Once a week; Once or twice a month; A few
times a year; Seldom; Never

What is the highest level of education you have completed? Less than high
school; High School/GED; Some college; 2-year college degree; 4-year col-
lege degree; Master’s degree; Doctoral degree; Professional degree (JD, MD)

Are you male or female? Male; Female

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articles for individual use.

Sports tourism does not have to be accompanied by crime: a
case for the NFL Super Bowl
Hassan Tajalli and Alejandra Iraide Peña

Department of Political Science, Texas State University, San Marcos, TX, USA

ABSTRACT
The Routine Activities Theory suggests that when there is the
presence of a motivated offender, a suitable target, and the
absence of a capable guardian, crime has the opportunity to
occur. Large sporting events accompanied by massive tourists
bring these ingredients of crime together. The purpose of this
study is to find out whether the crime rates spike in the host
cities during the high tourist month of the Super Bowl. Twenty-
four months of crime rates on eight types of crimes were
obtained for every American city that has hosted the Super Bowl.
Panel Data Analysis is used to test the Hypotheses of this study.
The findings do not show a spike in crime rates during the month
of Super Bowl for any of the crimes examined in this study. It is in
the economic interests of all stakeholders to provide a safe and
secure venue free of crimes for sports tourists.

ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 26 October 2015
Revised 29 September 2016
Accepted 13 December 2016

KEYWORDS
Super Bowl; sports tourism;
crime; Panel Data Analysis

The culture of countries can be defined by their sports and the traditions that revolve
around them. In fact, sport is a form of cultural practice. As an integral part of culture,
sporting events not only bring together thousands of individuals for a lone purpose,
they solidify human relations through the events, interactions, and the development of
spirit de corps that precedes and follows the game. Participation in sports and other cul-
tural events are directly related to the health, life satisfaction and general quality of life of
individuals. Unfortunately, major sports events are also often marred by various violent
and non-violent crimes. From the time of Roman gladiatorial games to the games of
modern times, we have often witnessed crimes ranging from petty crimes of pickpocket-
ing to mass violent hooliganism; and, most recently, terrorism. The purpose of this study is
to find out whether the most celebrated American sports event, the Super Bowl, is also
marked with the rise of various crimes in the host city, during the month the game is
played.

The National Football League’s (NFL’s) Super Bowl event is one of the most popular
events in the United States. The Super Bowl is more than a game; it is a cultural event
in the rank of Thanksgiving and Christmas. The game is the culmination of half a year
of intense national football competition when fans and friends get together to eat, to
drink and to watch their favorite teams rise or fall from grace. The day the Super Bowl
is played is an unofficial national holiday when friends and families come together to

© 2017 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

CONTACT Hassan Tajalli tajalli@txstate.edu

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM, 2017
VOL. 21, NO. 1, 15–32
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14775085.2016.1273127

mailto:tajalli@txstate.edu

http://www.tandfonline.com

celebrate the game. There is a week of live concerts performed by celebrities, fireworks,
street music and dancing preceding the game. The game is the talk of the nation
where half of the country is glued to their screen monitors to watch the game. The
2016 game, for example, attracted some 167 million TV viewers, more than half the popu-
lation of the United States (Harden, 2016). More than 71,000 fans filled Levi’s Stadium
during the 2016 Super Bowl, spending $6.2 million on food and beverages and another
$4.6 million on merchandise (Florio, 2016).

National fascination with this mega game has made the Super Bowl a lucrative
business. It was estimated that Super Bowl related consumer spending in the United
States totaled 15.53 billion dollars in 2016 (Statista, 2016). Super Bowl Sunday is the
second most lucrative day (after Thanksgiving Day) for the food industry in the United
States. National broadcasters also have a field day by taking a large slice of the pie. A
30-second television ad-spot during the 2016 Super Bowl cost as much as $5 million, or
about $167,000 a second (USA Today, 2014). In 2014, Forbes magazine reported that
the 10 most valuable Super Bowls generated $1.7 billion only in advertising revenue for
the television networks. The biggest winners, however, are the multi-billionaire owners
of sports teams who have monopoly over the number and location of professional
sports teams. Protected against anti-trust laws, the 32 teams making up the NFL have
been able to reap the lion share of the economic benefits of their games. The NFL’s
annual revenue, for example, is estimated to be $10 billion and is planned to reach $25
billion by 2027 (USA Today, 2014). This is on par with some of the biggest American multi-
national corporations and more than the GDP of many countries.

Cities and states compete with each other to obtain a slice of the Super Bowl pie. Weed
(2014) reviewed a decade of scholarly research and concluded that hosting a major sport
event has macroeconomic benefits although the exact nature and extent of benefits
remain under-researched. Arizona, for example, spent $30 million to host the 2015
game while cashing in an estimated $500 million in revenue. For the 2013 Super Bowl,
which took place in New Orleans, Louisiana, ticket sales alone were estimated to have
brought in $73 million. Hotels, restaurants and nightclubs were estimated to have gener-
ated around $423 million (Schein, 2013).

But to be awarded with the honor, the competing cities must accept the unfavorable
and costly conditions that are demanded by the NFL owners. The forcefulness of the
demands stems from the anti-trust laws that allow sports leagues to control the
number and location of the professional sports teams. Among the many contractual impo-
sitions, cities and states are burdened with the use of public funds for the interest of
private team owners. The state of Minnesota, for instance, is pitching $500 million in
public funds to help build a $1 billion stadium for the city of Minneapolis’ Vikings in prep-
aration for its 2018 Super Bowl. The exorbitant cost of building Minneapolis’ sports arena is
not an exception. The AT&T stadium in Arlington Texas, and the Jets/Giants and Yankee
stadiums in New York have each cost the local tax payers several hundred million
dollars. Gordon (2013) reported that in the past 2 decades over 100 new sports facilities
were opened in the United States and nearly all of them were subsidized by the taxpayers
in the hope of cashing in for their investment. The burden of the subsidies is not limited to
the local taxpayers; the federal government is on the losing side as well. Based on the data
compiled by Bloomberg on 2700 securities, the tax-exempt muni bonds issued since 1986

16 H. TAJALLI AND A. I. PEÑA

by municipalities to build sports structures, will cost the US Treasury at least $4 billion
(Kuriloff & Preston, 2012).

Large spending on sports arenas, such as the one underway in Minnesota, is predicated
on the assumption that these expensive investments will have a number of tangible and
intangible benefits for the host city and its state. The proponents argue that the direct and
indirect benefits that the event brings to the host city and its state pales the investment.

Providing subsidies to private entities for building entertainment facilities is not necess-
arily a bad business practice. If the contracts are ‘smartly’ negotiated, public subsidies can
generate net benefit for the taxpayers and the funding governments. What matters is not
the subsidy but the distribution of the revenue stream that is generated by the facility.
Problem arises when team owners, in the case of sports facilities, receive all or significant
portion of the revenue leaving the subsidizing taxpayers at a net loss. Hudson (2001), for
example, lists a number of studies showing positive economic impact of subsidized sports
facilities. A large body of research, on the other hand, have not found the economic
benefits of using public funds to subsidize professional sports facilities. Coates and
Humphreys (2008, p. 296) report that only a meager 5% of randomly surveyed
members of the American Economic Association supported subsidies for professional
sports franchises. A cursory review of the literature negates the claims that the use of
public money to build sports facilities creates new jobs (Baade, 1996; Baade & Dye,
1988; Hudson, 1999; Miller, 2002), increases tax revenues (Baade, Baumann, & Matheson,
2008; Lavoie & Rodriguez, 2005; Porter, 1999), increases local income (Baade, 1996;
Baade & Dye, 1990; Coates & Humphreys, 1999; Gius & Johnson, 2001) or improves local
economy (Lertwachara & Cochran, 2007). As early as 2000, Siegfried and Zimbalist
(2000) declared the case in support of tangible benefits of sports subsidies to be closed.
In a very informative article, Rosentraub and Swindell (2009, pp. 220–221), however,
caution about the authenticity of many of these findings. Promoters of sports facilities
often hire the nation’s leading consulting firms to produce supportive findings. While,
opponents of the facilities launch their own studies by recruiting sympathetic academi-
cians to question the economic benefits of the subsidies. The issue for Rosentraub and
Swindell is not to provide the ultimate answer to the question of economic benefits of
sports facilities, but to bring to attention the bias that is inherent in the methodology
of many of these. In fact, by examining sports and cultural facilities in six major American
cities, Rosentraub (2010) makes the argument that if subsidies and land use are smartly
used, cities can renovate their dilapidated inner-city, remedy crime problems and halt
decline in property values. The author encourages cities to forge public–private partner-
ships for the economic development and revitalization of their cities. But the key to
success lies in forming smart partnerships that spur economic development and reinvi-
goration of inner-cities. Rosentraub provides a long list of suggestions for achieving a suc-
cessful and beneficial partnership.

Despite the argument of the critics against subsidizing professional sports facilities,
cities and states try to outbid each other to win the favor of sports team owners. Realizing
the challenging objections to the appropriateness of using public funds to build sports
facilities, the emphasis of proponents of these expensive facilities has shifted toward
urban revitalization and tourist appeal (Newsome & Comer, 2000), as well as intangible
benefits of raising the status of the city and bringing national and international recog-
nition that provide pride to the community (Eckstein & Delaney, 2002; Swindell,

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM 17

Rosentraub, & Tsvetkova, 2008). Hence the proponents see the public expenditure for pro-
fessional facilities as a solution for urban development and generating civic pride, commu-
nal binding and most importantly, building a positive image of the city for outsiders.
Weed’s (2014) review of the literature, for example, indicates that sports tourism plays
an important role in developing images of the destination host. The connection
between tourism and sport events has been established before medieval times and it
has continued to grow with increasing linkages between the two, in the industrial age
(Huggins, 2013, p. 110). With the advancement in technology and the democracy of broad-
cast television, sports now attract more individuals in general and also a more diverse array
of social classes (Quinn, 2009). As Huggins mentioned, ‘today sport is a global, multibillion
dollar industry, a dominant and defining force in millions of lives, and a major contributor
to the overall tourism industry … ’ (2013, p. 107).

Whether there are some tangible economic benefits or intangible benefits of using
public funds for building sports arenas to attract mega games, the expectation of benefits
cannot be realized if the host cities cannot ensure the safety of the games’ participants. An
event marred by criminal mischief will not only jeopardize the future possibility of being
crowned the host of another Super Bowl, it will also damage the city’s image, tourism and
its attractiveness for business investment. Crime is the repellant of tourism, urban revita-
lization and economic development.

By bringing a large number of motivated offenders and suitable targets to the same
location, large sporting events, such as the Super Bowl, provide an ideal opportunity for
criminal activities. However, there is a dearth of research on crime patterns during
major social events (Barker & Page, 2002; Decker, Varano, & Greene, 2007). Do sport tour-
ists experience different types of crimes, as questioned by Wood Harper (2001)? Do the
promised benefits of hosting a Super Bowl encourage host cities to be extra vigilant in pre-
venting criminal activities? To date, limited research has been conducted using longitudi-
nal studies of the possible surge of criminal activities in the cities hosting the Super Bowl.
Baumann, Ciavarra, Englehardt, and Matheson (2012), estimated the impact of sporting
events and franchises on annual rates of crime and found that the Olympic Games
were associated with a 10% increase in property crimes and the Super Bowl was associated
with a 2.5% decrease in violent crime. Exceptional events, such as international sporting
competitions or Super Bowl, affect the lifestyles and routines of a large number of individ-
uals that may affect their vulnerability to crimes. Yet there is little research on such events
(Andresen & Tong, 2012). As Weed (2014) acknowledged, our understanding of the social,
cultural and environmental impacts of these social events remain elusive. The purpose of
this longitudinal study is to shed some light on some of the questions that are raised in the
literature. Given the short-lived nature of the Super Bowl event, about a week, our longi-
tudinal monthly assessment of crimes provides a more accurate evaluation of the impact
of the event on various crimes. In the next section, we will provide an explanation for
expecting high crimes during mega-sports games and review the extant literature on
crimes that are inflicted on sports tourists.

Literature review

There should be no question about the importance of public safety when a large event,
such as Super Bowl, takes place in a city. The concentration of a large group of spectators

18 H. TAJALLI AND A. I. PEÑA

in a locality is a fertile ground for crime and violence. In fact, violence and crimes histori-
cally went hand-in-hand with sporting events. Gladiatorial events were notorious for crim-
inal activities outside the gates and on the steps of the forums of the Roman Empire.
Emperor Justinian I (AD 482–565), perhaps the greatest emperor since Constantine the
Great (AD 272–337), nearly lost his diadem when the Blues and the Greens sport fans
erupted into the Nika riot (AD 532) at the Hippodrome. Nearly 30,000 human lives were
lost by the time the imperial forces were able to put down the riot. Hosting cities and
other stakeholders in modern times, however, have enormous tangible and intangible
interests to prevent the occurrence of these types of violent events. It, therefore, stands
to reason for researchers to examine the impact of major sporting events on society
and focus more on the victimization of sport’s attendants rather than concentrating on
crimes within teams or acts committed by the players.

Research shows that a well-publicized image can significantly influence the visit and
revisit of tourist to a city (Weed, 2014; Wicker, Hallmann, & Zhang, 2012). In the hope of
economic gains, city leaders engage in well-orchestrated marketing strategies to
promote their cities in order to bring mega events to their corner of the world (George
& Swart, 2012; Kaplanidou, 2007). Although the direct economic gains of the mega
events such as the Super Bowl is in dispute, it is well accepted that a city possessing a
favorable image can monetize its image by attracting tourists, industries, businesses
and investors (Avraham, 2004; Beerli & Martin, 2004; Lee, 2009). The enormity of the
Super Bowl mega game can leave an indelible impression in the mind of millions of
viewers and participants. Mega events, however, are double-edged swords in shaping
the image of a city. None of the benefits resulting from favorable image can be realized
in the face of negative media publicity (Beerli & Martin, 2004) and unpleasant personal
experiences (Phelps, 1986). Publicized crime stories and personal victimization during a
tourist visit not only discourage revisits but it will also discourage other would-be tourists,
businesses and investors.

It is therefore important for the mega-event organizers as well as academicians to
understand the nature and conditions under which individuals could be victimized.
Crimes inflicted on tourists are opportunity-based incidences. A theory around this type
of crimes is called ‘The Routine Activity Theory’. The theory maintains that crimes occur
when there is a convergence of a motivated offender, a suitable target and the absence
of a capable guardian (Breetzke & Cohn, 2013). This is a probabilistic theory: ‘each of
these convergences has a given probability of a criminal event taking place; if there is
an increase or decrease in the number of convergences, there is a corresponding increase
or decrease in the number of criminal events’ (Andresen & Tong, 2012, p. 333). The theory
maintains that any change in the routine activities of individuals is expected to affect the
number of criminal events. A number of studies (Breetzke & Cohn, 2013; Hemmatinezhad,
Nia, & Kalar, 2010; Kaplanidou et al., 2013; Mcpheters & Stronge, 1974; Wood Harper, 2001)
have examined victimization of tourists in highly concentrated adult entertainment
venues. The tourists’ appearance (clothing, cameras, etc.) and unfamiliarity with their
new environment make them vulnerable to criminal victimization (Ryan, 1993; Lepp &
Gibson, 2003; George, 2010). Mega-sport events, such as the Olympic Games or the
Super Bowl, therefore, necessitate mobilization of extraordinary security forces for pre-
venting or reducing the number of criminal events. Even a successfully obtained and orga-
nized mega game can end up with an unsuccessful outcome. Therefore, planning and

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM 19

implementing crime prevention could be even more important than organizing the
events.

The emergence of the plague of terrorism since the Munich Olympic attack in 1972 has
added another layer of security concern among game planners and national governments.
The recent Paris and 911 terrorist attacks, in particular, have encouraged governments and
event organizers to plan and implement security to an unprecedented level. Anti-terrorism
strategies and security planning have since become an integral part of the bidding port-
folio for applying to be awarded as the host of the next game. Part of what awarded
London the opportunity to host the 2012 Olympic Games was the ability of London’s
bidding team to convince the International Olympic Committee that the additional $1.7
billion spending in security and the city’s security infrastructure were sufficient to
protect both tourists and athletes (Giulianotti & Klauser, 2012). It took nearly two years
of planning and drills by local, state and national military and security forces to prepare
for 2016 Super Bowl. The entire San Francisco Bay area became a security fortress
during the week of the game.

Anti-terrorist vigilance that recent mega games require may have been responsible for
curbing some ordinary crimes. The few studies on Olympic Games show insignificant
increase in ordinary criminal activities. In a study on the 2010 Winter Olympics Games
in Vancouver, Andresen and Tong (2012) found that in some parts of the city certain classi-
fications of crimes increased moderately while other types of crimes decreased in a few
cases. Decker et al. (2007) also did not find a significant difference between the reported
crimes for the period of the Olympic Games in Sydney, Australia and for the same period in
the previous year. Examining major football games in Uruguay, Munyo (2014) found that
total crime decreased by 13% during the time of the games and that there was no immedi-
ate change on property crime shortly before or shortly after the games. However, the
study found a significant increase in assaults including domestic violence. Some scholars
have reported significant increases in other crimes such as sex trafficking and prostitution
(Finley, 2013; Morrow, 2008; ‘Sexual slavery’, 2013) during major sporting events.

One of the unfortunate crimes of recent decades has been football hooliganism in Euro-
pean and non-European countries. Although the issue is dubbed the ‘British disease’, there
is ‘some degree of academic consensus regarding the transnational nature of the phenom-
enon’ (Spaaij, 2006). Surprisingly, major national games in the United States have been
relatively immune from the spread of this ‘disease’. Perhaps, the presence of extra ordinary
security forces surrounding these games have discouraged the spread of this phenom-
enon into the United States. The social and psychological causes of hooliganism have
been the subject of numerous research by social scientists. Spaaij’s review of the academic
literature (2006) found four theoretical explanations of the phenomenon. These are (a)
presence of societal ‘fault lines’, (b) presence of the ‘hooligan subculture’, (c) the social
organization of football hooliganism and (d) ‘the subtle yet vital interactions and nego-
tiations between hooligans and significant others, and the (intended and unintended)
effects of policies targeting football hooliganism’.

A significant increase in alcohol consumption during major sport games (Glassman,
Miller, Miller, Wohlwend, & Reindl, 2012; Lloyd, Matthews, Livingston, Jayasekara, &
Smith, 2013; Miller, McDonald, McKenzie, O’Brien, & Staiger, 2013) is one of the reasons
for increase in assaults during sport games (Andresen & Tong, 2012; Baumann et al.,
2012; Lloyd et al., 2013; Miller et al., 2013). The editorial note of Addiction journal (2012),

20 H. TAJALLI AND A. I. PEÑA

for example, reported 42 deaths associated with soccer games in Brazil between 1999 and
2008. As a response to violent fights and deaths during and after the soccer games, the
Brazilian government in 2003 banned the sale of alcohol in soccer stadiums and other
sporting events. Ironically, the Federation of International Football Association (FIFA)
required Brazil to suspend the national ban on the sales of alcoholic beverages in
soccer stadiums during the 2014 World Soccer Cup. Some studies have even found signifi-
cant increases in murder rates as a result of major sport games. White (1989), for example,
found that professional football playoff games increased the incidences of homicides
during the six-day period after the playoffs. The increase in homicides was mainly for
the losing teams.

Sports games are also marred by a number of non-violent crimes such as the sale of
fraudulent tickets. This type of crime is often more difficult to document due to the
private consensual nature of the transaction. World Cup ticket scalping gained notoriety
especially in 2014 when a ticketing company that had won the FIFA’s contracts since
1994 was implicated in years of ticket scalping. Off course, there is a high incentive for
criminals to engage in such a lucrative business. The resale ticket price for the 2016
Super Bowl, for example, averaged between $5000 and $6000. Criminals are also
enticed to sell fraudulent tickets. The victims who end up buying these fake tickets
could not only loose a significant amount of money but additionally become victims of
identity theft as well (Skowronski, 2016).

Our goal in this study is to find out if any of the various types of crimes collected by the
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) surge during the month of the biggest sport event in
the United States. The next section will layout the methodology for testing our question.

Method

The purpose of this research is to investigate whether various crimes surge during the
month of the NFL’s Super Bowl in host cities. Since not all crimes have equal likelihood
of rise during a tourist event (Wood Harper, 2001), this study examines possible surge
of seven different types of crimes in host cities during the month the Super Bowl is
played. These crimes are: murder, rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny
and motor vehicle theft. Table 1 provides the FBI’s description of these crimes, as well
as the type of crime cases that are or not included in them. Our preliminary analysis of
data shows that ‘simple Assault’ data reported by FBI is marred by inconsistencies and
missing values. As a result, examination of this crime is dropped from our analysis. Follow-
ing the precepts of the Routine Activity Theory, we test hypotheses regarding the surge of
various crimes during the month the Super Bowl game is held. The focus of this study is to
test whether the Super Bowl event has an impact on the occurrence of various crimes. A
caveat needs to be mentioned regarding the hypotheses of this study. Our hypotheses are
limited only to the cities hosting the event. Neither our hypotheses nor our analyses take
into consideration crimes that take place in the host city’s surrounding communities.
Therefore, our findings can only be generalized to the hosting cities exclusive of their sur-
rounding towns.

Data for this study is based on the available monthly crime rates for each of the 15 cities
that hosted the Super Bowl from 1990 to 2012 and reported their crime statistics to the FBI.
Regrettably, the FBI did not have data for several of the host cities for the time period of

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM 21

interest to this study. Therefore, crime data for these cities were not included in our analy-
sis. The list of host cities used in this study can be found in Table 2. Data beyond 2012 were
not available at the time of this investigation.

The FBI collects and disseminates crime statistics on various classifications of crimes in
its Uniform Crime Reports. We requested the FBI to provide us 24 months of reported
crime rates for each of the 8 types of crimes for each of the 15 cities. The 24 months of
crime rates consist of the crime rates for the month of the game, its preceding 11
months, and the crime rates for the 12 months after the game. For example, the Super
Bowl XLIV was played during the month of February 2012 in Indianapolis, Indiana. In
this case, we requested, and obtained from the FBI, 11 months of crime data prior to Feb-
ruary 2012 and 12 months of crime data for the dates after the month of the game. In other
words, crime data for the city of Indianapolis was collected from March 2011 through Feb-
ruary 2013 for each of the 8 types of crime (i.e. 24 × 8 pieces of data for the city of India-
napolis). The same data collection procedure was performed for the other 14 cities that
hosted the Super Bowl and which the FBI has the data.

Table 1. Uniform crime reports description of various crimes.
Crime
classification Description

Murder The willful (non-negligent) killing of one human being by another. The following are not classified as
Criminal Homicide: deaths caused by negligence, suicides, justifiable homicides, traffic fatalities,
accidental deaths, assaults to murder and attempts to murder.

Force rape The carnal knowledge of a female forcibly and against her will. Sexual attacks against men are not
included in this class of crimes.

Robbery The taking or attempting to take anything of value from the care, custody or control of a person or
persons by force or threat of force or violence and/or by putting the victim in fear

Aggravated
assault

An unlawful attack by one person for the purpose of inflicting severe or aggravated bodily injury. This
type of assault usually is accompanied by the use of a weapon or by means likely to produce death
or great bodily harm.

Simple assault All assaults which do not involve the use of firearm, knife, cutting instrument or other dangerous
weapon and in which the victim did not sustain serious or aggravated injuries.

Burglary The unlawful entry of a structure to commit a felony or a theft.
Larceny The unlawful taking, carrying, leading or riding away of property from the possession or constructive

possession of another.
Motor vehicle
theft

The theft or attempted theft of a motor vehicle. This includes autos, trucks, buses and other vehicles.

Table 2. List of the Super Bowl host cities used in this study.
Super Bowl Year Host city

XXIV 1990 New Orleans, LA
XXV 1991 Tampa, FL
XXVII 1993 Pasadena, CA
XXVIII 1994 Atlanta, GA
XXX 1996 Tempe, AZ
XXXI 1997 New Orleans, LA
XXXII 1998 San Diego, CA
XXXIV 2000 Atlanta, GA
XXXVI 2002 New Orleans, LA
XXXVII 2003 San Diego, CA
XXXVIII 2004 Houston, TX
XL 2006 Detroit, MI
XLII 2008 Glendale, AZ
XLV 2011 Arlington, TX
XLVI 2012 Indianapolis, IN

22 H. TAJALLI AND A. I. PEÑA

In order to linearized the data, natural logs of the seven crimes were computed. These
seven logged crimes (excluding ‘simple assault’ due to inconsistency in the collected data)
will form the Dependent Variables of this study. The crime rates are measured in terms of
the monthly number of crime occurrences per 100,000 residents, for each of the cities. The
crime rates take into consideration the estimated population of the city in the host city. A
caveat should be made regarding the FBI reported statistics on rape. Historically, rape is a
crime that is under reported (Palermo & Peterman, 2011; Yung, 2014). Yung’s (2014) study
shows that as much as 84% of rape incidents have not been reported to police. As a result,
our analysis of this variable will only represent changes in rates of reported rapes rather
than the changes in the actual rates. It is the assumption of this study that if there is a
surge in the actual number of rapes during the month of the Super Bowl, we should
also observe a spike in the number of reported rapes in that month. Table 3 provides
summary statistics of our collected data.

Three manually constructed Independent Variables and a variable representing the
natural log of the unemployment rates are included in each of the seven statistical
models of this study. The variable ‘Sept. 11’ is a dichotomous variable where time
periods before 11 September 2001 are coded 0 and the following time periods are
coded 1. As a covariate, this variable will account for the possible effect that post 911
security measures may have had on the surge or decline of crimes during the Super
Bowl event. The variable ‘Time Trend’ is a counter; coded from 1 to 24 for each month.
It represents the trend of crime over time. The independent variable ‘Super Bowl’ is a
dummy variable where the month of the Super Bowl for each city is coded 1 and the
remaining months are coded 0. This variable shows whether the hypotheses of this
study can be supported. A positive significant coefficient for this variable will support
our hypothesis that a particular crime surges during the month of the Super Bowl. The
fourth and the last independent variable of our study is the natural log of the monthly
unemployment rate of the host city. The relationship between unemployment rate and
crime has been thoroughly researched for many decades. The large body of research
has examined the relationship between unemployment and crimes. Comprehensive
reviews of the literature by Allen (1996) and Vieraitis (2000) clearly bring out the contro-
versy over this relationship. Nevertheless, we have included unemployment rate into
our analyses to control for its possible impact on the criminal behavior of individuals.
The unemployment rate for this study was collected from the US Bureau of Labor Statistics.

This study uses a panel of data collected on two dimensions of ‘Cities’ and ‘Time Trend’.
Figure 1 depicts the structure of the data on these two dimensions where each row

Table 3. Summary statistics for the sample.
Variable Mean Std. dev. Min Max N

Cities 7.961 4.307 1 15 358
Time 12.439 6.902 1 24 358
Murder rate 2.125 1.915 0 8.653 358
Rape rate 4.640 2.836 0 14.400 358
Robber rate 51.879 35.024 6.970 162.080 358
Aggravated assault rate 75.726 55.649 14.510 251.190 358
Burglary rate 144.714 78.433 40.460 392.840 358
Larceny rate 349.586 153.030 97.790 876.210 358
Motor vehicle rate 121.251 57.993 16.080 265.630 358

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM 23

represents monthly crime rates data for a city that hosted the Super Bowl. Observed
monthly crime rates are denoted as Os in the Figure. Each of the seven crime types in
this study have a data structure similar to Figure 1.

Our analysis pools this time-series/cross-sectional data into a unified whole in order to
draw a general conclusion about the impact of the Super Bowl on various crimes. It should
be noted that the focus of this study is not to examine crime rates in separate individual
cities but to make a general conclusion on whether Super Bowl has an impact on various
crimes during the month that the event takes place. We have used the Panel Data Analysis
procedure of STATA to analyze our Panel data. The equation for our Panel Data model can
be expressed as follow where the dependent variable of y represents a type of crime
(logged), a and b are the coefficients, x1 through x4 are the independent variables of
‘Time Trend’, ‘Super Bowl’, ‘Log Unemployment Rate’ and ‘September 11’ respectively.
Letters i and t denote the two dimensions of ‘city’ and ‘month’. Error term is shown as e.

yit = a + b1x1it + b2x2it + b3x3it + b4x4it + eit.

It should be noted that inclusion of the ‘Super Bowl’ dummy variable will allow us to
detect possible surge of crimes during the month of the Super Bowl while controlling
for the impact of the 911 terrorist attack, ordinary trend of crime over time, and the
status of the economy during the time frame of the study.

Three types of analysis are performed in order to triangulate our assessment of crime
surge during the month of the Super Bowl. In our first panel data analysis we have
used the 15 host cities and the time trend Fixed Effects and cluster the data at city
level. This is a powerful tool of removing omitted variable bias by taking into consideration
the within-cities variation over time. The second leg of our triangulation aggregates the
host cities and the time periods in a long format and uses pooled OLS. Pooled OLS is a
linear regression without fixed and/or random effects. By clustering the standard errors
at city levels, our analysis assumes for the intercept and the slopes to be constant regard-
less of the host cities and the time periods. In other words, it assumes no difference in
intercept and slopes across the host cities and the time periods. Our third approach of
assessing the impact of the Super Bowl on crime attempts to compute the regression coef-
ficients while the interaction between cities fixed effects and the linear time trend is
absorbed. We have used ‘reghdfe’ package of STATA to perform the analysis of this part.

Figure 1. Research design of the study.

24 H. TAJALLI AND A. I. PEÑA

Results and comments

Table 4 shows two models of Fixed Effects and Pooled OLS for each of our dependent vari-
ables. Table 5 depicts the regression coefficients while interaction between the cities fixed
effects and the linear time trend is absorbed. In this case, the data is clustered by cities. The
main body of our results tables present coefficients and standard errors of independent
variables. The coefficient of interest that sheds light on our hypotheses is ‘Super Bowl’.
The coefficient indicates whether there has been a surge of crime during the month
the Super Bowl was played. With an exception of motor vehicle theft under the Pooled
OLS model, our three models have produced consistent results. These results reject the
hypotheses that crimes surge during the month of the Super Bowl in the host cities. In
other words, the host cities did not experience an increase in any of the crime types
during the month that the Super Bowl was played. In the case of ‘motor vehicle theft’,
our findings suggest a possibility of a significant decline in this crime. One may speculate
the cause of this decline to be the ever presence of security forces searching for car bombs.
In short, our findings point to the direction of hypothesis that Super Bowl event does not
lead to significant increase in crimes. Although our findings relate to a surge of crime in the
host cities, readers should be reminded that many Super Bowl tourists stay and party in the
surrounding towns rather than the host city. It would be highly informative if the future
researchers use the entire host city’s metropolitan area as their unit of investigation.

The good news for the traveling sports fan is that Super Bowl events are safe for tourists.
Several plausible explanations can be given for the absence of a surge in crimes during
Super Bowl events in the host cities. The most significant contributor to the safety of
the Super Bowl location is the large deployment of security forces. Although, statistics
on the number of federal, state, county, municipal and private security agents are publicly
unavailable, government declarations attest to the extraordinary presence of various
security forces during the Super Bowl event. In fact, the Federal government has classified
the Super Bowl as one of the two national events with the highest level of security alert.

Cities invest large sums of money in preparation for hosting this major sport event with
the expectation of more return on their investment. It is only in the presence of actual and
perceived safety that cities can realize their short- and long-term returns on their invest-
ment. Negative safety perception of a locality dissuades potential tourists (Fakeye, 1992;
Roehl & Fesenmaier, 1992; Lepp & Gibson, 2003) and business investment (Frye & Shleifer,
1997; Goglio, 2004; Krkoska & Robeck, 2009). Neither sports fans nor the governing body of
the NFL will reward those cities that are lax about the safety of their tourists. Similarly,
other stakeholders, such as the players and owners, realize that their revenue is directly
tied to the safety of the place the Super Bowl is played. The Super Bowl is a money-spin-
ning business; insecurity can break the spinning-wheel for all the involved profiteers.

Ironically, the ghost of terrorism has prevented surge in the occurrence of the types of
crimes examined in this study. The memories of September 11 and the 2015 Paris terrorist
attack have made the mega games’ attendance safer in certain respects. The extraordinary
security planning and presence before and during the 2016 Super Bowl is a prime example
of how opportunity for committing ordinary criminal acts is strikingly limited. In light of
various terrorist threats, The Department of Homeland Security has classified the Super
Bowl as a SEAR 1 (Special Event Assignment Rating) event; this is a type of assignment
that is reserved for only the Presidential Inauguration. Super Bowls are riddled with

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM 25

Table 4. Fixed and pooled OLS estimates of Super Bowl impact on various crimes.

Variable

Log murder rate Log rape rate Log robbery Log aggravated assault Log burglary Log larceny Log MVT

Fixed
effects

Pooled
OLS†

Fixed
effects
Pooled
OLS†
Fixed
effects
Pooled
OLS†
Fixed
effects
Pooled
OLS†
Fixed
effects
Pooled
OLS†
Fixed
effects
Pooled
OLS†
Fixed
effects
Pooled
OLS†

Time trend 0.004 −0.012 −0.002 −0.004 −0.004 −0.083* −0.008** −0.091** −0.002 −0.049 −0.002 −0.019 −0.006* −0.042
(0.003) (0.028) (0.003) (0.011) (0.003) (0.039) (0.003) (0.033) (0.002) (0.029) (0.002) (0.012) (0.002) (0.025)

Super Bowl −0.170 −0.044 −0.071 0.003 −0.026 −0.048 −0.101 0.002 −0.065 −0.053 −0.003 −0.001 −0.053 −0.056*
(0.122) (0.128) (0.124) (0.102) (0.076) (0.037) (0.049) (0.036) (0.054) (0.028) (0.048) (0.028) (0.041) (0.028)

Log unemp.
rate

−0.028 −0.995 0.204 −0.072 −0.023 0.010 −0.189 −0.208 0.033 −0.157 0.119 −0.158 −0.334** 0.114
(0.136) (0.758) (0.289) (0.292) (0.140) (0.477) (0.131) (0.445) (0.092) (0.353) (0.109) (0.250) (0.076) (0.346)

September 11 −0.641 −0.408** −0.953 −0.764 −0.492 −0.570** −0.758*
(0.386) (0.149) (0.531) (0.462) (0.392) (.160) (0.349)

Constant 0.425 2.863* 1.009 1.731** 3.753** 6.953** 4.537** 7.739** 4.807** 7.027** 5.576** 6.697** 5.341** 6.056**
(0.237) (1.426) (0.534) (0.551) (0.246) (1.583) (0.249) (1.346) (0.161) (1.165) (0.205) (0.504) (0.151) (1.010)

F-test 1.12 1.81 0.493 2.09 0.65 2.37 4.24* 2.78* 1.11 2.20 0.99 4.5** 7.12** 2.80*
Df 3, 14 4, 285 3, 14 4, 335 3, 14 4, 338 3, 14 4, 338 3, 14 4, 338 3, 14 4, 338 3, 14 4, 338
R-squared 0.838 0.025 0.675 0.024 0.950 0.027 0.928 0.032 0.941 0.025 0.912 0.051 0.947 0.032
SEE or ŝv 0.446 0.380 0.186 0.190 0.132 0.131 0.138
ŝU 0.981 0.558 0.812 0.676 0.531 0.437 0.560
DW 2.541 2.398 2.684 2.390 2.539 2.750 2.677
Rho 0.807 0.649 0.958 0.954 0.957 0.898 0.952
N of obs. 320 290 356 340 358 343 358 343 358 343 358 343 358 343
N of groups 15 15 15 15 15 15 15

Notes: Standard errors in parenthesis; statistical significance: * < .05, ** < .01. †Corrected for autocorrelation.

2
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various local, state, federal and privately employed security forces. The FBI reported that
for the 2016 Super Bowl event, 60 federal, state and local agencies were working together
to coordinate surveillance and security. Reuters reported that some 4,000 private security
staff had been brought in to support police in securing the surrounding area (Reuters,
2016). The Drug Enforcement Agency, Transportation Security Agency, local law enforce-
ment and other agencies spent over two years preparing and planning for this event
(Glazer, 2016). Additionally, in preparation for this Super Bowl, the FBI and Santa Clara
police department spent several months running drills within Levi’s Stadium (where the
game took place) and the surrounding areas. Tactics were mimicked and improved
based on what other cities have used when hosting this event. The Department of Home-
land Security even turned to French officials for advice while preparing for the event. The
officers of the Department were in constant contact with their French counterparts since
the 2015 Paris attacks.

On the day of the game on Sunday 7 February, Levi’s Stadium was turned into a for-
tress-like zone with concentric rings of security all around the premises. Sophisticated
high-tech sensors, sniffing dogs, metal-detectors, security forces in uniform and plain
clothes, sharpshooters on rooftops and the omnipresence of surveillance cameras moni-
toring every movement of the attendees. The stadium and its surrounding area were
designated as no-fly zones. F-15 fighter jets and military attack and rescue helicopters
were on stand-by near the event area. The extraordinary security operations extended
even to all surrounding cities, train and bus stations, airports, shopping malls, restaurants,
hotels and other possible places that fans may gather. Under these tight security con-
ditions, street criminals found it hard to go about their business. It is with the combined
effort and strong collaboration of many local, state and national security agencies that
America’s favorite national sport event of the year is successfully executed. Many public
resources and agencies need to be utilized in the planning of this event. It would be inter-
esting to see the total security cost that goes into the Super Bowl events.

The relative safety of the Super Bowl event may also be related to the socio-economic
demographics of Super Bowl attendees. Attending the Super Bowl is a costly entertain-
ment. Attending the game is not cheap; in fact average Americans are priced out of the
game. Those who can afford this expensive luxury are of a socio-economic class that
have a particular set of behaviors. They are less likely to engage in the type of criminal

Table 5. Regression results after absorbing the interaction between cities fixed effects and linear time
trends.

Log murder
rate

Log rape
rate

Log
robbery

Log aggravated
assault

Log
burglary

Log
larceny Log MVT

Super Bowl −0.161 −0.053 0.043 −0.021 0.020 0.102 0.049
(0.130) (0.125) (0.086) (0.065) (0.064) (0.080) (0.060)

Log unemp.
rate

0.383 0.865** 2.081** 2.283** 2.620** 3.108** 2.508**
(0.189) (0.134) (0.167) (0.173) (0.174) (0.198) (0.170)

September 11 −0.734 −0.504 −0.466 −0.262 −0.158 −0.187 −0.096
(0.553) (0.292) (0.514) (0.480) (0.521) (0.638) (0.652)

F-value 2.39 26.36** 78.61** 114.50** 172.19** 177.30** 114.26**
df 3, 14 3, 14 3, 14 3, 14 3, 14 3, 14 3, 14
R-square 0.710 0.908 0.982 0.987 0.991 0.991 0.986
# of Clusters 15 15 15 15 15 15 15
N 320 356 358 358 358 358 358

Notes: Standard errors in parenthesis; statistical significance: * < .05, ** < .01.

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM 27

activities that are examined in this study. The average ticket price for the 2015 Super Bowl
was $9722, while some luxury suites for the 2016 game in the San Francisco Bay Area were
selling for more than $500,000. Added to the exorbitant ticket cost of the game, one
should add inflated hotel costs and raised airfares. The price of a hotel room six miles
away from Levi’s Stadium, where the 2016 game was played, was averaged at $580 per
night (Barrabi, 2016). One study (Kaylor, 2015), for example, estimated that the average
cost of attending the 2015 game in Arizona (including ticket, airfare, hotel, rental car,
game-day parking) was $8113 if flying from Boston and $6913 if flying from Seattle. At
this price tag, the event is too costly for common street criminals to travel to the event.
Economists (Becker, 1968; Goglio, 2004) consider crime as an economic activity perpe-
trated by individuals who weigh in the cost and benefits of their transactions. Offenders
refrain from their criminal activities when the cost of their mischief is significantly
higher than the prospect of benefitting from their crimes. The exorbitant cost of traveling
to, and perhaps attending, the game can significantly discourage many potential oppor-
tunists. Added to the high cost of traveling to the game site, one should also take into con-
sideration the omnipresence of security forces and the increased likelihood of being
caught.

Delightedly, the Super Bowl event has become a family event and a time for the
reunion of friends and relatives. For the most part, people attend the event to enjoy the
company of friends and family in a safe environment. The festive mood of friends and
families uniting from various parts of the country is conducive to a healthy environment.
The economic interest of the host city and all other stakeholders are to promote such an
environment. Without a safe and secure environment free of crime, the economic objec-
tives of these stakeholders cannot be achieved.

This event is the largest sporting event in the country and the one that annually brings
most Americans together; it is comforting to conclude that the findings of this study
support the idea that the Super Bowl is a safe, family friendly event. The preparation for
this event could serve as an example or guide for other cities planning major events
such as the Formula 1 events that have taken place in Austin, Texas for the past four
years. It could also assist in preparation for large multi-day music festivals. Perhaps the
influx of individuals is not as significant as the Super Bowl, but the safety priority
should remain the same.

Perhaps the distinguishing difference between the relatively safe modern mega-
sports games and the crime infested games of older times resides in the operating
models of the games. Contrary to the ancient games, such as the one culminated in
the Nika riot, modern mega games are deeply rooted in business models. Modern
mega games are mega businesses of extraordinary investment and returns by and for
thousands of stakeholders. Legitimate businesses demand security, law and order. Inse-
curity is destructive of legitimate business activities. It is in the business interest of the
host cities, sports owners, team members, broadcasters, food and alcohol industries, air-
lines, hotels and entertainment industries to demand a safe environment for the game
to take place. At least with regard to the security of the modern mega games, we may
exult the economic model supported by Adam Smith. One may rephrase Adam Smith’s
famous words that ‘It is not from the benevolence of the sports owners, city planners, or
other profiteers that we enjoy the safety of our mega games, but from their regard to
their own interest’.

28 H. TAJALLI AND A. I. PEÑA

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

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32 H. TAJALLI AND A. I. PEÑA

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• Abstract

Literature review
Method
Results and comments
Disclosure statement
References

By Cody T. Havard, PhD October 12, 2018

Rivalry in Business
gbr.pepperdine.edu/2018/10/rivalry-in-business

In business, managers and organizations strive for consumer loyalty, regardless of the
product or service being offered. In many ways, a loyal customer means someone that will
not only consume their favorite brand but may also attempt to avoid consuming a
competitor’s product or service. Additionally, loyal customers may use word of mouth to
steer others toward a favored brand and away from a competing or rival brand. In many
instances, this is a good position for managers and something that organizations
celebrate. However, what if customers loyal to your product reserve strong enough
animosity toward a competitor’s brand that they hold negative perceptions toward those
products and services? Further, what if those loyal customers decided to participate in
negative behavior, sometimes dangerous behavior, toward a rival company? These are
questions that managers and organizations should ask when navigating a landscape rife
with competing and rival brands.

Rivalry in business can influence different aspects of an organization or their products and
services. For instance, while rivalry can encourage managers to increase organizational
effort or output,[1] it can also increase the likelihood of unethical behavior. [2] Furthermore,
as companies compete for consumers and market share, managers engage in practices
that both positively promote their products and services, while attempting to disparage
competitors’ products. One such example is the 2018 advertisements that portrayed
Universal Studios Orlando Theme Parks as more enjoyable and suitable for adolescents
than Walt Disney World Theme Parks. Additionally, Samsung’s commercials about their
Galaxy Note phone attempt to elicit in consumers’ minds favorable comparisons to the
Apple iPhone. Furthermore, the competing bids by Disney and Comcast in 2018 to acquire
Fox properties raise the interesting question: What can business managers learn from
rivalry in sport?

1/7

https://gbr.pepperdine.edu/2018/10/rivalry-in-business/

To better understand rivalry in the competitive business setting, many researchers have
relied on the sport setting to study the phenomenon. For example, Kilduff, Elfenbein, and
Staw used the collegiate basketball setting to investigate antecedents and outcomes of the
rivalry phenomenon.[3] This article discusses the rivalry phenomenon, its importance in
business, and how managers can use findings from the sport setting to better understand
consumer perceptions and behaviors. As organizations try to create, promote, and maintain
differentiation over time, understanding how rivalry influences consumers is very important,
and the sport setting provides an ideal setting for managers looking for answers.

Rivalry

Someone loyal to a brand, whether inside or outside the sport setting, may find that they
hold some negative sentiment toward a competing, or rival, brand. For example, someone
attending a sporting event where their favorite team is playing a rival may find they are
more negative of the opposing team and officials during the game, more grandiose
following a success by their favorite team, and more confrontational toward fans of the
rival team. Likewise, an avid supporter of the Ford Mustang may find it difficult to
appreciate the aesthetic or technological advancements of a new or classic Chevrolet
Camaro. These feelings, and subsequent behaviors, are a product of rivalry, and research
in the sport setting can provide mangers with important information and lessons about the
phenomenon.

Contemporary investigation into rivalry begins from Social Identity Theory (SIT), which
states that a person chooses membership in a group based on how that membership will
reflect on themselves.[4] For example, people that choose to buy the latest Apple products
do so, to some extent, based on how they believe being an Apple person will make them
feel personally or influence others’ perceptions of them. This can occur for a person
because they may begin to take on the identity of the collective group (e.g., Apple
person).[5] An important aspect of consumer behavior is rivalry, and the way consumers
perceive their favorite brands and rival brands. For example, people that purchase
automobiles produced by the Ford Motor Company perceive Chevrolet automobiles—and
consumers of that brand—as inferior.[6] Similarly, Apple users reported negative attitudes
toward the Microsoft brand and its users.[7]

When people join groups, those groups inevitably will interact with competitors, or
opponents.[8] In the sport setting, these opposing groups are rival teams and supporters of
those teams. Outside of sport, competing groups include supporters of rival brands (e.g.,
Apple vs. Android, Coca-Cola vs. Pepsi, Disney Parks vs. Universal Parks). Sport rivalry has
been defined as “a fluctuating adversarial relationship existing between two teams, players,
or groups of fans, gaining significance through on-field competition, on-field or off-field
incidences, proximity, demographic makeup, and/or historical occurrence(s).”[9]
Furthermore, a sport rival has been defined as “a highly salient out-group that poses an
acute threat to the identity of the in-group or to the in-group members’ ability to make
positive comparison between their group and the out-group.”[10]

Investigations into rivalry in sport have shed light on topics including fan reactions to
competition,[11] perceptions of out-group member behavior, [12] likelihood of watching and
attending games involving the favorite team[13] and rival team, [14] and willingness to pay

2/7

price premiums in order to consume the sport product.[15] The lessons managers can
learn from research in the sport setting are abundant, and the next sections detail some
conclusions that can be drawn from research on sport rivalry.

Strategic Decisions

The competing bids for Fox put forth by the Walt Disney Company and Comcast in 2018
beg the question: What role does rivalry play in companies’ decisions? Rivalry allows
organizations and people to feel unique from another group,[16] and it addresses the
inherent need to favorably compare to competitors’ influence on people’s decisions.[17] For
example, companies like Chick-fil-A, Nordstrom, and Disney pride themselves on providing
customer service superior to their competitors. An interesting phenomenon that commonly
occurs in sport is referred to as the “arms race.” Anecdotal evidence suggests rival teams
engage in an arms race for recruiting purposes. In fact, competition for personnel is an
important characteristic that defines rivalry between sport teams and fans.[18]

However, the arms race is not exclusive to the sport setting. Companies try to outperform a
rival organization, which typically benefits the consumer. For example, the constant
competition between Apple and Samsung continues to result in improved consumer
products and advances in mobile phone technology. Likewise, Universal’s attempts to
compete with Disney for theme park supremacy leads to advances in ride and attraction
technology, which benefits consumers of the two brands and the theme park industry as a
whole.[19]

This also brings up the interesting topic of escalation of commitment, or an organization’s
continued commitment to an increasingly negative course of action by investing more
financial and time-consuming resources (e.g., facility building between sport organizations,
price war between consumer products).[20] Once an organization has begun a strategy of
escalation of commitment, few choose to de-escalate and focus on a more positive
strategy, such as a more intimate consumer product.[21] The shared rivalry, or the
competitive drive to “keep up with the Joneses,” can play a role in these decisions of trying
to either outperform or undercut the opponent.[22] In fact, rivalry has caused managers
and organizations to go to great lengths to devalue an opponent. According to Andrew
Clark of The Sydney Morning Herald , in 1996 British Airways found itself in a rivalry for
customers with newly founded Virgin Airlines (VA) and was accused of spreading rumors
that VA founder Richard Branson was suffering from a terminal, sexually transmitted
disease.[23]

Consumer Perceptions/Behavioral Intentions

Investigating rivalry in sport has provided a large amount of information regarding the in-
group’s and out-group’s perceptions and their behavioral intentions to consume both
favorite and rival teams. For example, fans tend to perceive the behavior of rival supporters
negatively.[24] Additionally, sport fans have reported a higher likelihood of watching or
attending favorite team games against a rival team than those against a non-rival team,[25]
and those intentions extend to competitions involving primary and secondary rivals.[26]

3/7

Beyond sport, these findings suggest that consumers may exhibit greater likelihood to
support a preferred brand when a competing brand is present. For example, a loyal
consumer of the Ford Mustang may want to show support for their favorite brand upon
seeing a commercial about a new Chevy Camaro. The ordering of rival competitors or
degree of perceived rivalry is important as well.[27] Just as sport fans can identify different
rival teams,[28] so can supporters of consumer products. A person who likes to eat at
McDonald’s may view the quality of food and service at Burger King differently from that
received at a Wendy’s restaurant. Therefore, they may view Burger King as a primary rivalry
to McDonald’s, whereas Wendy’s represents a secondary rival.

The Sport Rivalry Fan Perception Scale (SRFPS) offers a comprehensive view of how sport
fans view their rival team.[29] Specifically, the SRFPS asks fans (1) their likelihood to
support a rival against another team, (2) their perceptions of the rival team’s prestige, (3)
their perceptions of rival team supporters’ behavior, and (4) their sense of satisfaction when
their favorite team beats their rival team. Variables such as how identified a person is with
a team[30] and whether the favorite team won or lost the most recent rivalry game [31] can
influence fan perceptions of rival teams.

Outside of sport, managers can expect loyal supporters to share stronger negative
perceptions of rival brands than more casual consumers. For example, someone that
identifies as a loyal Disney fan may reserve different perceptions and attitudes toward
Universal parks than someone who identifies with both theme parks. Additionally, a
consumer who feels their competitor has an advantage over a preferred brand may find
ways to devalue the rival or belittle rival companies’ accomplishments, sometimes by
pointing out perceived unfair practices of the rival.

Rivalry also influences an individual’s likelihood to help others in emergency situations. For
example, sport fans were more likely to offer assistance to someone wearing a shirt of their
favorite team that fell off their bicycle than if the person wore a shirt supporting a rival
team.[32] Furthermore, sport fans have exhibited schadenfreude, [33] or taking pleasure in
the demise of another, and Glory Out of Reflected Failure (GORFing),[34] celebrating a rival
team’s loss to someone other than the favorite team.[35] These findings suggest that loyal
supporters of consumer products may exhibit similar behavior. To see examples of
schadenfreude and GORFing outside of sport, visit supporter websites and discussion
boards following the release of a competing product that received poor reviews.
Additionally, brand supporters tend to downplay competitor success, such as loyal fans of
Star Trek vs. Star Wars or Marvel vs. DC Comics after the release of new movies, television
series, or games.

Companies that choose to sponsor sport organizations or personalities also have to be
cognizant of the influence rivalry has on consumer behavior. For example, fans of the
National Association of Stock Car Auto Racing (NASCAR) display loyalty to the sponsors of
their favorite drivers and try to avoid sponsors of rival drivers.[36] This extends to fan
support of league-wide messaging (e.g., fans were more receptive of league-wide
messages if the promotion featured a favorite rather than a rival team).[37]

4/7

In addition, sport fans reported lower likelihood to consume an organization’s products or
services that sponsor both their favorite and rival teams.[38] This is particularly important,
as business managers must understand how their relationship with other companies and
sponsorships can influence attitudes toward and consumption of their products and
services. Business managers have to understand that their association with a sport team
through a sponsorship will encourage some people to consume their product while
simultaneously causing others to distance or avoid their organization.

Group Member Behavior and Deviance

A very important lesson that managers can learn from the sport setting involves supporter
and group member behavior toward out-group members or rival supporters. Highly
identified sport fans have reported a higher likelihood to consider anonymous acts of
aggression toward rival participants and supporters than fans with lower levels of
identification.[39] Furthermore, when a new opponent is introduced, much as was the case
following the most recent conference realignment in college athletics, fans showed more
negativity and greater likelihood to consider anonymous aggression toward the former rival
than the anticipated and new rival. [40] [41]

The issue of fans behaving negatively toward rivals extends into the online setting as
well,[42] as exhibited when some fans of the Cleveland Browns displayed pleasure
following the death of Baltimore Ravens owner Art Modell.[43] Similarly, loyal automobile
fans were highly negative in online chatrooms toward rival brands and supporters.[44]

It is also important to note that rivalry within and outside of sport can be a healthy and
effective way to reach consumers. For instance, the presence of a rival allows corporations
and group members to experience feelings of uniqueness,[45] and rivalry can make group
members feel a stronger bond with one another.[46] It is important for organizations, both
sport and non-sport, to identify rival groups because it can help increase effort and
output[47] along with consumer interest in the product. [48]

The lesson for business managers regarding group member behavior is to develop
competitive rivalries that increase interest in the product while avoiding tactics that may
increase feelings of animosity. As Yale behavioral researcher Lee asserted, rivalries have
the ability to foster negative sentiments and deviant behavior if not properly monitored.[49]
Likewise, other researchers have called for caution with the way rivalries are promoted[50]
to help control potential negative fan behavior.[51] It is imperative that business managers
understand the need to responsibly use rivalry to increase consumer engagement. If
managers do not responsibly promote rivalry among competitors, negative consumer
behavior could lead to situations and incidences that can hurt organizations in both the
public eye and the financial bottom line.

Responsible Marketing

Recently, experimental research has shed light regarding how marketing and promotional
messages can influence group perceptions and behavior. In sport, especially in
international football, many managers search for ways to decrease the feelings of rivalry
instead of leveraging the phenomenon to increase interest as is commonly the case in the

5/7

United States. One study found that acknowledging rivalry and tensions between teams
rather than ignoring or downplaying rivalry actually helped to decrease fan derogation and
deviance.[52] In the United States, the types of messages and titles used to promote
rivalries influenced group member perceptions.[53] Specifically, sport fans that saw a
promotional title using the word hate reported stronger negative perceptions of rival fan
behavior than those who saw a message using the word rivalry. Furthermore, fans exposed
to the word rivalry were less likely to support the rival against another team than people
exposed to the word hate. These findings asserted that using a negative word such as hate
to promote a rival actually lead to increased animosity while decreased feelings of
rivalry.[54]

An important takeaway for business managers is the knowledge that promoting a rivalry in
a healthy and competitive nature (e.g., using the word rivalry), can help remind people of
the rivalry,[55] which can positively impact their product. [56] However, trying to devalue the
rival may lead to animosity between group members,[57] which, if not monitored, may lead
to group deviance.

A study on the influence of mediated stories surrounding rivalry games found that negative
stories about an upcoming rivalry game (e.g., a fight between rival fans) not only hurt group
members’ perceptions of the rival brand, but it also resulted in decreased attitudes toward
the favorite brand, compared to people who read a positive story (e.g., a joint-blood
drive).[58] So, if deviant supporter behavior occurs, managers can expect that both the rival
and favorite brands will be hurt in consumers’ minds. An approach to help control this is for
managers to encourage cooperation between brands, as this may help elicit positive
emotions in consumers and create a sense of a larger in-group within the rivalry
setting.[59]

Rivals in sport commonly show cooperation in the recovery period following a man-made
or natural disaster,[60] and rival brands outside of sport can do the same, thus working to
mitigate any negative effects that can spawn from rivalry.[61] Managers want to ensure
that consumers are pleased with their products in a way that does not foster overly
negative feelings toward a rival brand because group member deviance can have
significant negative impact on consumer opinions and consumption intentions. For
example, if group members cross a line and become deviant, managers run the risk of
consumers holding negative perceptions and attitudes of their brand, ceasing to consume
their brand, and even suffering legal and financial losses.

Summary

There are many lessons managers in general business and consumer products and
services can learn from the study of rivalry within the sport setting. From (1) what
constitutes rivalry, to (2) how consumers view rivals and allow the rivalry phenomenon to
influence their behavioral intentions, to (3) how rivalry can lead to hostility and deviance
among consumers, this article addressed several areas where rivalry influences loyal fans
and brand supporters. Additionally, this article discussed responsible marketing of rivalry to
provide managers with examples of appropriate ways to promote rivalry to increase
consumption and decrease negative behavior among fans and supporters.

6/7

The article opened with two questions: “What can business managers learn from rivalry in
sport?” and “What role does rivalry play in companies’ decisions?” The research on rivalry
in the sport setting can guide managers in better understanding consumer behavior and
can provide important lessons on promoting and maintaining healthy and beneficial
rivalries. Moving forward, managers should be cognizant of what rivalry is and how it can
influence their customers, in both positive and negative ways. This commentary provides
insight regarding what sport can teach business about rivalry and how managers can
responsibly utilize the phenomenon to help engage consumers.

7/7

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Perceptions of service quality at football stadiums: influence on fans’
intention to attend future games
Chanchai Phonthanukitithaworna and Carmine Sellittob

aMahidol University International College, Nakornpathom, Thailand; bVictoria University College of Business, Melbourne,
Australia

ABSTRACT
This study enhances the understanding of service quality at major spectator
sports events in Thailand by examining the relationship between spectators’
perception of event quality and their behavioral intention to attend future
games. Structural equation modeling (SEM) is used to analyze data collected
from 849 spectators who attended Thai Premier League (TPL) games at three
major stadiums in Bangkok. The empirical results indicate that spectator
satisfaction and aesthetic quality associated with game-day attendance
directly affect behavioral intention to attend future events. Notably, team
performance (denoted as outcome quality) and total attendance cost were
found to significantly influence spectators’ satisfaction and behavioral
intention to attend future games. The study contributes substantially to the
literature by proposing a model with four dimensions that directly affect the
important issues of consumer satisfaction and subsequent intention to re-
attend an event. Thai cultural features such as collectivism, a long-term
outlook, and feminism are argued as being aligned with the proposed model
dimensions. We discuss some of the findings with respect to these cultural
features. Furthermore, the proposed total attendance cost dimension is novel
in that it includes both monetary and non-monetary costs.

ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 8 April 2018
Accepted 2 November 2018

KEYWORDS
Sport service quality; Thai
premier league; spectator;
satisfaction; football; re-visit
intention

Introduction

Sports consumption is an important aspect of
Thailand’s national and international sport
development, with direct impacts on popu-
lation health outcomes and national economic
value (Shonk & Chelladurai, 2008). In the specta-
tor sport of professional football, headed by the
Thai Premier League (TPL), approximately 300
football matches are played each season. Pro-
fessional football makes a significant contri-
bution to the Thai economy of more than 3.5
billion Baht per annum (Na Thalang, 2015).
Therefore, many TPL teams strive to increase
their game-day attendance not only to increase

ticket revenues but also to profit from the
game-day supplementary stadium services
derived from parking fees, food and beverage
sales, merchandise purchases and visitor trans-
portation. Clearly, the TPL has a financial incen-
tive to provide spectators with superior
customer service and memorable experiences
to increase attendance at games.

The issue of consumer satisfaction associated
with providing services at sporting events typi-
cally requires engaging people across a spec-
trum of functional offerings (Voon, Lee, &
Murray, 2014). Furthermore, service functions
at venues may involve several intangible and

© 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

CONTACT Chanchai Phonthanukitithaworn chanchai.pho@mahidol.ac.th

MANAGING SPORT AND LEISURE
2018, VOL. 23, NO. 3, 204–224
https://doi.org/10.1080/23750472.2018.1544850

http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1080/23750472.2018.1544850&domain=pdf

mailto:chanchai.pho@mahidol.ac.th

http://www.tandfonline.com

complex factors that directly impact how these
functions are managed (Alexandris, Grouios,
Tsorbatzoudis, & Bliatsou, 2001). Sport services
contribute to the experience of a game or an
event; however, it has been suggested that
the measurement of service quality at such
events is a relatively recent development (Ko,
Zhang, Cattani, & Pastore, 2011). Indeed,
factors that influence sport service quality
include the actual services offered, the physical
characteristics of the venue, and spectator
experience and subsequent satisfaction (Du,
Jordan, & Funk, 2015). Collectively, these
factors tend to explain sport service satisfaction
and how they might influence future patronage.
However, many service quality studies have
overlooked the role of the pleasing features
and aesthetics of the service environment
(Cronin, 2003; Yoshida & James, 2011). Although
the cost of attending a sporting event has been
investigated as an element of service quality,
the non-monetary or intangible outlays,
reflected by the time and effort required to
prepare for, travel to, and subsequently attend
a sporting event, have seldom been studied
(Ferreira & Bravo, 2007). Nonetheless, activities
that involve both monetary and non-monetary
outlays are associated with the total cost of
attending an event.

To address the gaps in previous studies on
service quality in spectator sport and to under-
stand the factors that influence Thai spectators’
satisfaction to attend future games, this study
has several aims. Firstly, we formulate a theor-
etical model from the literature that reflects
Thais spectator’s satisfaction and behavioral
intention to attend future games. We then
empirically validate the formulated model by
conducting research using a cohort of Thais
spectators, and thirdly we discuss findings in
the context of spectator’s satisfaction and
behavioral intention to revisit the sport venue.

From a practical perspective, sport service
quality can be a significant factor that influences
current and future event patronage (Biscaia,
Correia, Yoshida, Rosado, & Marôco, 2013).

Notably, spectator satisfaction associated with
sport service delivery influences experiences
that shape spectator attitudes and behaviors
(Du et al., 2015). Kim, Ko, and Park (2013)
suggested that the provision of basic services
for fans at spectator events is insufficient to
attract existing or new patrons. Given the
importance of event service quality to spectator
satisfaction, this paper proposes an initial con-
ceptual model that includes service quality
dimensions and the total cost of event attend-
ance – a combination that is rarely investigated.
The proposed service quality dimensions and
sub-dimensions are argued to be aligned with
Hofstede’s cultural dimensions that are likely
to be encountered in the typical Thai setting.
The model’s proposed sport service quality
dimensions are evaluated for mediating effects
on spectator satisfaction and how perceptions
of service quality subsequently affect fans’
behavioral intention to attend future games
(re-patronage).

Literature review

The marketing and retail literature has reported
the value of providing high levels of service to
consumers. The notion of service quality can
be defined as “the consumer’s overall
impression of the relative inferiority/superiority
of the organization and its services” (Bitner &
Hubbert, 1994, p. 77). Accordingly, the investi-
gation of service quality has drawn significant
attention due to its potential to establish a
price advantage (Brady & Cronin, 2001), which
in turn underpins an organization’s profitability.

In the context of sport, the provision and
maintenance of highly valued supplementary
services at a stadium or venue can augment
spectators’ game-day experience (Voon et al.,
2014). The sporting event itself can be con-
sidered a consumer-experienced core product
that influences consumers’ perceptions of
service quality (Greenwell, Fink, & Pastore,
2002). Clearly, it is important to understand
spectator perceptions of service quality that

MANAGING SPORT AND LEISURE 205

may be associated with satisfaction with an
event and behavioral intention to attend an
event (Du et al., 2015; Theodorakis, Alexandris,
Tsigilis, & Karvounis, 2013; Tsuji, Bennett, &
Zhang, 2007). Indeed, sport service quality is
one of the critical factors that can be used to
predict future consumption behavior (Kim
et al., 2016). In the context of the sports indus-
try, an increasing number of studies are examin-
ing the measurement of service quality using
different factors.

A primer on service quality in sport

Various service dimensions have been proposed
as potential influential measures of sport service
quality. TEAMQUAL, which was developed by
McDonald, Sutton, and Milne (1995) as a
general measure for determining service
quality in professional team sports events,
embodied the quality attributes of service
empathy, assurance, reliability and responsive-
ness. The framework highlighted differences
between consumers’ perceptions and expec-
tations of a service on offer. Wakefield, Blodgett,
and Sloan (1996) developed the SPORTSCAPE
framework, an instrument to determine specta-
tor perceptions of the physical attributes of a
stadium. Stadium attributes such as accessibil-
ity, design aesthetics, seating and signage
were notable in influencing future attendance
intentions. Another framework, SPORTSERVE,
was proposed to evaluate the perceptions of
service quality and satisfaction among specta-
tors, highlighting how attributes such as
access, reliability and security resonated with
post-event consumer values (Theodorakis, Kam-
bitsis, & Laios, 2001). Both SPORTSCAPE and
SPORTSERVE place a high degree of significance
on the intrinsic quality of the experience of a
venue’s services. Notably, the two frameworks
focus on the ancillary features of service and
overlook the contributory core factor of the
sporting event itself. In their work on sport
service quality, Kelley and Turley (2001) ident-
ified certain factors influencing services,

including employee-fan engagement, pricing,
stadium access, available concessions, spectator
and fan comfort, game experience, show time,
convenience and whether smoking was per-
mitted. Collectively, these studies provide
good examples of the diverse range of service
quality attributes that can potentially impact
fans’ perceived experience when they attend
an event.

Typically, different approaches have been
used to investigate the perceptions of spectator
satisfaction associated with event service
quality. For instance, Greenwell et al. (2002)
examined the influence of the inanimate phys-
ical environment, the core product of the
game itself and the interaction of patrons with
service staff to evaluate service quality. Tsuji
et al. (2007) utilized a scale of gravity game
(SGG) instrument to investigate the impact of
service quality on spectator satisfaction. The
SGG instrument embodied a core services
dimension, reflecting the actual influence of
the sport on service quality, and a peripheral
services dimension, reflecting staff courtesy,
ease of entrance, seating, etc. Perceived
service quality (PSQ) and spectator satisfaction
were investigated by Koo (2009) using technical,
functional, and environmental attributes of
service quality. Yoshida and James (2010) exam-
ined spectator perceptions of game-related
interactions (opponents, performance and
atmosphere) and the service environment (facil-
ity employees, access and space) and the
manner in which those factors affected percep-
tions of service quality. Performance analysis of
service quality associated with Formula 1 racing
has been used to rank spectator perceptions
(satisfaction) of track services to identify which
services are highly appreciated and which
could be improved (Kim et al., 2016).

Although studies have contributed to an
understanding of the dimensionality of service
quality at sporting events and its link to specta-
tor satisfaction, many such studies nonetheless
lack an aesthetic component in their conceptu-
alization of service quality (Yoshida & James,

206 C. PHONTHANUKITITHAWORN AND C. SELLITTO

2011). Aesthetic quality refers to the consumer’s
perception of pleasing features or products as a
distinct dimension of the service quality
environment that arguably is influenced by
hedonic values in sport. Yoshida and James
(2011) conducted one of the first investigations
of service quality that included the aesthetic
attribute. Their study indicated that future
research should examine the predictive effect
of service quality on consumer satisfaction
responses and future behavioral consequences
or intentions. The event quality for spectator
sports (MEQSS) framework (Ko et al., 2011)
included specific service attributes across a
number of dimensions. Key quality attributes
were found to be associated with the event,
spectator interaction, outcomes, the venue
environment and the supporting services. The
framework also captured the value of the
game, the available supporting services,
patron interaction, the game’s outcome and
the contribution of the physical environment.
Some investigations of sport service quality
have focused on predictive effects in relation
to spectator activities. For instance, Theodorakis
et al. (2013) developed a service quality model
consisting of functional and outcome quality
dimensions to investigate service quality, satis-
faction and spectators’ behavioral intentions
to attend future football games. Biscaia et al.
(2013) examined the effects of service quality
and ticket pricing on satisfaction and behavioral
intention. The MEQSS framework was devel-
oped to predict spectators’ event quality per-
ceptions and their subsequent game re-
attendance intention (Kim et al., 2013). Voon
et al. (2014) proposed a quality scale to
measure the attributes of responsiveness,
reliability, and core and peripheral value as a
means of determining service quality at sport-
ing venues. Sports event participation and
service delivery (PSEASD) scales have been pro-
posed for exploring a personal performance
perspective of event satisfaction (Du et al.,
2015). This multi-dimensional assessment of
time-reliant achievements embodies attributes

that align satisfaction with sporting event PSQ.
Table 1 summarizes the previously described lit-
erature regarding service quality in sport.

Sport service quality dimensions and
issues associated with Thai national
culture

Consumers across different countries may have
different levels of service expectations, and fea-
tures of the national culture have been noted as
shaping consumer attitudes and patterns of
behavior (Donthu & Yoo, 1998; Funk & Bruun,
2007; Furrer, Liu, & Sudharshan, 2000; MacIntosh
& Parent, 2017). For instance, Western consu-
mers, such as those from the USA and the UK,
tend to express lower satisfaction ratings in
certain situations than consumers from Eastern
countries, who are typically represented by con-
sumers in Thailand and Malaysia (Mattila, 1999;
Zhang, Beatty, & Walsh, 2008). In the present
study, Hofstede’s cultural dimensions that are
noted to shape Thai society are argued to be
aligned with the selected service factors. Hof-
stede’s national culture framework has been fre-
quently used and validated in service quality
research, including spectator sport service
quality studies (Furrer et al., 2000; Zhang et al.,
2008).

Thai culture is traditionally service-oriented,
and the expectations associated with providing
services differ from the expectations commonly
held by consumers in Western societies (Craig &
Douglas, 2006). Notably, in Thai society, the
crucial element of good service is personal
attention rather than efficiency and time
savings, which in contrast appear to be highly
valued in Western cultures (Furrer et al., 2000).
This alignment of service with personal atten-
tion reflects two elements of Thai society,
namely, its collectivist character and its prefer-
ence for high-context communication (Hof-
stede & Hofstede, 2005). Indeed, Thailand as a
collectivist society tends to value the establish-
ment and maintenance of close-knit relation-
ships within a social structure or group.

MANAGING SPORT AND LEISURE 207

Moreover, the level of person-to-person com-
munication among members is likely to occur
to a higher degree in Eastern societies than in
Western societies (Mooij, 2004).

From a service quality perspective, people in
collectivist cultures tend to place greater
emphasis on intangible elements of service pro-
vision when consuming and evaluating services
(Mattila, 1999; Zhang et al., 2008). In spectator
sports, the intangible element of service can
reflect the visual appeal of the sporting venue,
a stadium’s theme and festive atmosphere, the
crowd experience during a game and the
post-game experience (Brady & Cronin, 2001;
Kahle, Aiken, Dalakas, & Duncan, 2003). Further-
more, the various pleasure-generating conse-
quences associated with spectator sport
consumption can also be linked to the actual

outcome of the game (Grönroos, 1984; Pine &
Gilmore, 1998; Theodorakis et al., 2013). Accord-
ingly, a parallel is arguably discernible between
collectivist/high-context cultures such as that of
Thailand and the dimensions of aesthetic
quality (facility design, game atmosphere, and
crowd experience) and outcome quality (team
and opponent performance).

Thailand is also characterized by a feminine
culture with a long-term orientation (Hofstede
& Hofstede, 2005). In feminine cultures, people
value strong relationships, caring, social equality
and supportive service-oriented values (Hof-
stede & Hofstede, 2005). Trust and commitment
are considered necessary for sustaining custo-
mer interactions. Notably, personal relation-
ships and face-to-face conversations are
important factors when considering service

Table 1. Selected literature on service quality in sport.
Authors Dimensions Context Country

McDonald et al.
(1995)

TEAMQUAL – Tangibles, Responsiveness, Reliability, Assurance, Empathy Basketball

USA

Wakefield et al.
(1996)

SPORTSCAPE – Stadium Access, Facility Aesthetics, Scoreboard, Seating Comfort,
Layout Accessibility, Space Allocation, Signage

American
football

USA

Theodorakis et al.
(2001)

SPORTSERVE – Tangibles, Responsiveness, Access, Security, Reliability Basketball

Greece

Kelley and Turley
(2001)

Employees, Price, Facility Access, Concessions, Fan Comfort, Game Experience,
Show Time, Convenience, Smoking

Basketball USA

Greenwell et al.
(2002)

Physical Facility (access, aesthetics, scoreboard, comfort, layout), Core Product
(the game itself), Service Personnel (staff interaction)

Ice Hockey USA

Tsuji et al. (2007) Scale of Gravity Game (SGG) – Core Services (action sports), Peripheral Services
(staff, entrance, seating, ticketing, cleanliness, security, merchandise)

Action Sports USA

Koo (2009) SPORTSCAPE (Wakefield et al., 1996) and PSQ (technical, functional and
environmental attributes)

Baseball USA

Yoshida and James
(2010)

Service Quality (stadium employees, facility access, facility space), Core Product
Quality (opponent characteristics, player performance, game atmosphere)

Baseball Japan &
USA

Yoshida and James
(2011)

Functional Quality (frontline employees, facility access, seat space), Technical
Quality (player performance, opponent characteristics), Aesthetic Quality
(crowd experience, game atmosphere)

Baseball Japan &
USA

Ko et al. (2011) MEQSS – Game Quality (performance skill, operating time, information),
Augmented Service Quality (entertainment, concessions), Interaction Quality
(employee interaction, fan interaction), Outcome Quality (sociability, valence),
Physical Environment (ambience, design, signage)

Baseball USA

Biscaia et al. (2013) Yoshida and James (2011) Model – Player Performance, Opponent Characteristics,
Referees, Frontline Employees, Facility Access, Seat Space, Security, Facility
Design, Game Atmosphere, Crowd Experience, Ticket Price

European
Football

Portugal

Theodorakis et al.
(2013)

PSQ – Functional Quality (tangibles, responsiveness, reliability, access and
security), Outcome Quality (game quality and team performance)

European
Football
Greece

Kim et al. (2013) Modification of MEQSS – Game Performance, In-Game Entertainment, Staff
Quality, Physical Surroundings

Basketball USA

Voon et al. (2014) Sport Service Quality – Responsiveness, Reliability, Core and Peripheral Value Badminton Malaysia
Du et al. (2015) PSEASD – Service Quality, Perceived Value, Personal Performance, Expectancy

Disconfirmation
Running USA

Kim et al. (2016) Performance Analysis – Ticketing, Secondary Visuals, Accessibility and Parking,
Food, Staff and Amenities

F1 Racing China

208 C. PHONTHANUKITITHAWORN AND C. SELLITTO

provision in Thailand (Jaruwachirathanakul &
Fink, 2005). With respect to national cultures
that embody a long-term orientation, people
tend to value and emphasize thrift, allowing
them to focus on preferred projects with long-
term benefits (Hofstede & Hofstede, 2005). Hof-
stede (1993) also found that individuals who
value thrift tend to be cost-conscious.

Personal interaction often plays a key role in
service delivery, with the level of customer sat-
isfaction tending to hinge on the quality of
interactions between service employees and
customers (Furrer et al., 2000). In service pro-
vision situations, Thai customers expect a
service employee to be more empathic (Pornpi-
takpan, 2000), thus reflecting elements of a
strong people orientation as is characteristic of
a feminine culture such as that of Thailand.
Thus, Thais seem more apt to express a high
level of satisfaction if they have a positive
experience with service employees. Moreover,
people in a service-oriented culture such as
that encountered in Thailand tend to have a
high level of expectation from service providers
(Zhang et al., 2008). For instance, Thai hotel cus-
tomers might expect not only a room for
lodging but also amenities such as access to
other facilities and additional services such as
an in-room large screen TV, a comfortable
bed, a swimming pool, a Wi-Fi connection,
and in-room service. This heightened service
expectation among Thai consumers can be
explained by cost-conscious characteristics
intrinsically associated with a long-term
oriented national culture. Thais instinctively try
to save money for the future (Hofstede & Hof-
stede, 2005). Thus, Thais are likely to compare
the cost of spending with the value gained
from a product or service.

From this viewpoint, Thai consumers tend to
evaluate service performance by considering
not only the service environment but also the
additional functions of the service (Bitner,
1992; McDonald et al., 1995). For instance,
when spectators evaluate whether they are
satisfied with attending a sports event, they

consider not only the quality of the game and
stadium services but also the quality of frontline
stadium employees delivering the service
(Yoshida & James, 2011). Other considerations
might include additional amenities such as
free Wi-Fi, comfortable seats, stadium security,
access to facilities, and toilets. Arguably, Thais
also compare the total cost of attending an
event, inclusive of total money, time and per-
sonal effort spent, with the value gained from
attending the event. This comparison will invari-
ably affect satisfaction levels and subsequently
influence consumers’ revisit intention for a
future game. Accordingly, the feminine and
long-term orientation of Thai’s national culture
can be considered important issues that directly
influence sport service functional quality (front-
line employee, security, facility access and seat
space) and total attendance costs (monetary
and non-monetary).

Research model and hypotheses

According to Brady and Cronin (2001), service
consumers tend to aggregate their evaluations
of overall organizational performance across
multiple primary dimensions and their sub-
dimensions. In other words, consumers form
their service quality perceptions by evaluating
performance at multiple levels, ultimately
forming an overall sense of satisfaction and
behavioral intention. Therefore, the research
model proposed for this study consists of four
service primary dimensions, namely, aesthetic
quality, outcome quality, functional quality
and total attendance cost. Each primary dimen-
sion of service quality contains sub-dimensions
that reflect the noted cultural elements that
characterize Thai society (see Figure 1).

Aesthetic quality
Aesthetic quality reflects consumers’ perception
of what have been termed pleasing features
associated with the service provision environ-
ment (Yoshida & James, 2011). Pine and
Gilmore (1998) suggested that aesthetic

MANAGING SPORT AND LEISURE 209

quality can include consumer-initiated value in
relation to service, the consumer experience
with environmental cues and the exposure to
ancillary service products. Arguably, the aes-
thetic aspect of the service environment is
defined by consumer-pleasing features related
to venue space – such as stadium design,
theme and festive atmosphere. In spectator
sports, Yoshida and James (2011) proposed
that the crowd experience at a game can also
reflect elements of the aesthetic quality. Given
the time that spectators spend at a stadium
during an event, the visual appeal of the venue
is clearly central to the aesthetic experience of
the environment (Brady & Cronin, 2001; Kahle
et al., 2003). Biscaia et al. (2013) noted facility
design as an aesthetic quality dimension in
their investigations of service quality, but their
findings indicated little relationship between
facility design and spectators’ satisfaction. On
the other hand, game atmosphere was found
to influence crowd experience and subsequent
satisfaction, which in turn directly impacted the
behavioral intention to attend future events.
We propose that the aesthetic quality dimension
consists of facility design, game atmosphere and
crowd experience. Thus, the following hypoth-
eses are formulated:

H1a There is a positive direct relationship
between aesthetic quality and behavioral
intention to attend future games.

H1b There is a positive relationship between
aesthetic quality and spectator satisfaction.

Functional quality
Functional quality focuses on the peripheral
elements of service quality (Grönroos, 1984):
the customers’ evaluative perceptions of the
sport facility or stadium environment, the avail-
able supporting services and interactions
between the spectators and venue staff (McDo-
nald et al., 1995). Both positive and negative
assessments of the venue environment and
staff will potentially impact consumers’ percep-
tions of the services offered (Bitner, 1992).
Furthermore, football games attract large
numbers of people to stadiums and any disrup-
tion or violence tends to be reported. Clearly,
the sense of security perceived by people at
the stadium may also be an important service
attribute when evaluating the stadium environ-
ment (Biscaia et al., 2013). Distinguishing
between functional and aesthetic quality is
important, given that the two dimensions share
similar references to the service environment.
Hence, in this study, the functional aspects of a
service, such as venue space/size, arena layout,
informational signs and security, reflect func-
tional quality. This approach aligns with that of
Yoshida and James (2011) who investigated the
characteristics of frontline employees, venue
entry and seating to measure spectators’ percep-
tions of functional quality. These attributes along
with the security attribute were also used by
Biscaia et al. (2013) to reflect functional service
quality, allowing them to predict spectators’ sat-
isfaction and behavioral intention. We propose

Figure 1. Proposed conceptual model for sport spectator service quality.

210 C. PHONTHANUKITITHAWORN AND C. SELLITTO

that the dimension of functional quality consists
of frontline employees, facility access, seat space
and security. Thus, the following hypotheses are
formulated:

H2a There is a positive direct relationship
between functional quality and behavioral
intention to attend future games.

H2b There is a positive relationship between
functional quality and spectator satisfaction.

Outcome quality
Outcome quality directly reflects the endpoints
of service production and delivery (Biscaia et al.,
2013). Grönroos (1984) suggests that outcome
quality is aligned with consumer rewards –
that is, what the customer experiences after
the production-consumption process is over.
Outcome quality can also account for consumer
perceptions of core products (Kelley & Turley,
2001). From a sporting perspective, the core
product is associated with game-related attri-
butes, such as team or player performance,
the quality of the game, and a team’s character-
istics and valence – that is, the outcome of the
holistic experience (Theodorakis et al., 2013; |
Yoshida & James, 2010, 2011). Brady, Voorhees,
Cronin, and Bourdeau (2006) found that the
outcome of a sporting event strongly influenced
spectator satisfaction and experience. Likewise,
Biscaia et al. (2013) found a positive relationship
between team performance and spectator satis-
faction. We propose that game quality and team
performance are important features in the
outcome dimension of service quality. Thus,
the following hypotheses are formulated:

H3a There is a positive direct relationship
between outcome quality and behavioral
intention to attend future games.

H3b There is a positive relationship between
outcome quality and spectator satisfaction.

Total attendance cost
The associated costs are directly related to spec-
tator sacrifices in attending a sporting event
(Zeithaml, 1988); these sacrifices can be either

monetary or non-monetary. Monetary costs
include tangible items such as admission
tickets, parking, transportation and food and
merchandise, while non-monetary costs
embody intangible items such as the time and
effort required to attend the event (Borland &
Macdonald, 2003; Dobson & Goddard, 1995; Fer-
reira & Bravo, 2007). Notably, the total cost of
attending a sporting event may negatively
influence attendance (Dobson & Goddard,
1995). Ferreira and Bravo (2007) found that per-
ceived spectator costs could be a major barrier
to game attendance. Arguably, spectators may
choose not to attend a game or activity if the
total costs involved are perceived as too high.
A study by Biscaia et al. (2013) suggests that
spectators’ perception of ticket prices influences
behavioral intention to attend a professional
football game. Seemingly, the total attendance
cost of a sporting event has both monetary
and non-monetary elements that affect specta-
tor satisfaction. For instance, ticket costs, trans-
portation expenses and venue product
purchases are commonly reported in assess-
ments of service quality (Phonthanukitithaworn
& Sellitto, 2016b), but the non-monetary aspects
(time and preparation effort) of event attend-
ance are often overlooked. We propose a con-
struct of total attendance cost that covers
both monetary and non-monetary costs. Thus,
the following hypotheses are formulated:

H4a There is a negative direct relationship
between total attendance cost and behavioral
intention to attend future games.

H4b There is a negative relationship between
total attendance cost and spectator
satisfaction.

Satisfaction and behavioral intention
According to Oliver (2014), consumer satisfac-
tion can be defined as an intrinsic response
directed towards products, services and/or
rewards. In the context of sport, spectator satis-
faction reflects “a pleasurable, fulfillment
response to the entertainment of the sport

MANAGING SPORT AND LEISURE 211

competition and/or ancillary services provided
during the game” (Yoshida & James, 2010,
p. 340). Koo (2009) suggests that spectators’ sat-
isfaction associated with game attendance can
be considered an indicator of potential fan
loyalty and a means of increasing revenue.
Tsuji et al. (2007) found that event-related
factors, such as outcome quality and core
service quality, significantly impacted satisfac-
tion, and Greenwell et al. (2002) found that per-
ipheral aspects of service, such as functional
quality, affect spectator satisfaction. Similarly,
Biscaia et al. (2013) noted that game atmos-
phere and crowd experience represent aes-
thetic aspects of quality service that influence
satisfaction.

The understanding of consumers’ views of
venue service quality is of integral interest to
arena and event managers. Positive experiences
can lead to favorable behavioral intentions
toward service providers, resulting in positive
word-of-mouth reviews, unsolicited referrals,
enhanced loyalty and willingness to pay
premium prices for certain offerings (Biscaia
et al., 2013). Should service quality fail to meet
consumers’ expectations, the resultant dissatis-
faction may influence behavioral intentions,
resulting in negative service reviews, complaints
and decreased sales and revenue (Zeithaml,
Berry, & Parasuraman, 1996). The conceptualiz-
ation and application of behavioral intention
have previously been adapted to the sporting
context (Cronin, Brady, & Hult, 2000; Yoshida &
James, 2010) using factors associated with
repurchase intention, word-of-mouth com-
munication and consumer loyalty. Hence,
drawing from previous studies, we propose
that the dimension of behavioral intention
reflects spectators’ intentions to attend future
games, recommend games to others and be
loyal to their team. Thus, the following hypoth-
esis is formulated:

H5 There is a positive relationship between
spectator satisfaction and behavioral intention
to attend future games.

Methodology

Data instruments and collection

To test the hypotheses, the study adopted a
convenience sample survey methodology. The
measurement items for each construct in the
questionnaire were adopted from the existing
literature on sport service quality research (see
the Appendix), and the survey was designed
to be short, concise and easy to administer (Sell-
itto, 2006). The questions for each item used a
seven-point Likert scale, asking respondents to
indicate their agreement with statements from
1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree).
Given that Thai consumers were the focus of
this study, the questionnaire was translated
into Thai and pretested with native-speaking
spectators who were invited to join a discussion
group to provide feedback on questionnaire
ambiguity, wording, sequence, form, layout
and instructions (Phonthanukitithaworn, Sell-
itto, & Fong, 2015). The results of the pretesting
were used to revise the questionnaire to
improve clarity.

Data were collected at three comparable TPL
football stadiums using the intercept survey
approach, which has been proposed as an
appropriate method for achieving high partici-
pation rates (Phonthanukitithaworn & Sellitto,
2016a). The survey was conducted from early
September through mid-October 2016 at the
three venues. This time frame allowed for vari-
ation in service quality performance to be
equalized and allowed the researchers to over-
come any potential bias inherent in collecting
data at only one venue during a particular
game. The stadium manager of each football
venue granted permission to collect data. The
same method was used to collect data at each
venue. A supervisor and trained research assist-
ants were positioned at all the stadium gates to
distribute surveys to spectators (individual spec-
tators were randomly approached as they
entered the event through the gates), and at
the conclusion of the game, members of the

212 C. PHONTHANUKITITHAWORN AND C. SELLITTO

research team were stationed at the stadium’s
exits to collect the surveys. At the end of the
survey, a total of 884 completed question-
naires had been returned. Of these, 35 were
excluded from the study because they were
incomplete. Thus, 849 valid responses
remained for the analysis. Table 2 summarizes
the descriptive characteristics of the respon-
dents from the three stadiums. In brief, the
majority of respondents were young males
(between the age of 18 and 29 years) that
were noted as either students or company
employees – each group having an average
monthly income of below THB 30,000 per
month. The respondent profile of this study
is consistent with the Thailand’s football fan
culture that most commonly associated with
young men (McCready, 2018).

Data analysis and results

Structural equation modeling (SEM) was
adopted for measurement scale validation and
structural analysis (Byrne, 2000; Hair, Black,
Babin, & Anderson, 2010). The maximum likeli-
hood estimation procedure was employed
using AMOS Version 22. The proposed research

model was analyzed using a three-step
approach. First, a covariance matrix of all
measured variables was constructed and sub-
jected to a series of validity and reliability
checks. Upon establishing the model fit, we esti-
mated the significance and size of each struc-
tural parameter for the specified model.
Finally, post hoc mediation analysis using a
bootstrap procedure was performed to test
indirect effects in the path analysis model. The
detailed results of the analysis are discussed
below.

Reliability and validity of measurement
items

Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) of all items
allowed an evaluation of the validity of the
items and underlying constructs. According to
the recommended acceptance level specified
by Hair et al. (2010), the resultant fit statistics
indicated that the measurement model was a
good fit for the data, with the chi-squared/df
ratio below the suggested threshold of 3.0 (χ2

= 1772.53, df = 993, χ2/df = 1.89, p = 0.000). Fur-
thermore, the goodness of fit index (GFI) =
0.918, the normed fit index (NFI) = 0.963 and

Table 2. Descriptive statistics of respondents.

Measure Item
Frequency (Percentage)

(N = 849)
Gender Male 623(73.4)

Female 226(26.6)
Age 18–29 498(58.7)

30–44 275(32.4)
45–59 72(8.5)
60 or above 4(0.5)

Average monthly income Baht 10,000 or less 241(28.4)
Baht 10,001–20,000 301(35.5)
Baht 20,001–30,000 179(21.1)
Baht 30,001–40,000 51(6)
Baht 40,001–50,000 49(5.8)
More than Baht 50,000 28(3.3)

Education Non-university education 290(43.1)
Bachelor’s degree 524(61.7)
Master’s degree or above 35(4.1)

Occupation Government/state enterprise employee 125(14.8)
Private company employee 213(25.1)
Business owner/self-employed 183(21.5)
Student 306(36)
Other 22(2.6)

MANAGING SPORT AND LEISURE 213

the comparative fit index (CFI) = 0.982 were all
greater than 0.9 and within the minimum
limit. The root mean square error of approxi-
mation (RMSEA) = 0.032 was lower than the
suggested limit of 0.05.

Convergent validity used factor loading for
each variable. Hair et al. (2010) recommended
that a loading of greater than 0.7 is preferred.
The loading of each indicator on its underlying

construct ranged from 0.825–0.955, confirming
convergent validity. The average variance
extracted (AVE) values ranged from 0.730–
0.862, being greater than the minimum accepta-
ble limit of 0.5. Composite reliability (CR) results
strengthen a test of measurement validity, with
all constructs in the study being greater than
the minimum requirement of 0.6, as suggested
by Hair et al. (2010). Table 3 summarizes the

Table 3. Confirmatory factor analysis of the measurement items.
Construct Variable Standardized Loading Cronbach α CR AVE

Facility design (FD) FD7 0.930 0.939 0.940 0.839
FD6 0.932
FD5 0.885

Game atmosphere (GA) GA10 0.859 0.889 0.890 0.730
GA9 0.870
GA8 0.834

Crowd experience (CE) CE15 0.900 0.943 0.943 0.846
CE14 0.953
CE13 0.906

Frontline employee (FE) FE28 0.926 0.966 0.964 0.841
FE27 0.941
FE26 0.906
FE29 0.912
FE30 0.900

Facility access (FA) FA39 0.927 0.948 0.944 0.809
FA38 0.906
FA37 0.899
FA36 0.865

Security (SE) SE34 0.926 0.948 0.960 0.826
SE33 0.941
SE32 0.906
SE31 0.912
SE35 0.900

Seat space (SS) SS43 0.912 0.963 0.961 0.862
SS42 0.939
SS41 0.939
SS40 0.923

Team performance (TP) TP18 0.884 0.940 0.941 0.842
TP17 0.955
TP16 0.913

Opponent performance (OP) OP24 0.825 0.936 0.933 0.776
OP23 0.887
OP22 0.934
OP21 0.874

Non-monetary cost (NC) NC51 0.937 0.917 0.918 0.848
NC50 0.905

Monetary cost (MC) MC55 0.898 0.924 0.930 0.768
MC54 0.886
MC53 0.834
MC56 0.886

Satisfaction (SA) SA60 0.944 0.941 0.942 0.843
SA59 0.905
SA61 0.905

Behavioral intention (BI) BI65 0.850 0.942 0.942 0.803
BI64 0.880
BI63 0.923
BI62 0.928

214 C. PHONTHANUKITITHAWORN AND C. SELLITTO

results of the CFA for the reliability and validity of
the measurement model.

According to Fornell and Larcker (1981), dis-
criminant validity exists when the correlation
coefficient of the two constructs is smaller
than the square root of the AVE of each of
those constructs. The results in Table 4 indicate
that the square root of the AVE of all the con-
structs exceeded the correlations between the
two. Therefore, the distinctiveness of the ana-
lyzed constructs was confirmed.

Structural model and hypothesis testing

Direct effects
The results of the analysis of the structural model
identify satisfactory fits between the model and
the empirical data (χ2/df = 2.08, GFI = 0.905, NFI
= 0.956, CFI = 0.977, RMSEA = 0.036). Each
hypothesis was tested by examining the path
significance. Figure 2 illustrates the path
diagram with the standardized structural par-
ameter estimates included on the paths.

Regarding the structural relations for sport
spectator satisfaction when watching a game
at a stadium, the effect of outcome quality
(H3a) and total attendance cost (H4a) are sup-
ported (β = 0.298, p < 0.001 and β = 0.249, p < 0.001, respectively). However, aesthetic quality (H1a) and functional quality (H2a) were found to have no effect on spectator satisfaction. These constructs explained 50 percent of the total variance in spectator satisfaction – the

greatest effect being associated with outcome
quality.

Regarding the effect on behavioral intention
to attend future games, only aesthetic quality
(H1b), outcome quality (H3b) and satisfaction
(H5) confirm this prediction (β = 0.243, p < 0.001, β = 0.383, p < 0.001, and β = 0.698, p < 0.001, respectively). Notably, the functional quality (H2b) and total attendance cost (H4b) hypotheses are unsupported. The model explains 67 percent of the total variance in behavioral intention, with satisfaction contribut- ing the greatest effect.

Mediating effects
A formal test of indirect effects using a bootstrap
procedure was conducted to examine the
mediation effects in the path analysis model. As
shown in Table 5, total attendance cost was
found to have no direct effect on behavioral
intention. However, the total attendance cost
construct relationship with behavioral intention
is fully mediated via satisfaction. The results
also suggest that there is a significant direct
and indirect relationship between outcome
quality and behavioral intention. Indeed, there
is evidence for partial mediation of the relation-
ship through satisfaction. Moreover, no indirect
effect was found between aesthetic quality and
behavioral intention. This finding confirms a
direct effect of aesthetic quality on behavioral
intention. For the indirect path, the effect of
outcome quality on behavioral intention is the

Table 4. Square root of AVE (in bold) and factor correlation coefficients.
FD GA CE FE FA SE SS TP OC NC MC SA BI

FD 0.916
GA 0.684 0.854
CE 0.536 0.747 0.920
FE 0.517 0.521 0.530 0.917
FA 0.626 0.660 0.573 0.649 0.900
SE 0.560 0.603 0.557 0.757 0.727 0.909
SS 0.527 0.539 0.488 0.638 0.797 0.661 0.928
TP 0.444 0.604 0.658 0.492 0.520 0.522 0.478 0.918
OC 0.445 0.518 0.579 0.532 0.504 0.588 0.455 0.608 0.881
NC 0.448 0.504 0.440 0.542 0.638 0.557 0.627 0.438 0.393 0.921
MC 0.446 0.501 0.465 0.576 0.628 0.589 0.639 0.417 0.438 0.745 0.876
SA 0.453 0.558 0.547 0.466 0.539 0.547 0.542 0.529 0.501 0.480 0.531 0.918
BI 0.329 0.448 0.476 0.402 0.464 0.487 0.471 0.516 0.466 0.439 0.446 0.798 0.896

MANAGING SPORT AND LEISURE 215

strongest, followed by total attendance cost, aes-
thetic quality and functional quality (β = 0.267, β
= 0.174, β = 0.091, and β = 0.013, respectively).
Among the variables affecting behavioral inten-
tion, satisfaction has the highest influence, with
β = 0.698, followed by outcome quality, aesthetic
quality, total attendance cost and functional
quality, with β = 0.565, 0.334, 0.208, and 0.065,
respectively.

Discussion and implications

This study proposed a sport service quality
model that includes the dimensions of aesthetic
quality, outcome quality, functional quality and
total attendance cost. These dimensions
influence spectator game-day satisfaction and
the subsequent behavioral intention to attend
future events. The testing of the model

Figure 2. Results of structural path analysis for the research model and hypotheses testing.

Table 5. Direct, indirect and total effects of the relationships.

Independent
variable

Satisfaction (R2 = 0.501) Behavioral Intention (R2 = 0.671)

Mediation analysis
results

Direct
effect

Indirect
effect Total effect

Direct
effect

Indirect
effect

Total
effect

Aesthetic quality 0.131ns – 0.131ns 0.243*** 0.091ns 0.334*** Direct effect on BI
Functional quality 0.019ns – 0.019ns 0.052ns 0.013ns 0.065ns No effect
Outcome quality 0.383*** – 0.383*** 0.298*** 0.267*** 0.565*** Partial mediation
Total attendance
cost

−0.249*** – −0.249*** −0.034ns −0.174** −0.208** Full mediation

Satisfaction – – – 0.698*** – 0.698*** Direct effect on BI

Note: Standardized coefficients are reported. **p < 0.05, ***p < 0.001, ns = not significant.

216 C. PHONTHANUKITITHAWORN AND C. SELLITTO

identified the strong direct and indirect effect of
outcome quality on spectators’ satisfaction and
behavioral intention. The dimension of
outcome quality relates to a consumer’s percep-
tions of the core product on offer – that is,
game-day quality and team performance
(Yoshida & James, 2011). This finding is consist-
ent with that of previous studies (Biscaia et al.,

2013;Brady et al., 2006; Howat & Assaker,
2016; Tsuji et al., 2007) that identified
outcome quality as a significant influence on
spectator satisfaction and behavioral intention.
Indeed, this finding reinforces the importance
of understanding that on-field performance in
team sports is a key factor in post-event evalu-
ation. In other words, a positive perception of
the quality of a football game and the individual
player performance will enhance spectator sat-
isfaction level, which in turn will direct behav-
ioral intention to re-attend.

The findings also indicate a strong effect of
total attendance cost on spectator satisfaction,
which in turn has an effect on behavioral inten-
tion to attend future games. The linkage
between perceived spectator cost, particularly
direct monetary outlays, and satisfaction has
been documented for spectator sport (Biscaia
et al., 2013; Borland & Macdonald, 2003;
Dobson & Goddard, 1995; Ferreira & Bravo,
2007). However, this study is one of the first to
propose the dimension of total attendance
cost – a dimension that includes not only tangi-
ble monetary outlays (e.g. ticket, parking, trans-
portation, and food and merchandise) but also
non-monetary factors such as time spent travel-
ing to a venue, finding parking, waiting in line to
purchase food during a game and pre-game
preparation efforts before leaving home. The
total attendance cost dimension was found to
negatively influence re-visit behavioral inten-
tion through satisfaction. The significance of
perceived cost as a determinant of behavioral
intention resonates with the long-term orien-
tation of Thai culture. People associated with
this type of national culture value saving
money for the future and being cost-conscious

(Hofstede, 1993; Hofstede & Hofstede, 2005).
This finding indicates that spectators may
choose to attend a game if the total attendance
cost is perceived as low. Importantly, non-mon-
etary factors will invariably be beyond the
control of promoters and stadium managers –
particularly in relation to efforts associated
with pre-game preparation at home.

Aesthetic quality had a direct effect on
behavioral intention to attend a sporting
event. Aesthetic quality is related to consu-
mer-pleasing features associated with the
stadium, such as consumers’ perceived
impressions of the venue, the arena size, the
stadium design and theme, a festive atmos-
phere and the excitement of being part of the
crowd (Yoshida & James, 2011). According to
Agnew and Carron (1994), the enthusiasm of
the crowd is an important component of the
stadium environment and thus can provide a
stimulus for spectators to be part of the football
crowd milieu. This finding is consistent with
Biscaia et al. (2013), who found that quality attri-
butes included a game-day atmosphere and
crowd experience that directly influenced spec-
tator satisfaction and behavioral intention to
attend future sports events.

This study identified a significant relationship
between spectator satisfaction and behavioral
intention. This finding is in accordance with
past studies that indicated a strong effect of
spectator satisfaction and behavioral intention
to attend games (Biscaia et al., 2013). The
partial mediation of satisfaction between
outcome quality and behavioral intention
suggests that a positive perception of game
quality and player performance will favor spec-
tator behavioral intention to a certain degree –
all directed via a person’s satisfaction with
watching a game. Satisfaction had a full
mediation effect between the total attendance
cost and behavioral intention. This finding
suggests that when spectators are satisfied
with the game, they will potentially attend
future games even though they might perceive
a relatively high attendance cost.

MANAGING SPORT AND LEISURE 217

The significance of aesthetic quality and
outcome quality as the determinants of behav-
ioral intention not only accords with previous
studies (Biscaia et al., 2013; Kahle et al., 2003;
Yoshida & James, 2011) but also can arguably
be attributed to the collectivist orientation of
Thai society. As previously stated, Thailand is con-
sidered a collectivist culture in which people tend
to emphasize intangible cues furnished by the
environment as well as the pleasure-generating
consequences of a consumption situation
(Zhang et al., 2008). Due to these cultural charac-
teristics, good impressions of the surroundings of
service settings and positive perceptions of game
quality and player performance will likely encou-
rage a spectator behavioral intention to attend
future sporting events.

Finally, this study found that functional
quality had an insignificant effect on satisfaction
and behavioral intention. Functional quality
refers to customers’ evaluative perceptions of
the sport facility, the availability of supporting
services and interactions with venue staff
(McDonald et al., 1995). This finding is in line
with Biscaia et al. (2013), who reported that
frontline employee engagement, access to
facilities and seat size/space had no impact on
fans’ satisfaction and behavioral intention.
However, the insignificant effect of functional
quality on satisfaction and behavioral intention
seems to contradict the feminine characteristic
of Thai society. As noted, in a feminine culture,
people tend to be service-oriented and accord-
ingly expect empathic and high levels of service
provision from employees. Arguably, this
finding may be associated with the context in
which the respondents were surveyed. Since
the survey was conducted with football fans at
the end of the games, these fans would most
likely have been highly emotional toward the
outcome of game (be it win or loss) – hence,
they may have considered this functional
quality to be less important in their responses.
However, this finding does not necessarily
mean that sport stadium managers should
ignore these service quality attributes. Several

studies in spectator sports contend that func-
tional quality has an important role in increasing
spectator satisfaction and the subsequent
behavioral intention to re-attend events. For
instance, Yoshida and James (2010) found that
access to facilities influenced a spectator’s satis-
faction. Likewise, Theodorakis et al. (2013)
found venue security to be an important
factor in games played between teams that
had a strong following/rivalry.

Managerial implications

From a practical perspective, the findings of this
study hold important implications for the sport
industry in terms of strategies that it can adopt
to attract existing and future patrons. The
strong effect of outcome quality on spectator
satisfaction and behavioral intention reported
in this study illustrates a major challenge for
entities involved in managing a sporting
event. Notably, managers of sporting events
cannot control what is considered their core
product – namely, the quality of a game and/
or player performance, both of which are impor-
tant aspects of the sport consumption experi-
ence (Kelley & Turley, 2001; MacIntosh &
Parent, 2017; Yoshida & James, 2011).
However, managers would be well served to
utilize strategies to influence consumer percep-
tions when attending stadium events. Specifi-
cally, they can highlight other features of the
events to influence consumers’ actions. For
instance, they can improve the physical
environment of the stadium and other impor-
tant factors to influence spectators to attend
games even when their core product situation
might be viewed as less appealing. For
example, if the season champion team is
playing a low-level, easy-to-beat team, the
game could generate minimal excitement and
interest. In this scenario, a manager could
utilize the perceived quality of the champion
team in marketing communications (pro-
motional videos showing star players) to
increase attendance levels.

218 C. PHONTHANUKITITHAWORN AND C. SELLITTO

Since the total attendance cost plays a crucial
role in spectators’ re-attending intentions,
sporting event managers should pay particular
attention to this issue. Notably, if spectators per-
ceive the benefits of attending a game as being
greater than the game-day expenses, there is an
increased likelihood of future re-visits. There-
fore, managers should ensure appropriate
price levels for admission tickets, parking fees
and food and drink at the sport venue. Equally
importantly, parking space and lines should be
well organized and managed, especially
during the peak season, prevent negative per-
ceptions. In addition, sports stadium managers
may offer a shuttle-bus service to transport
spectators from other areas to the sport venue
and vice versa, since this extra service helps
spectators minimize their travel time to the
venue and thus lowers their overall effort in
attending a game.

The direct effect of aesthetic quality on re-
visit behavioral intention highlights the impor-
tant role of the stadium’s service environment
in influencing spectators. Therefore, managers
should aim to improve the physical environ-
ment of the stadium and provide spectators
with an appealing atmosphere, for example,
by decorating the stadium with a special team
theme, offering memorabilia with team colors
and logos, organizing special events before
the games and at half-time, and displaying the
lyrics of familiar songs or pictures of star
players on mega-screens (Biscaia et al., 2013).
The implementation of these strategies may
persuade spectators to re-visit, even though
they may be dissatisfied with player perform-
ance or game quality.

Theoretical implications

The proposed model’s specific focus on sport
service management draws its dimensions
from the theoretical literature and is adapted
for use in the sport stadium scenario. The
model’s dimensions include aesthetic quality,
outcome quality, and functional quality and

the ancillary dimension of total attendance
cost. From a theoretical standpoint, the model
holds several implications for scholars in the
field of service quality. Notably, since there is a
lack of research that takes into account the
non-monetary cost or intangible outlays of
attending a sporting event, the proposed
model makes a significant contribution to the
literature on sport service quality by introducing
the dimension of total attendance cost, which
includes both monetary and non-monetary
elements. Furthermore, the fit of the theorized
service quality model and the relationship
between the proposed constructs contribute
to a better understanding of the dimensionality
of service quality in relation to professional
team sports. The model’s dimensions are pro-
jected to influence spectator satisfaction,
which in turn has a positive effect on behavioral
intention to attend future games. Hence, the
proposed model can be adopted as a funda-
mental research framework as it is, or it may
be modified to include new dimensions for
application to different situations.

Limitations and directions for future
study

The research provides enhanced understanding
of service quality associated with sporting
events in Thailand that have significant specta-
tor following. Given this focus on Thailand foot-
ball, the findings of the study are not
generalizable. Therefore, the proposed model
needs to be tested in other sport settings.
Indeed, team-based sports such as football
tend to be characterized by a highly emotional
fan base (Phonthanukitithaworn & Sellitto,
2017), who may thus have a greater influence
on the game-day outcome dimension than in
sport situations that are generally considered
less emotionally arousing, such as athletics,
tennis, and archery. Arguably, the model’s appli-
cation to other sports settings should also focus
on activities in countries or regions that have a
similar or different national culture to Thailand.

MANAGING SPORT AND LEISURE 219

This would allow the model to be applied to
diverse cultural contexts, providing insights
into sport consumers associated with those con-
texts. Furthermore, findings from such studies
potentially may augment (or contradict) some
of the issues associated with Hofstede’s cultural
dimensions as they relate to our study of Thai
sport consumers.

Future research might utilize the proposed
service quality model in non-sporting contexts,
such as the entertainment and performance
industry. Comparative studies between
different settings may identify differences in
and/or new ideas of service quality. Moreover,
this study did not specify any moderating
effects on the proposed service quality model.
Thus, we suggest that future research examine
the effects of moderating variables, such as
gender, age, and income, on the relationship
between the proposed service quality dimen-
sions and total attendance cost variables.
Equally importance, this study found the
insignificant effect of functional quality on spec-
tator satisfaction and behavior intention, in
which it seems to contradict the feminine
characteristics of Thai society. Hence, we
suggest future research to investigate the
relationship of functional quality of satisfaction
and behavioral intention in regards to Thai foot-
ball fans and non-fans in order to see whether
the relationship between these factors vary
across the groups.

Other factors may affect spectator satisfac-
tion and re-visit intention, for instance, auxiliary
entertainment (Kelley & Turley, 2001) and custo-
mers’ utilitarian, hedonic, and symbolic values
(Chandon, Wansink, & Laurent, 2000). Therefore,
future studies might include these factors to
extend our understanding of the service
quality issues associated with professional
team sport.

Conclusion

This study proposed a theoretical model
included four service quality dimensions of

sport venue attributes (stadium aesthetics,
game-day outcomes, venue functions and the
total cost of attendance). The mediating
influence of service quality on spectator satis-
faction and behavioral intention was tested
with a cohort of 849 fans who attended TPL
games at three stadiums in Bangkok. The
empirical findings indicate a direct effect of sat-
isfaction and aesthetic quality on behavioral
intention to re-visit. However, outcome quality
and total attendance cost significantly
influence spectators’ satisfaction and sub-
sequent behavioral intention to attend future
games. The proposed model and suggested
directions for future research provide numerous
opportunities to continue to advance our
understanding of service provision and sport
consumption.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the
authors.

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Appendix. Measurement items

Construct and measurement item Source
Aesthetic quality Biscaia et al. (2013); Brady and Cronin (2001); Wakefield et al.

(1996); Yoshida and James (2011)
Facility design
The stadium’s architecture gives it an attractive character
The stadium is decorated based on an appealing theme
The stadium is attractive
Game atmosphere
The team’s special events are some of the best I have experienced
At the stadium, I can rely on there being a good atmosphere
The sound at the stadium favors the game atmosphere
The stadium’s ambience is what I want at the game
I enjoy the excitement surrounding the performance of the players
I like the excitement associated with player performance
Crowd experience
I get excited by being with other fans who are cheering, yelling,
singing and screaming for their team

The crowd energy that I feel at games gets me excited
To hear the crowd cheer is fun
Outcome quality Brady et al. (2006); Koo (2009); Yoshida and James (2010)
Team performance
My team gives 100% every game
My team plays hard all the time
Players on my team always try to do their best
My team’s players perform well-executed plays
Players on my team have superior skills
Opponent characteristics
Opposing teams are high quality
Opposing teams have star players
Opposing teams have a good history
Opposing teams have good win/loss records
Functional quality Biscaia et al. (2013); Brady and Cronin (2001); Wakefield et al.

(1996); Yoshida and James (2011)
Frontline employees
The attitude of the employees at the stadium shows that they
understand my needs

The employees at the stadium respond quickly to my needs
The stadium employees understand that I rely on their professional
knowledge

I can rely on the employees at the stadium being friendly
The attitude of the employees at the stadium demonstrates their
willingness to help attendees

(Continued)

MANAGING SPORT AND LEISURE 223

https://doi.org/10.1108/SBM-11-2010-0020

https://doi.org/10.1108/SBM-11-2010-0020

https://doi.org/10.1123/jsm.10.1.15

https://doi.org/10.1123/jsm.10.1.15

https://doi.org/10.1123/jsm.24.3.338

https://doi.org/10.1123/jsm.24.3.338

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.smr.2009.06.002

https://doi.org/10.2307/1251446

https://doi.org/10.2307/1251929

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2007.06.003

Appendix. Continued.

Construct and measurement item Source
I can rely on the stadium employees taking action to address my
needs

Facility access
Signs at the stadium help me know where I am going
Sign at the stadium give clear directions to where things are located
The stadium layout makes it easy to get to the restrooms
The stadium layout makes it easy to get to my seat
Seat space
There is plenty of knee room in the seating area
There is plenty of elbow room in the seating area
The arrangement of the seats provides plenty of space
The stadium provides comfortable seats
Total attendance cost Biscaia et al. (2013); Borland and Macdonald (2003); Ferreira and

Bravo (2007); Zeithaml et al. (1996)
Monetary total attendance cost
Entrance fee is expensive
Parking fee is expensive
Food and drink at the sport venue are expensive
Traveling expense from my place to the sport venue is expensive
Overall, attending the game will cost me a lot of money
Non-monetary total attending cost
I have to spend a lot of time finding car parking at the sport venue
I have to spend a lot of time waiting in line to purchase food/drink at
the sport venue

I have to spend a lot of time traveling to and from the sport venue
I have to put in a lot of preparation effort at home before attending
the game

Overall, attending the game takes noticeable time and effort
Overall, attending the game takes a noticeable preparation effort
Satisfaction Biscaia et al. (2013); Brady et al. (2006)
I am happy with my decision to attend this game
I did the right thing by attending this game
Overall, I think this game was a satisfying experience
Overall, I am satisfied with my decision to attend the game
Behavioral intention Biscaia et al. (2013); Koo (2009); Zeithaml et al. (1996)
Likelihood to say positive things about the game
Likelihood to encourage friends to attend
Likelihood to attend games in the future
Likelihood to attend more games in which my team plays

224 C. PHONTHANUKITITHAWORN AND C. SELLITTO

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• Abstract

Introduction
Literature review
A primer on service quality in sport
Sport service quality dimensions and issues associated with Thai national culture
Research model and hypotheses
Aesthetic quality
Functional quality
Outcome quality
Total attendance cost
Satisfaction and behavioral intention

Methodology
Data instruments and collection
Data analysis and results
Reliability and validity of measurement items
Structural model and hypothesis testing
Direct effects
Mediating effects

Discussion and implications
Managerial implications
Theoretical implications
Limitations and directions for future study
Conclusion
Disclosure statement
References

CurrentPolitics and Economics of Europe ISSN: 1057-2309

Volume 29, Number 2 © Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

PRO-VIOLENCE ATTITUDES AND

VIOLENT BEHAVIOR AMONG COLLEGE

STUDENTS IN LITHUANIA

Viviana Andreescu†
Department of Criminal Justice, University of Louisville,

Louisville, KY, US

ABSTRACT

Recent statistical information about crime and criminal justice issues

in the European Union indicates that over the past decade, violent crime

rates registered a descending trend in Lithuania. Nevertheless, homicide

rates continue to be higher in this country than in any other state

belonging to the European Union (Eurostat, 2018). The main objective of

this study is to identify the role played by childhood and adolescence

experiences in the formation of pro-violence attitudes and on self-

assessed violent behavior in early adulthood. The analysis is informed by

the social learning theoretical perspective and is based on survey data

collected from a sample of college students (N = 448) enrolled in an

institution of higher education in Lithuania’s capital city. Findings show

that parental physical abuse and exposure to inter-parental violence

during childhood/adolescence do not have a long-term effect on

Lithuanians’ behavioral outcomes in early adulthood. However, parental

endorsement of violent retaliation predicts a higher level of violence later

in life, especially among girls. Additionally, in both gender groups,

 This is a reformatted version of a chapter previously published in: Kazlauskas, Bronius.

Lithuania. Political, Economic and Social Issues. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2018.
† Corresponding Author E-mail: viviana.andreescu@louisville.edu

Viviana Andreescu 208

association with delinquent friends in post-adolescence years increases

one’s propensity to violence in early

adulthood.

Keywords: violent behavior, pro-violence definitions, social learning,

Lithuania

INTRODUCTION

In January 2017, Matas, a four-year old boy from a rural area of Lithuania

died due to severe injuries caused by his stepfather, who viciously hit him

more than seventy times. Less than two months later, in March 2017, Ieva

Strazdauskaitė, a young woman in her mid-20s, has been abducted and

brutally killed by a group of Lithuanian Roma assailants, who wanted to steal

the new luxurious car she was driving. Four murders occurred soon thereafter

in the Kaunas district of Lithuania. Egidijus Anupraitis, a college student

majoring in chemistry at a university in United Kingdom, shot and killed his

parents and two other family members (Baltic News Network, 2017). These

are not isolated incidents. In a country with about three million people, in

2017, the Lithuanian police recorded 129 murder cases, including 2

infanticides (IRD, n. d.) and 325 homicides have been recorded in 2015 and

2016 (Statistics Lithuania, 2017). During the first trimester of 2018, the

Lithuanian police registered 30 murders, 395 criminal offenses that involved

murder threats or threats to cause severe health impairment, and 120 sexual

offenses, of which 77 were committed against minors (IRD, n. d.).

Nonetheless, recent statistical information about violent crimes in EU

countries shows that since the early 2000s, Lithuania has registered almost

consistently a drop in violent crime rates. For instance, if in 2005 there were

11.1 homicides per 100,000 people, in 2015, the murder rate in the country

dropped to six cases per 100,000 people. Similarly, since Lithuania’s

accession to the European Union in 2004, the assault rate has decreased from

13.4 per 100,000 to 7.4, the rape rate dropped from 7.7 to 5.4, and the robbery

rate fell from 157.6 to 55.2 per 100,000 population in 2015 (Knoema, n. d.).

The most recent crime and safety report of the Overseas Security Advisory

Council (OSAC) also indicates that the number of offenses reported to the

police decreased by 20.4% in 2016 compared to 2015. Compared to 2015, the

Pro-Violence Attitudes and Violent Behavior among College … 209

number of violent crimes and the number of domestic violence cases

decreased by 12% and 20.4%, respectively. However, crime data analysis

showed an increase in the number of crimes that involved the use of weapons

and unauthorized possession of firearms (OSAC, 2017).

In general, Lithuania followed the descending trend in conventional crime

rates registered in the majority of EU states over the past decade. Even though,

in 2015, Lithuania had the highest intentional homicide rate in EU (5.89 per

100,000), ahead of Latvia (3.37), Estonia (3.19), Bulgaria (1.79) and Cyprus

(1.77), which were part of the group of countries with the highest murder rates

in EU, as well (Eurostat, 2018). Additionally, while from 2010 to 2016, the

murder rate for adults decreased from 22 per 100,000 adult population to 13

per 100,000, the murder rate for children remained constant at 5.0 per 100,000

population of the corresponding age (Statistics Lithuania, 2017).

Consequently, in February 2017, the Lithuanian Parliament (Seimas) passed a

law explicitly criminalizing all forms of violence against children

(Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018). Yet, it remains to be seen if these recent

legislative changes (i.e., The Matas Reform), will have the anticipated effect

and will significantly decrease the physical and sexual victimization of minors

in the country. For instance, as noted in a recent country report, during the

period that immediately followed the enactment in 2011 of a law that

criminalized domestic violence and allowed for pre-trial investigations without

a statement from the victim, the number of domestic violence cases recorded

by law enforcement agencies increased sharply in Lithuania (Bertelsmann

Stiftung, 2018). However, taking into account public perceptions regarding the

extent of domestic violence in the country1 right before the law was

formulated, the apparent rise in domestic violence cases noted thereafter could

have been in fact a reflection of people’s willingness to report criminal acts

and abuses more often than they did in the past and not because the incidence

of domestic violence cases, including intimate partner violence, actually

increased after 2011.

1 A survey conducted prior to the enactment of the law that criminalized domestic violence in

Lithuania showed that in 2010, 80% of the Lithuanians, thought domestic violence was

common in the country and 45% of those interviewed acknowledged knowing somebody in

their circle of friends and family who subjected a woman to violence. That was the highest

percentage among respondents from all EU countries participating to the Special

Eurobarometer survey on violence against women (European Commission, 2010).

Viviana Andreescu 210

There is no doubt however, that lethal and non-lethal violence, particularly

domestic violence against women and children, remains a serious problem in

the country and should be addressed (Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018). As many

scholars have noted, violence can have long-term detrimental physical,

psychological, and socioeconomic effects on victims, victims’ and offenders’

families, communities, and societies (see Jackman, 2002; Jackson & Gouseti,

2016, for reviews). That is why, in order to prevent and reduce the incidence

of violent victimization it is important to know the circumstances and the risk

factors associated with aggression and violent behavior in specific cultural

contexts. Although several studies that summarized survey results, as well as

reports based on crime statistics in Lithuania, or research on gender-based

violence (e.g., Reingardiene, 2003) highlighted the fact that violence is an

important societal issue that Lithuania needs to overcome, the number of

recent empirical studies that focused exclusively on violent behavior in

Lithuania is quite limited. The present study intends to reduce this gap in the

literature.

Different from prior research (e.g., Andresen, 2011; Ceccato, 2007;

Ceccato, 2008; Juska, Johnstone & Pozzuto, 2004; Kalediene, Starkuviene, &

Petrauskiene, 2004) that examined the macro-level correlates of violent crimes

in Lithuania, including the impact of major social changes that affected the

country since 1990 (i.e., Lithuania’s independence from the former Soviet

Union and the country’s accession to the EU), the present study will focus on

micro-level indicators of violent behavior. The intention is to identify the role

played by the family of origin in the formation of pro-violence attitudes and on

violent behavior in post-adolescence years. Additionally, the paper will

explore the lasting effect of the family environment and

childhood/adolescence experiences with victimization on one’s behavior in

early adulthood, when controlling for violence-contributing factors, such as

substance abuse and association with delinquent/criminal peers. In sum, the

paper intends to determine how various socialization experiences are

integrated and relate to behavior over time.

The study will address several research questions. First, what effects have

parental physical abuse and one’s exposure to inter-parental violence during

childhood and adolescence on the formation of pro-violence attitudes and

violent behavior in early adulthood? Does parental support for retaliatory

violence influence one’s pro-violence attitudes and violent behavior in early

Pro-Violence Attitudes and Violent Behavior among College … 211

adulthood? Is prior violent victimization by non-family members predicting

violent behavior in early adulthood? Is there a continuity in violent behavior

from childhood and early adolescence to early adulthood? Do association with

delinquent/criminal friends and alcohol abuse affect one’s violent behavior in

early adulthood? And last, are there any gender-based differences when the

effects of the selected predictors on violent behavior are examined?

BACKGROUND

This study is primarily informed by the social learning theoretical

perspective. Bandura (1969, 1973) argued that aggression/violent behavior

originates in the family, being modeled and reinforced by family members

(e.g., parents who favor aggressive solutions to problems have children who

tend to use similar aggressive tactics in dealing with others). According to

Bandura (1978, p. 14), “all learning resulting from direct experience can also

occur on a vicarious basis by observing the behavior of others and its

consequences.” Additionally, Bandura (1978) noted that the subculture in

which people reside, and with which they have repeated contact, provides a

second important source of aggression. Social learning theory also implies

higher levels of specialization (e.g., childhood physical abuse will predict

physical violence) (Felson & Lane, 2009).

In recent years, a multitude of studies explored the effects of childhood

victimization on violence during adulthood. Consistent with the social learning

theory predictions, reviews of the literature generally show that direct

victimization (child maltreatment), as well as indirect victimization

experienced in the family of origin are generally related to violence

perpetration and/or violent victimization recorded later in life (Bell & Naugle,

2008; Holt, Buckley, & Whelan, 2008). Accordingly, several empirical tests of

the intergenerational transmission of violence hypothesis found that persons

exposed during childhood/adolescence to inter-parental violence were more

likely to become perpetrators of intimate partner violence (IPV) (e.g., Barrett,

Habibov, & Chernyak, 2012; Barnett, Miller-Perrin, & Perrin, 1997; Busby,

Holman, & Walker, 2008; Carr, & VanDeusen, 2002; Eriksson & Mazerolle,

2015; Martin et al., 2002; Milletich, Kelley, Doane, & Pearson, 2010; Paat &

Viviana Andreescu 212

Markham, 2016). The authors of a meta-analysis of 39 studies published

between 1978 and 1997 also concluded that growing up in a violent home is

significantly related to spousal/partner violence perpetration. Yet, the average

effect size corresponding to the relationship vicarious victimization – IPV had

small to medium values (Stith et al., 2000). Nevertheless, when controlling for

other factors, several studies could not conclude that vicarious victimization in

the family of origin affected significantly current marital aggression or

violence perpetration against intimate partners (Fergusson, Boden, &

Horwood, 2006; Hotaling, & Sugarman, 1990; Merrill, Hervig, & Milner,

1996). Alternatively, when it did, it had a significant impact only on one

gender group, such as females, for instance (Cappell & Heiner, 1990).

Regarding violence outside the family or within intimate partnerships,

Ireland and Smith’s (2009) research findings show that individuals exposed

during childhood to severe inter-parental violence were more likely to have

violent interactions in the community and in interpersonal relationships as

young adults. Other studies, however, identified gender-based variations in the

effect of childhood vicarious victimization on violent behavior later in life.

Andreescu and Pavlov (2017), for instance, found that exposure to inter-

parental violence had no significant effect on the violent behavior

acknowledged by male Canadian and American college students. On the other

hand, their female counterparts who experienced vicarious victimization were

significantly more likely to engage in violent behavior than female students

who have not been exposed to domestic violence in their family of origin.

Nevertheless, MacEwen and Barling (1988) found no significant relationshi

p

between aggression in the family of origin and subsequent violent behavior in

adulthood.

When examining the lasting effect of childhood experiences in the family

of origin on one’s behavior over the life course, a substantial amount of

research focused on the relationship child abuse/child maltreatment and

violent behavior. Although research findings did not always reach a consensus,

more frequently than not, cross-sectional and longitudinal studies identified a

positive and significant relationship between direct physical victimization

experienced in the family of origin and subsequent violent behavior (Afifi,

Mota, Sareen, & MacMillan, 2017; Andreescu & Pavlov, 2017; Fang & Corso,

2008; Felson & Lane, 2009; Milaniak & Widom, 2015; Oriel & Fleming,

1998; Stith et al., 2000). Conversely, other studies (Paat & Markham, 2016),

Pro-Violence Attitudes and Violent Behavior among College … 213

did not identify a statistically significant associations between childhood

experiences of corporal punishment and violence perpetration against intimate

partners, or found gender-based differences when examining the effect of

parental physical abuse on one’s violent behavior during adulthood (see

Kaukinen, 2014 for a review). Milletich and his colleagues, for instance, found

that child physical abuse was significantly associated with physical aggression

in dating relationships only among female college students in United States,

while psychological abuse experienced in the family of origin triggered the

males’ aggressive behavior (Milletich. et al., 2010). On the other hand, a panel

study that followed a sample (N = 574) of Americans from age 5 to age 21

found that childhood physical abuse was significantly related to violent

behavior at age 21 only among males, having no impact on females’ behavior

in early adulthood (Lansford et al., 2007).

Decades ago, Cohen (1971, p.74) noted that the majority of studies that

“focused on immediate rather than developmental consequences of

punitiveness, restrictiveness, and rejection” (…) generally identified positive

correlations between parental use of harsh socialization practices and [the

children’s] aggressive behavior.” However, as Cohen also acknowledged at

the time, it seems that the long-term effects of early socialization experiences

are not always detectable and continue to remain unclear.

Nonetheless, in addition to exposure to domestic violence, which children

may imitate and reproduce in their interactions with others, Bandura (1969)

noted that the parents’ patterns of punishments and rewards constitute an

important determinant of the children’s aggressive reactions and violent

behavior toward others. Bandura (1969) also observed that parents of

aggressive boys tend to punish consistently aggression directed toward family

members, while they encourage, through intermittent reinforcement,

aggression directed at non-family members. In sum, this type of parental

attitude that endorses retaliatory violence toward others would contribute to

the formation of normative beliefs and attitudes in support of aggression as the

appropriate way to solve violent encounters. Empirical studies indicate that

youth who adopt retaliatory attitudes are more likely to be aggressive toward

others and they tend to embark on more aggressive developmental trajectories

than youth who do not share similar views (Copeland-Linder et al., 2012;

Crick & Dodge, 1994; Huesmann & Guerra, 1997.

Viviana Andreescu 214

Although several studies examined the association between attitudes that

support violent retaliation and youth violent/aggressive behavior, there is little

research examining the lasting effect of retaliatory attitudes formed during

childhood and adolescence on behavioral outcomes registered later in life.

Nevertheless, a recent analysis of college students’ violent behavior found that

both males and females taught by parents to respond with violence if insulted

or hit were more likely to acknowledge violent behavior in early adulthood

(Andreescu & Pavlov, 2017).

In addition to the family, the peer group one belongs to is another

important socializing agent. According to Akers (1977), deviant or conforming

behavior is learned during a process of social interaction with various groups

through behavior modeling and differential reinforcement of behavior. During

this process of social interaction with family and friends, individuals also learn

normative behavior, form attitudes, and they may internalize pro-crime

definitions. A meta-analysis based on 166 studies that tested empirically the

social learning theory shows that in 80% of the studies included in the analysis

association with delinquent peers had a significant and positive effect on one’s

illegal behavior (Pratt et al., 2010). While a large number of studies examined

the effect of one’s differential association with delinquent peers on problem

behavior during childhood and/or adolescence, longitudinal research showed

that “deviancy training” through adolescent friendships may have long-term

negative effects. Specifically, it predicts not only increases in delinquency and

substance use, but also violence, and adult maladjustment (Dishion, McCord,

& Poulin, 1999, p. 755).

Several research studies (Cairns et al., 1988; Espelage, Holt, & Henkel,

2003; Powers & Bierman, 2013) found that aggressive children and

adolescents tend to form friendships with peers who display similar aggressive

and disruptive behaviors. Summarizing prior research findings, Dishion and

Tipsord (2011) noted that over time, one’s level of aggressive behavior

(instrumental or relational) is increasing with an increase in the adolescent’s

friendships with aggressive peers. Research findings (see Arriaga and Foshee

2004; Brendgen, Vitaro, Tremblay, & Wanner, 2002) also showed that

adolescents who tend to associate with physically-aggressive friends are more

likely to have normative beliefs that support violence and they are more likely

to engage in dating violence perpetration (Ellis, Hall, & Dumas, 2013).

Capaldi, Dishion, Stoolmiller, and Yoerger (2001) stated that males with

Pro-Violence Attitudes and Violent Behavior among College … 215

delinquent friends in adolescence were more physically aggressive toward

their dating partners in early adulthood. Ellis and her colleagues, however,

found that while female adolescents who belonged to a relationally aggressive

peer group engaged more often in dating violence perpetration than girls

belonging to non-aggressive peer groups, the association between peer group

relational aggression and dating violence perpetration was not significant for

boys (Ellis et al., 2013). Regarding violent behavior in early adulthood, which

is not specifically directed at a spouse or a dating partner, longitudinal

research indicated that association with violent youth in adolescence (i.e., gang

involvement by age 13-14) was a significant predictor of violent behavior by

age 18–19 (Dishion, Véronneau, & Myers, 2010). Nonetheless, using a sample

that included both males and females, Liu and Kaplan (2004) reported that

association with delinquent peers in adolescence was significantly and

positively associated with aggressive behavior in early adulthood only among

women.

In conclusion, empirical research provides evidence that through a

diversity of mechanisms, the family of origin, as well as close social

interactions outside the family sphere are important sources of behavioral

outcomes not only during childhood and adolescence, but also in early

adulthood. Based on the social learning theory’s propositions and research on

additional correlates of violent behavior, several research hypotheses are

formulated. It is anticipated that persons exposed directly/indirectly to physical

victimization in the family of origin, as well as those whose parents endorsed

violent retaliation will have normative beliefs in support of aggressive

behavior and will be more prone to violence. Individuals who have been

physically victimized during childhood/adolescents by non-family members

are also expected to acknowledge higher levels of violent behavior in early

adulthood. It is hypothesized that association with delinquent/criminal friends,

as well as childhood/adolescence aggressive and violent behavior will predict

violence perpetration in early adulthood.

Prior research often documented a positive relationship between alcohol

abuse and violence perpetration in the family (Choenni, Hammink & van de

Mheen, 2017; Foran & O’Leary, 2008) and outside the family sphere (Felson

and Lane, 2009; Liu & Kaplan, 2004). Accordingly, this study also anticipates

that heavy-alcohol users will be more prone to violence than individuals who

are less likely to engage in binge drinking and frequent alcohol consumption.

Viviana Andreescu 216

Furthermore, males are expected to acknowledge a higher propensity toward

violence than women do.

METHODS

Data Source

The source of the data is an international study on youth violence

conducted in 32 countries between 2001 and 2006. The data have been made

available by the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research

(ICPSR) at the University of Michigan (Straus, 2011). The present research is

based on a sample of male and female undergraduate students (N = 448), age

18-25, enrolled at Vilnius Pedagogical University in Lithuania’s capital. In

2011, this urban university, which was established in 1935 as the first

pedagogical institution in the country, has been renamed the Lithuanian

University of Educational Sciences (LEU). According to LEU’s website, the

Lithuanian University of Educational Sciences is currently the largest teacher-

training institution in Lithuania.

Measures

Following are briefly presented the dependent and independent variables

to be used in multivariate analyses. To reiterate, the main objective of the

study is to determine how the family environment, as well as childhood and

adolescence experiences contribute to the formation of pro-violence attitudes

and to violent behavior in post-adolescence and early adulthood.

The main dependent variable, violent behavior, is a two-item construct

based on respondents’ agreement/disagreement with the statements: “Since

age 15, I hit or threatened to hit someone who is not a member of my

family“ and “Since age 15, I have physically attacked someone with the idea

of seriously hurting them“. The inter-item correlation is .45 (p < .001). First, a

summative scale has been created and then dichotomized. Respondents who

Pro-Violence Attitudes and Violent Behavior among College … 217

did not acknowledged any involvement in violent acts have been coded zero,

while the others have been coded 1.

Pro-violence definitions serves as a dependent variable in the first set of

analyses and is further considered one of the main predictors of violent

behavior. It is a composite measure constructed via principal component

analysis (PCA) and is based on responses at three questionnaire items (i.e., “A

boy who is hit by another boy should hit back; When a boy is growing up, it’s

important for him to have a few fist fights; A man should not walk away from

a physical fight with another man“). Each of the original variables had scores

that varied from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). The measure

appears to be reliable (Alpha = .612) and has construct validity. PCA results

indicate that only one factor with a value higher than one has been obtained

(Eigenvalue = 1.629; variance explained = 56.31%) and factor loadings vary

from .725 to .788. Higher values indicate stronger pro-violence attitudes.

(Pre)-adolescence aggression combines two indicators (i.e., “Before age

15, I hit or threatened to hit my parents“ and “Before age 15, I physically

attacked someone with the idea of seriously hurting them“). The composite

measure was computed via PCA. The reliability coefficient Alpha for the

measure is .565. When PCA has been used, only one factor with an Eigenvalue

higher than one has been obtained (Eigenvalue = 1.394; variance explained =

69.68%; factor loadings = .835). Higher values indicate a higher level of self-

assessed violent behavior in (pre)-adolescence

years.

Parental physical abuse (during childhood and adolescence) is an

independent variable that combines responses at two questions (“When I was

less than 12 years old, I was spanked or hit a lot by my mother or father“ and

“When I was a teenager, I was hit a lot by my mother or father“). The

reliability coefficient Alpha for the measure is .713. When PCA has been used,

a factor explaining 77.71% of the variance has been obtained (Eigenvalue =

1.554; factor loadings = .882). Each of the two ordinal-level variables took

values from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). Higher values indicate

a higher level of direct physical victimization.

Physical victimization by non-family members during childhood is an

ordinal level independent variable that takes values from 1 (strongly disagree)

to 4 (strongly agree), based on the respondent’s reaction to the statement

“When I was a kid, people (adults or kids) who were not part of my family

pushed, shoved, slapped me, or threw things at me“.

Viviana Andreescu 218

Exposure to inter-parental violence during childhood serves as a measure

of indirect victimization. Respondents have been asked to indicate their

disagreement (1) or agreement (4) with the statement “When I was a kid, I saw

my mother or father kick, punch, or beat up their partner“.

Parental support for retaliatory violence – This independent variable is

also an ordinal-level measure that takes values from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4

(strongly agree), based on the respondent’s reaction to the statement: “My

father or mother told me to hit back if someone hit me or insulted me“.

The following variables have been used as controls in the multivariate

statistical models:

Table 1. Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations (N = 448)

Variable Mean Std. Dev. Min. Max. Pearson’s r

Violent behavior .40 .49 0 1 –

Pro-violence definitions .00 1.00 – 2.054 3.04 .26***

(Pre)-adolescence aggression .00 1.00 -.679 4.36 .27***

Parental physical abuse .00 1.00 -.91 3.86 .17***

Non-family direct victimization 1.49 .73 1 4 .19***

Exposure to domestic violence 1.69 1.01 1 4 .08

Parental support for violent

retaliation

1.74 .80 1 4 .23***

Association with delinquent

friends

.00 1.00 – 1.45 2.38 .34***

Alcohol abuse .00 1.00 – 1.50 2.33 .24***

Father’s education .00 1.00 – 4.01 1.64 .10*

Respondent’s sex (male) .34 .78 0 1 .32***
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001 (2-tail test)

Association with Delinquent Friends

This is a composite measure (factor) that combines responses at two

questionnaire items (“I spend time with friends who have been in trouble with

the law” and “I have friends who have committed crimes“). The indicator has

been created through PCA and appears to be a reliable (Alpha = .770) and

valid measure (Eigenvalue = 1.628; variance explained = 81.39%).

Excessive Alcohol Consumption

Created through PCA, this factor is based on three questions (“When I am

drinking I usually have five or more drinks at a time“; “I sometimes drink five

Pro-Violence Attitudes and Violent Behavior among College … 219

or more drinks at a time, but only on weekends“; “I sometimes drink enough

to feel really high or drunk“), initially coded 1 (strongly disagree) to 4

(strongly agree). The reliability coefficient Alpha for the measure is .759. Only

one component with a value higher than one has been obtained (Eigenvalue =

2.307; variance explained = 67.91%) and factor loadings varied from .77 to

.87.

Father’s Education

This continuous variable measures the years of education completed by

the respondent’s father. The variable has been standardized (i.e., raw scores

have been converted to z scores).

Respondent’s Sex

This dummy variable is coded 1, if the respondent is male and zero

otherwise.

Analytical Procedures

First, univariate and bivariate analyses will be conducted. Additionally,

multivariate analyses will try to identify from a selected group of predictors

the variables that contribute the most to the formation of pro-violence

attitudes. The index (pro-violence definitions) has a relatively normal

distribution (Skewness = .130; Kurtosis = – .058) and ordinary least square

regression (OLS) will be used in the first set of multivariate analyses. Using

bivariate logistic regression, subsequent analyses will present the predicting

power of all the independent variables included in the estimated model of

violent behavior, when controlling for a set of indicators, such as sex, parental

education, drinking patterns, and association with delinquent/criminal friends.

The final set of analyses plans to identify the variables that are more likely to

differentiate in each gender group individuals who committed violent acts in

post-adolescence years from those who did not acknowledge any involvement

in violent behavior. The sample is relatively homogenous in terms of age

distribution and because preliminary analyses did not show significant

Viviana Andreescu 220

differences among groups differentiated by the respondent’s age, this variable

was not included in the statistical models.

RESULTS

Univariate and Bivariate Analyses

Table 1 includes the descriptive statistics (mean, standard deviation, and

range) for all the variables included in the statistical models. Additionally, the

bivariate relationships (Pearson’s correlation coefficient r) between the main

dependent variable (violent behavior) and the predictors are included.

Approximately 40% of the respondents engaged in some form of violent

behavior in post-adolescence years. Additional analyses show that only 5.1%

of the males and 3.7% of the girls in the sample manifested aggressive

behavior toward their parents in adolescence and/or pre-adolescence years.

Yet, in adolescence, 60.4% of the males and 28.2% of the females threatened

to hit and/or did hit someone who was not a family member. Based on the

mean values reported in Table 1, it can be concluded that before age 15, most

of the respondents have not been exposed to domestic violence in the family,

have not been victims of violence, and did not receive from their parents

support for retaliatory violence. Univariate analyses (frequency distributions,

not shown) indicate that only 10% of the respondents in the sample

experienced harsh physical punishment from parents while they were growing

up and 10% of the respondents were directly victimized by non-family

members. About one in four respondents (23.3%) witnessed inter-parental

violence and 16.5% were advised by parents to retaliate with violence, if hit or

insulted. Yet, four out of ten respondents had pro-violence definitions (e.g.,

41% considered that you should respond with violence, if you were physically

victimized). In early adulthood, 35% of the respondents had friends who

committed crimes and 20% of the respondents declared they regularly engaged

in binge drinking.

The results of the bivariate analyses show that, except one predictor (i.e.,

exposure to intimate partner violence in the family of origin), all the selected

variables are significantly related to the main dependent variable, violent

Pro-Violence Attitudes and Violent Behavior among College … 221

behavior in early adulthood. Specifically, respondents who engaged in violent

behavior in early adulthood manifested aggressive behavior toward parents

and others in childhood and adolescence (r = .27; p < .001), had pro-violence

definitions (r = .26; p < .001), received from parents support for violent

retaliation if insulted (r = .23; p < .001), and have been physically victimized

by non-family members (r = .19; p < .001) and by parents (r = .17; p < .001).

Respondents who engaged in aggressive behavior against others were more

likely to be males (r = .32; p < .001), they were more likely to have delinquent

friends (r = .34; p < .001), and they were alcohol abusers (r = .24; p < .001).

Multivariate Analyses

Table 2 presents the results of the first multivariate analysis that tries to

determine what experiences and characteristics have the individuals who find

justifiable to respond with violence if they would be physically victimized.

The statistical model, which explains about 13% of the variation in the

dependent variable, shows that males are significantly more likely than

females to find violence justifiable and also that one’s association with

criminal/delinquent friends has slightly a higher impact on the formation of

pro-violence definitions (Beta = .224; p < .001) than parental support for

violent retaliation does (Beta = .189; p < .001). Results also indicate that when

controlling for other variables in the model, violent behavior in childhood and

adolescence, as well as prior experiences with direct and indirect victimization

do not contribute significantly to the formation of pro-violence definitions.

Table 3 includes the results of the bivariate logistic regression analysis

that tried to identify the variables more likely to differentiate the respondents

who used violence to settle conflicts from those who did not acknowledge

violent behavior.

As anticipated, individuals with pro-violence definitions and those who

during childhood/adolescence have been advised by parents to respond with

violence if insulted or hit, also manifested violent behavior in early adulthood.

Childhood experiences with direct and indirect victimization were positively

related to the dependent variable, but their effect was not sufficiently strong to

be significant. Yet, association with delinquent friends increased the odds of

being violent in early adulthood by 62% (OR = 1.619; p < .001). The odds of

Viviana Andreescu 222

engaging in violent behavior are 147% higher for men when compared to

women (OR = 2.470; p < .001).

Table 2. Regression estimates for pro-violence definitions (N = 448)

Variable B
Std.

Error
Beta t

p

(Pre)-adolescence aggression .105 .078 .063 1.352 .177

Parental physical abuse – .043 .049 – .043 – .883 .378

Non-family direct victimization – .073 .063 – .056 – 1.168 .244

Exposure to domestic violence – .019 .048 – .019 – .401 .689

Parental support for violent retaliation .236*** .057 .189 4.142 .000

Association with delinquent friends .224*** .049 .224 4.595 .000

Alcohol abuse .081 .048 .081 1.699 .090

Father’s education – .007 .046 -.007 – .151 .880

Respondent’s sex (male) .234* .101 .111 2.312 .021

Constant – .493** .174 – 2.836 .005

Adjusted R2 .132
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001 (2-tail test)

Table 3. Logit estimates for violent behavior in early adulthood (N = 448)

Variable B Std. Error Odds ratio p

Pro-violence definitions .340** .124 1.405 .006

(Pre)-adolescence aggression .241 .187 1.272 .197

Parental physical abuse .171 .120 1.186 .153

Non-family direct victimization .220 .150 1.246 .142

Exposure to inter-parental violence .080 .121 1.083 .509

Parental support for violent retaliation .397** .145 1.488 .006

Association with delinquent friends .482*** .127 1.619 .000

Alcohol abuse .229 .120 1.257 .057

Father’s education .104 .115 1.109 .367

Respondent’s sex (male) .904*** .241 2.470 .000

Constant – 2.350*** .448 .095 .000

Pseudo R2 (Nagelkerke) .310
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001 (2-tail test)

Further analyses (Table 4) examine the predictors of violent behavior in

each gender group. Results show that while there are several inter-group

similarities, there are differences as well.

Pro-Violence Attitudes and Violent Behavior among College … 223

Table 4. Logit estimates for violent behavior in early adulthood by gender

Variable
Males (N = 154) Females (N = 294)

B SE OR B SE OR

Pro-violence definitions .489* .217 1.630 .268 .156 1.307

(Pre)-adolescence aggression – .115 .334 .892 .484* .231 1.622

Parental physical abuse .171 .225 1.187 .201 .147 1.222

Non-family direct victimization -.013 .247 .987 .383* .191 1.467

Exposure to domestic violence .124 .211 1.131 .028 .155 1.029

Parental support for violent retaliation .242 .255 1.273 .455* .181 1.576

Association with delinquent friends .536* .212 1.709 .484** .165 1.622

Alcohol abuse .307 .195 1.360 .175 .159 1.191

Father’s education .086 .206 1.090 .104 .141 1.109

Pseudo R2 (Nagelkerke) .233 .226
* p < .05; **p < .01; *** p < .001 (2-tail test)

For instance, for both male and female respondents, parental physical

abuse and exposure to inter-parental violence during childhood and/or

adolescence, while positively related to violent behavior, do not have a lasting

effect on one’s behavior in early adulthood. Similarly, in both subsamples,

when controlling for other variables included in the model, alcohol abuse is

not significantly related to violent behavior, as anticipated.

On the other hand, both males and females tend to engage in violence

significantly more if they associate with delinquent friends (i.e., the odds of

being violent in early adulthood increase by 71% for males and by 62% for

females).

While having pro-violence definitions significantly predicts violent

behavior for males, the effect is not significant for females. Conversely,

females who engaged in aggressive behavior toward parents and others during

childhood/adolescence are more likely to commit violent acts in early

adulthood. Yet, the behavior of young adult males who were violent

children/adolescents does not differ significantly from the behavior of their

counterparts who were not aggressive during adolescence and pre-adolescence

years.

Being violently victimized as a child by somebody who was not a family

member also had a long-term negative effect only on female respondents. The

odds of being violent in early adulthood increase by 47% for females who

were childhood victims of violence. While parental support for violent

Viviana Andreescu 224

retaliation is positively associated with violent behavior in early adulthood in

both subsamples, only for females the direct effect is significant. Specifically,

the odds of being violent later in life increase by 58% (OR = 1.576; p < .05)

for female respondents who have been advised by parents to respond with

violence to insults.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

The present study attempted to identify some of the factors more likely to

influence the Lithuanians’ propensity to violence in early adulthood. The main

objective was to examine the potential long-term effect of violent

victimization experienced in the family of origin on behavioral outcomes.

Findings showed that childhood/adolescence exposure to inter-parental

physical violence, as well as prior experiences of severe corporal punishment,

did not predict an increase in Lithuanians’ violent behavior, which was self-

assessed in early adulthood. While different from the findings of prior research

(e.g., Bell & Naugle, 2008; Holt et al., 2008; Stith et al., 2000), results are in

part consistent with the findings of a recent study, which examined violent

behavior among college students in United States and Canada. Similar to

Lithuanian students, American and Canadian college students exposed during

childhood and adolescence to inter-parental violence did not differ in terms of

violent behavior from their counterparts who did not witness IPV in their

family of origin (Andreescu & Pavlov, 2017).

The afore-mentioned research (Andreescu & Pavlov, 2017), as well as

other studies (Afifi et al., 2017; Fang & Corso, 2008; Felson & Lane, 2009;

Stith et al., 2000), contended, however, that parental harsh punishment is a risk

factor of violence perpetration among youth. In Lithuania, although the effects

were not significant, results suggest that individuals experiencing physical

victimization in the family of origin were actually less likely to be violent later

in life. As noted earlier in this paper, a law that criminalizes any form of child

maltreatment has been enacted in Lithuania only in 2017. Possibly, a higher

acceptance at the societal level of the physical punishment of children as a

parental response to some undesirable behavior might have affected the

Pro-Violence Attitudes and Violent Behavior among College … 225

results, by desensitizing the young Lithuanians and by making them to

consider the parents’ harsh actions as being normative and justified.

Although this study’s findings do not offer support for the

intergenerational transmission of violence in Lithuania, results show that

parents play an important role in attitude formation, which has a lasting effect

on behavioral outcomes. Specifically, as prior research also found, individuals

with pro-violence attitudes (Copeland-Linder et al., 2012; Crick & Dodge,

1994; Huesmann & Guerra, 1997) and those taught by parents to use

retaliatory violence to solve conflicts (see Andreescu & Pavlov, 2017) were

also more likely to engage in violence later in life. The effect of parental

endorsement of retaliatory violence was particularly strong for female

Lithuanian students, whose violent behavior in adulthood was also affected by

childhood physical victimization experienced outside the family of origin.

Similar results were obtained in a comparable study that focused on college

students in North America. Prior physical victimization by non-family

members was a predictor of violence perpetration in adulthood among

American and Canadian female students as well, while it was not a risk factor

of violent behavior for males (Andreescu & Pavlov, 2017). Nonetheless, future

research should further explore the causes of the gender-based differential

impact of childhood physical victimization occurring outside the family of

origin on violent behavior in early adulthood.

Rubin, Bukowski, and Parker (2006) contended that during adolescence,

the peer group one belongs to has a strong influence on adolescents’ attitudes

and behaviors. Results of this study suggest that the peer group’s influence

extends beyond adolescence years. Specifically, association with

delinquent/criminal friends during early adulthood appears to have a stronger

effect on behavioral outcomes than the parents’ behavior does. This study’s

findings indicate that both young Lithuanian males and females who have

friends who broke the law, not necessarily for engaging in violent crime, have

a higher propensity to commit violent acts. In addition to parental endorsement

of retaliatory violence, association with delinquent peers is another important

contributor to the formation of attitudes that justify violent and aggressive

behavior, which in turn predicts violence perpetration in early adulthood.

Several retrospective studies indicate that aggressive and violent behavior

in adolescence may predict violence perpetration in adulthood (Andreescu &

Pavlov, 2017; O’Leary, Malone, & Tyree, 1994; Smith, White, & Holland,

Viviana Andreescu 226

2003). Following prior research, the present analysis also tried to determine if

there is a continuity in violent behavior from childhood and early adolescence

to early adulthood. In Lithuania, at least for the population group represented

in this study, aggressive behavior in adolescence was significantly and

positively related to violence perpetration in early adulthood only within the

subsample of female students. While for males, bivariate correlations showed

that childhood aggression predicts violence acknowledged later in life, the

relationship became not significant when controlling for the variables included

in the multivariate statistical models. It is possible that different socialization

processes Lithuanian males and women experienced, as well as structural

differences and gender role expectations, which could be culturally different

from other societies, might have influenced the findings. Nonetheless, more

systematic analyses are required, especially because it is not known if

aggressive behavior acknowledged during childhood and adolescence is

comparable in meaning and structure to violent behavior during adulthood, as

Cohen (1971, p. 83) observed.

Before discussing further the implications of the findings, the study

limitations should be acknowledged. The cross-sectional nature of the data did

not allow causal inferences to be made and results cannot be generalized to the

entire population of young adults in Lithuania. Additionally, childhood and

adolescence experiences were assessed retrospectively, which could have

produced recall bias, especially when the reported events (e.g., direct and

indirect victimization) can be considered potential sources of strain. Self-

reports have been used to measure aggression and violence perpetration,

which, different from victimization experiences, could have been

underreported. Moreover, the study was based on a secondary data analysis

that limited the variable selection. Important predictors of attitude formation

and behavioral outcomes, such as school attachment or school experiences,

could not be included because they were not available. Yet, despite these

methodological limitations, the present research is one of the few recent

studies that focused exclusively on the individual-level correlates of violent

behavior in Lithuania. Future research should continue to explore the main

predictors of violent behavior in Lithuania and should further expand the

scope of the current study in order to provide better informed program and

policy recommendations that could contribute to a significant decrease in

violent crime in the country.

Pro-Violence Attitudes and Violent Behavior among College … 227

The present analysis was conducted on a sample of highly educated youth,

who were trained to become educators of the future generations of

Lithuanians. Yet, their level of violence perpetration (40%) was higher than

the involvement in violence acknowledged by college students in North

America (30%), who participated to the same research study on violence in an

international context (Andreescu & Pavlov, 2017). Additionally, while

previous studies (Andreeescu & Pavlov, 2017; Fang & Corso, 2008) found

that an increase in parental education significantly lowered violence

perpetration for male and female youth, the parents’ education did not seem to

have a significant impact on Lithuanians’ behavioral outcomes. Moreover,

bivariate analyses showed that an increase in parents’ education was actually

predicting violent behavior among Lithuanian youth. Additionally, better-

educated parents did not appear to oppose retaliatory violence significantly

more than less educated parents were.

Although qualitative research could provide additional insight and a better

understanding of the paths leading to violence and aggression in Lithuania,

findings suggest that the societal focus should be on institutions that socialize

the youth, including the education system. Specifically, more attention should

be given to the peer group one belongs to, not only during adolescence, but

also during early adulthood. Moreover, this exploratory research highlights

how important parents are in shaping attitudes endorsing violent behavior.

Once internalized, pro-violence definitions have long-term negative effects on

interpersonal relationships in early adulthood and may predict a developmental

trajectory of violence perpetration. In conclusion, in the Lithuanian context,

cases of violence perpetration and violent victimization in the family and

elsewhere could become less frequent, if normative beliefs and attitudes that

tolerate interpersonal violence and support aggressive behavior to resolve

conflicts would be discouraged.

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