assignment

2 part assignment

Part A

Each week, you will read all the assigned pages listed in this syllabus. You will also write a one-page journal in which you will discuss the main ideas discussed in the reading. A complete journal entry will answer the following three questions: 1) What are three (at least) key ideas discussed in the assigned pages? 2) What struck you the most in reading these pages? 3) How does the reading affect your understanding of the religions of the world?

Part B

Describe and discuss one thing that struck you in this week’s reading assignment.

JAINIS

M

IN A SMALL VILLAGE in the southern Indian state ofKarnataka, a middle-
aged man stands silently in the main room of the home of Mr. and
Mrs. Chandra, lifelong residents of the village and followers of the Jain
religious tradition. Mr. Chandra carefully places small amounts of food
in the cupped hands of his visitor. Other family members look on rever-
ently, respectful and admiring both of the man who is receiving the food
and of all that he represents-even though they have not met him before
this day. These morsels of food-thirty-two altogether-and the small
amount of water to follow are the only things he will ingest on this or any
other day. His sole possessions consist of a gourd for drinking water and
a broom for sweeping the path before him as he walks, lest he acciden-
tally destroy a living being even as small as an ant. As a monk of the
Digambara (literally, “sky-clad”) sect of Jainism, this visitor does no

t

even possess clothing. He stands naked before the Chandra family and,
during his annual eight-month period of wandering about the land, goes
naked before the elements.

Along with illustrating the austerities of the Jain monastic life, this
ritual of giving, known as dana, indicates certain distinctions between
ascetics (which includes both monks and nuns) and laypeople. The
Chandras and the other laypeople who have gathered to participate
in this dana represent the great majority of Jains in the world today.

Jains worship in a temple at Ranakpur, India. Splendid
marble temples such as this are a common feature o

f

the Jain tradition.

190 Chapter 6 JAINISM

AFGH ISTAN

CHINA

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IRAN

PAKISTAN 111~..i

Arabian

Sea

0 km 200 400

0 miles 200 400

Significant sites in the

development of Jainism.

INDIAN

OCEAN

Bay
of

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THAILAND

•

As members of the laity, their rel igious duties differ from those of the ascetics, who
exemplify Jainism’s highest ideals of nonviolence and self-denial. The layperson de-
pends on the ascetic for spiritual nourishment. But this in no way diminishes the
sanctity or relevance of the lay religious life. The reverence shown by the roomful of
admirers is as true to Jainism as is the monk’s extraordinary self-discipline as he fol-
lows the ascetic path. Through such acts as dana, the lay participants can positively
affect their karma (“action”) and its consequences that determine prospects for a good
rebirth. At the same time, the ascetic depends on laypeople like the Chandras for physi-
cal nourishment and support.

Viewing the scene from a more distant perspective, we can note other features of
Jainism. For one thing, Mr. and Mrs. Chandra painstakingly prepared the food and
carefully strained the water in preparation of the ritual, in order to avoid harming any
living organism such as a tiny plant or insect in the water. They had invited the monk
to partake of the food, for it would not befit one so venerated as a Digambara monk
actually to have to beg for his food. The monk’s accepting of the offerings was not a
foregone conclusion. Had he for any reason found the circumstances objectionable

and refused, the Chandras’ reputation would have
been damaged. In other words, the ritual of dana
is played out within an interwoven network of reli-
gious and social ideas and forces. The fact that the
monk stands naked with cupped hands is proof
that he is a member of the Digambara sect, the
more prevalent sect in southern India. In any
number of households across India on this very
morning, we could find similar scenes, but with
some variations. Members of Jainism’s Shvetambara
sect, for example, don white robes and hold alms
bowls for receiving their food. Or the ascetic could
be a nun, in which case she would be clothed, even
if of the Digambara sect.

Stepping back even further as we view this
ritual of dana, we can observe a number of cor-
relations with other South Asian religions. A non-
violent ethical stance, the ascetic path, karma,
rebirth, and dana are also prominent aspects of
Hinduism and Buddhism. Compared with those
two religions, Jainism is a very small one, with just
over 5 million adherents, the great majority of
whom live in India. Because it rejects the author-
ity of the Vedas (Chapter 4), Jainism (along with
Buddhism) is considered to be distinctive relative
to the Hindu traditions. Through the centuries,
Jainism has earned a special reputation for having
exemplified the ideal of nonviolence. ~~

T his chapter sheds light on the main ele-ments of Jainism, with regard to both the ascetics and the laity-and the interplay
between the two groups. We have already identi-

fied some central Jain teachings: nonviolence, the

need for an ascetic lifestyle, and the ultimate need

Tl MELINE
Jainism

Jainism 191

c. Eighth century B.C.E. Probable period of Parshva,
the twenty-third tirthankara.

Sixth or fifth centuries B.C.E. Probable period of Mahavira
(Shvetambara traditional
dates 599-527 B.C.E.;
Digambaras date Mahavira’s
death at 510 s.c.E.; current
scholarly opinion holds that
he died in app. 425 s.c.E.).

(From antiquity through the
medieval period, there is
scant evidence for historical
events, though there is
much evidence for general
involvement by Jains in the
cu ltural life of India, through
the building of temples and
monuments, founding of
schools and sects, and
interaction with other
religions.

)

1313 c.E. Pillaging of Mount Shatrunjaya by Turkish invaders.

Fifteenth century Period of Lanka, precursor of Sthanakvasi
and Terapanthi sects.

1526 Founding of the Mughal Empire.

1556-1605 Akbar the Great (Mughal emperor who
maintained good relations with Jain leaders).

Seventeenth century Period of the founding of the
Sthanakvasi sect.

1726-1803 Acarya Bhikshu, founder of the Terapanthi sect.

1867-1901 Shrimad Rajacandra (also spelled Rajchandra)
teacher and mystic, friend of Mohandas
(Mahatma] Gandhi.

1893 Lecture on Jainism delivered by Virchand Gandhi
at the World Parl iament of Relig ions at Chicago.

1900-2000 Period of geographical expansion of sizable Jain
communities outside of India.

to attain perfect knowledge. In the following section we explore in more detail these
central elements and how they relate to the Jain understanding of the nature of the
universe, the human condition, and the quest for spiritual deliverance. But first we

will look to the distant past, to the foundational figures whom all J ains revere as the

jinas (Sanskrit, “conquerors”), those the Jains believe have shown the way to spiritual
deliverance.

192 Chapter 6 JAINISM

THE TEACHINGS OF JAINISM
Most of the world’s religions look to a glorious founding figure, who is typically regarded

both as an exemplar of the religious life and as the revealer of the religion’s most signifi-
cant teachings; the Buddha, Confucius, Jesus, and Muhammad are examples of such

founding figures. Jainism looks not to just one but to a series of founding figures, the

tirthankaras, “makers of the ford (or river crossing).” Each is considered to be a Jina,
“conqueror”-whence comes the name Jainism. Through having conquered the realm of

samsara, the continuing cycle of death and rebirth (also a concept prominent in Hindu-

ism and Buddhism), the tirthankara has, metaphorically, successfully crossed the river
from the worldly realm to the beyond-the realm of the liberated.

The most recent of the tirthankaras, Mahavira, is especially significant. We begin

this section by considering his captivating and highly influential life story.

Mahavira, the Twenty-Fourth and Last Tirthankara of This World Cycle
Nataputta Vardhamana, popularly known as Mahavira (“great hero”), was probably born

near Vaishali (located in the northern Indian state of Bihar). He lived, according to the

Shvetambara sect, from 599 to 527 B.C.E., although the Digambaras date his death at 510

(and scholars tend to date it later still, to sometime in the second half of the fifth

century B.C.E.). The earliest biography of Mahavira is from the ninth century C.E. (the
Sanskrit work Vardhamanacarita, by the poetAsaga), and so it is not possible to determine

with historical certainty the details of his life. One thing, though, is agreed on by all:

Mahavira was a contemporary or near-contemporary of Gautama the Buddha, who lived

in the same area of northern India and preached his last sermon at Vaishali. There is no

record of the two having met, but their legendary biographies are strikingly similar.
Vardhamana is said to have been born into the ruling class (the kshatriyas), the second

son of a rajah or local ruler who was also a pious Jain. Vardhamana grew up amidst the

luxuries of the palace, eventually marrying a princess named Yashoda (although the

Digambara sect denies that he married), with whom he had a daughter. Eventually, how-

ever, he yearned for more than his princely life could offer, and so at age thirty he asked

for permission to leave and become a monk. He joined a group of Jain ascetics who were
followers of Parshva, the last tirthankara to have lived prior to Mahavira.

Vardhamana soon set off from the other ascetics and wandered about for over

twelve years, naked and exposed. Fasting, going for long periods without sleep, with-

standing the verbal and physical abuse of human opponents, and enduring the bites of

insects rather than doing them harm, Vardhamana exemplified the ideals of nonvio-
lence and asceticism, thereby earning his epithet “great hero,” Mahavira.

In the thirteenth year of his ascetic wanderings, Mahavira is believed by J ains to have

attained the state of kevala, or omniscience, the complete and perfect knowledge that
leads at the time of death to liberation from the realm of samsara. The tradition recounts

that Mahavira attained this enlightenment after spending two and a half days fasting in

the heat of the sun, squatting near a tree but out of its shade. With these acts of ex-

treme asceticism, his steadfastly nonviolent approach to life, and his supreme spiritual

The Teachings of Jainism 193

achievement of attaining kevala, Mahavira exem-

plifies Jainism’s central ideals.

Now perfectly enlightened, Mahavira set about

preaching the tenets of Jainism. His followers in-

cluded eleven ganadharas, or disciples, who had
been Hindu brahmins before hearing Mahavira’s

message. All of them eventually attained kevala,

ending with Jambu, who is regarded as the last

human being ever to attain kevala in this world

cycle.

Mahavira preached for some thirty years until,

at the age of seventy-two, he died in the town of
Pava (like Vaishali, located in the northern Indian

state of Bihar). Now liberated from his body,

Mahavira’s perfected soul is said to have ascended

to the top of the universe in a state of eternal bliss.

It is helpful at this point to recall the similarities between the Buddhist accounts of

Gautama’s path to enlightenment (Chapter 5) and Mahavira’s path to kevala. Both men
practiced severe austerities. But whereas Mahavira continued on the path of strict as-

ceticism to the very end of his life, Gautama, at the time of his enlightenment, rejected

strict asceticism and instead embraced the Middle Way, which calls for moderation in

the treatment of one’s body. The distinction is highlighted during the climactic mo-

ments of each story, for while Gautama is said to have sat underneath the bo (or bodhi)

tree when he experienced enlightenment, Mahavira is said to have squatted in the
scorching heat of the sun, near a tree but apparently intentionally avoiding its shade.

Whatever the historical accuracy of these accounts, clearly the two traditions di-

verged over the question of the degree of ascetic rigor. Indeed, Buddhists typically held

Jains in contempt for their extraordinary rigor, which for Jains has always been the

hallmark of their religion and a mark of honor. And so, even though Buddhism and

Jainism have a considerable amount in common doctrinally and even in terms of prac-
tice, the two traditions seem not to have engaged much with each other. Apparently it

was this way from the beginning, for while Mahavira and Gautama the Buddha seem

to have been at least near-contemporaries, none of the texts claim that they ever met.

An Eternal Succession of Tirthankaras
Jainism, like Hinduism and Buddhism, is categorized by scholars as being an “eternal”
religion in the sense that it subscribes to an ongoing succession of world cycles, with-

out beginning or end. Jains believe that twenty-four tirthankaras, or jinas, have ap-
peared in this current world cycle. Mahavira is the latest in an infinite line of previous

tirthankaras, but he is not expected to be the last.

All twenty-four tirthankaras of this world cycle are known by name and by their

specific symbols: Mahavira by the lion, for example, and Parshva-of whom there are

Sculpture of Mahavira
in the cave temples of
Ellora, India.

194 Chapter 6 JAINISM

Sandstone scu lpture of
Parshva, the tirthankara
most commonly
depicted in Jain art.

more sculptures in India than of any other tirthankara-by the serpent.

Along with Parshva and Mahavira, however, the only additional Jinas who

play a prominent role in the scriptures and in the tradition generally are the

first, Rishabha (symbolized by the bull), and the twenty-second, Nemi

(symbolized by the conch shell). Rishabha, who is clearly legendary and not

historical, is believed to have been the father of Bharata, whom Jains regard
as the first world emperor of this world cycle. Nemi, in addition to being the

predecessor to Parshva, is traditionally thought to be a relative of Krishna,

whom many Hindus revere as an avatar (human incarnation) of the god

Vishnu (Chapter 4). The nineteenth tirthankara, Malli (symbolized by the

jar), is also especially notable, for according to the Shvetambara sect, Malli

was a woman. The Digambaras, who in general are more conservative, deny
this, regarding this tirthankara as a man by the name of Mallinatha.

Jainism and Hinduism
Throughout the centuries, Jainism has coexisted with Hinduism. The list of

interesting and relevant points of contact between the two religious tradi-
tions is almost endless. Here we shall make note of just a few, in order to

shed some light on the cultural interplay.

Jains commonly worship deities of the Hindu pantheon, and they tend

to think of them in similar ways. There are, however, certain rather glaring

exceptions. For example, Hindus would probably be surprised to learn from

one popular Jain text that Rama and Krishna were both pious Jains. Also, the various
Jain renditions of the Mahabharata, the great epic poem that, in its more standard

form, is regarded with devotion by almost every Hindu, transform Krishna into a de-

vious trickster. On the other hand, the Bhagavad Gita, which forms a very small por-

tion of the Mahabharata and is typically regarded as Hinduism’s most popular text,

has been very favorably received by Jains. As for Hinduism’s part in this cultural inter-

play, devotees of the god Vishnu have at times adopted the tirthankara Rishabha as
being an avatar of their god. These few examples suffice at least to indicate the exten-

sive interaction between Jain and Hindu religious and other cultural aspects.

Cultural interaction and similarities notwithstanding, Jainism is very much its

own tradition. Among its more distinctive features is the very special status assigned

to the tirthankaras. J ains believe them to be human-not gods or avatars of gods-but

nevertheless to deserve the highest degree of veneration.

Jain reverence for twenty-four tirthankaras, as opposed to focusing on just one
founding figure, is instructive with regard to some basic elements of the

religion.

Why,

one might wonder, would more than one Jina be needed? Human nature, Jainism

would answer, is depraved to the point of needing repeated assistance from these spir-

itual masters. In a related manner, Mahavira is the last Jina of the present world cycle

because human nature has become continually more depraved. In the present state of
affairs, kevala is no longer a possibility in this world, having been attained for the last

time by Jambu, the disciple of Mahavira.

The Teachings of Jainism 195

So, the next logical question is, what hope do human beings have if they are con-

fined to this realm of samsara? What needs to happen before a tirthankara once again
appears to show humanity how to cross the river from this shore to the beyond, the

eternal realm of complete freedom and perfect bliss? Answers to such questions call for

an analysis ofJain teachings.

We will now turn to a brief survey of Jain scriptures, the main source ofJain teach-
ings. All Jains agree that, originally, there were fifty-eight books of scripture based on

the preaching of Mahavira, who in turn based his views on the earlier tirthankaras.
These books are divided into three categories: Puroa, Anga, and Angabahya. But much
is believed to have been lost. The Digambaras believe that only excerpts from one of

the books of Purva survive; these excerpts, together with later commentaries written
about them, constitute Digambara scripture. The Shvetambara sect, on the other
hand, officially rejects the Digambara texts and follows instead eleven books of Anga
and thirty-four books of Angabahya.

Ahimsa and Asceticism: Jainism’s Ideals
We have observed how, in the ritual of dana (“giving”) and in the ascetic practices of
Mahavira, the principle of nonviolence functions as a basic ethical norm in Jainism.

This principle, commonly known by its Sanskrit name ahimsa, is prevalent through-
out the traditional religions of India. Hindus and Buddhists, for instance, all tend to

favor vegetarianism because of its relative nonviolence. Jainism emphasizes the place

of ahimsa, the “pure, unchangeable, eternal law” in this well-known passage from the
Acarangasutra, the first book of the Angas:

All breathing, existing, living, sentient creatures should not be slain,
nor treated with violence, nor abused, nor tormented, nor driven away.

This is the pure, unchangeable, eternal law which the clever ones, who

understand the world, have proclaimed.’

All aspects of life are set in the context of avoiding injury toward “sentient creatures,”

an extensive category that includes not only human beings and animals but also plant

life. Jain ascetics expand the category nearly to its logical extreme, striving even to

avoid harming the atomic particles believed to pervade the natural elements.
The most distinctive characteristic of Jain doctrine, then, is ahimsa, the avoidance

of doing injury to any life form. Or, put differently, Jains strive toward constant friend-

ship with all fellow living creatures. As this striving becomes more intense, an ascetic

lifestyle emerges naturally. Denying the body anything beyond what is necessary to

sustain life lessens the risk of injuring other forms of life. Restricting one’s diet to

vegetables, for example, avoids doing violence to animals. On a more subtle level,
straining one’s water before drinking it (as we saw in this chapter’s opening account of

the Chandra household) and, indeed, drinking only as much water as is absolutely

necessary further decreases violence, in this case to the small organisms that live un-

detected in drinking water.

196 Chapter 6 JAINISM

In what ways is the

teaching of nonviolence

relevant for other world

religions?

Interrelated aspects of ahimsa are helpfully set forth by two other Jain concepts:
anekantavada (“nonabsolutism”) and aparigraha (“nonpossessiveness”). As stated in
this introductory section of Jain Way of Life, a publication of the Federation of Jain
Associations of North America, these three concepts-AAA-set forth the founda-

tions ofJain teachings:

Jainism is a religion and a way of life. For thousands of years, Jains
have been practicing vegetarianism, yoga, meditation, and environ-
mentalism. Jains have three core practices: Non-Violence, Non-
Absolutism, and Non-Possessiveness (Ahimsa, Anekantvad, and
Aparigraha-AAA).

Non-Violence is compassion and forgiveness in thoughts, words, and deeds
toward all living beings. For this reason, Jains are vegetarians.

Non-Absolutism is respecting views of others. Jains encourage dialog and
harmony with other faiths.

Non-Possessiveness is the balancing of needs and desires, while staying
detached from our possessions. 2

Another basic doctrine of Jainism is the need to diminish karma through limiting

one’s actions. In order to understand karma and Jain beliefs regarding spiritual fulfill-
ment, it is best first to consider Jain cosmology, or its theory of the universe.

Theory of the Universe
According to tradition, Mahavira taught extensively and in detail about the nature of

the universe, its makeup, and its functioning. He did so not merely as an intellectual

exercise, but because, as he saw it, understanding the universe had sweeping implica-

tions for the spiritual quest. Thus, to understand Jain doctrine, one must understand

Jain cosmology. We begin with considering the Jain concept of time, which incorpo-

rates the notion of eternally recurring cosmic or world cycles. Then we examine the
makeup of the universe and all that exists within it.

Cosmic Cycles of Generation and Degeneration In keeping with the general
Indian notion of samsara, Jainism conceives of time as cyclical and envisions the cycles
as upward and downward turnings of a wheel. During the upward turning of the
wheel (which proceeds through six spokes, or ages), the world is in a state of ascend-

ancy, with all aspects of existence, notably including the moral propensity of human

beings, in the process of improvement. The three upper spokes are considered to be a

golden age of goodness and prosperity. Once passing the top of the wheel and entering

into its downward turning, however, things begin gradually to decline, until the
end of the age of the sixth spoke, at which point the universe reaches utter moral

The Teachings of Jainism 197

deprivation. Then the wheel once again begins its turn upward. And so it continues,
eternally.

The traditional length of each of the six ages is 21,000 years. The world currently

is in the age of the fifth spoke of the downward turning, called Kali Yuga, to be fol-
lowed by the sixth, final period of degeneration. In this sixth age, the theory goes,

people are more prone to immorality, and they become physically smaller. The conse-

quences for the spiritual quest are pronounced, for human beings can no longer hope
to attain kevala in this world until the wheel has once again begun its upward turning.
Mahavira is the last of the tirthankaras of the turning of the wheel in which we now
live, and his eleven ganadharas, ending with Jambu, are the last people to achieve lib-
eration during this cycle. The wheel will need to advance considerably into its upward

motion before anyone else can hope again to attain kevala in this world.
Notably, Rishabha, the first tirthankara of this downward turning of the world

cycle, is believed to have appeared during the third spoke. Before that, the world was

so healthy morally and spiritually that human beings did not need a Jina to show them
the way to liberation. Rishabha and the other early tirthankaras are understood to have
been of greater physical stature than their successors.

The concept of Kali Yuga and the continuing downward turning of the wheel gives
rise to a fundamental and serious question. If indeed kevala is no longer a possibility,
what purpose is there in continuing to pursue the religious life? Thinking again of the

dana ritual, why should laypeople like the Chandras go to the effort of giving so con-
scientiously to monks? And why would anyone opt to undergo the physical hardships

of the ascetic life? Part of the answer depends on the nature of karma, which we will

address next. Another part of the answer is provided through consideration of the
composition of the universe, which J ains call the loka and regard as containing within
it three distinct lands inhabited by human beings.

The Loka The loka is understood to be vast almost beyond description. Over the
centuries, Jains have speculated as to just how vast the loka is, deriving a unit of meas-
ure known as the “rope,” which is strikingly similar to the “light year” of modern

astrophysics. According to one account, the loka is fourteen ropes from top to bottom.
This means, according to traditional Jain calculations, that it would take a god, flying

at the speed of 10 million miles per second, seven years to traverse its full span. These

attempts at specifying the size of the universe are probably to be taken figuratively

rather than literally. Still, a tendency toward something like scientific understanding
is in keeping with the Jain belief that perfect and complete knowledge is attainable

and indeed has been attained-namely, by Mahavira, his disciples, and the countless

numbers of those who have achieved enlightenment before them.

The loka, then, is a vast and yet a finite space, within which all beings dwell.
Beyond the loka there is nothing but strong winds. The loka, together with everything
in it, has always existed and will continue to exist eternally. Jainism thus does not be-
lieve in a creator god.

198 Chapter 6 JAINISM

Jains sometimes depict the loka as a diagram in the shape of a giant man, the pu-
rusha. Across the midsection runs a relatively small band known as the Middle Realm,
which contains a series of oceans and continents, three of which together form the

region inhabited by human beings. This region is further divided into various lands,

one of which is India and another of which, Mahavideha, is not affected by the cor-

ruption of this world cycle and therefore continues to be the home of tirthankaras and
of human beings who still can attain kevala. This notion is crucial when considering
the quest for spiritual liberation that takes place in this corrupt world. As we shall dis-

cuss in more detail shortly, living a good life that is true to Jain ideals leads to a good

rebirth, perhaps even in a land like Mahavideha, where tirthankaras currently reside
and where kevala is a possibility.

Below the Middle Realm is a series of progressively darker hells, whose denizens suffer
agonizing torments. At the very bottom of the loka, below the lowest hell, there are only
clouds. Above the Middle Realm is a series of progressively brighter heavens, inhabited by

deities who enjoy pleasures not unlike those of earthly rulers. For both the denizens of hell

and the deities, their stays in those realms are only temporary, as they will eventually be

reborn in another realm. In other words, just as in Hinduism and Buddhism, the realm

of samsara extends well beyond the human domain. Because only humans can ever attain
kevala, however, the Jains believe that even being reborn as a deity in one of the brightest
heavens is ultimately not as fortunate as it might seem. The best rebirth is as a human

being, so that the quest for spiritual fulfillment can be continued.

At the top of the loka, in the crown of the head of purusha, is a roof that is de-
scribed as having the shape of an umbrella. Called the “slightly curved place,” this is

the eternal home of the souls that have been liberated from the realm of samsara.

Categories of Existence:jiva and Ajiva Jain scriptures spell out the categories of
existing things in meticulous detail (in keeping with the belief in the omniscience of

Mahavira and others who have attained kevala). The categories of existence can be said
to begin with a simple distinction: that between the living, which is termed jiva, and
the nonliving, ajiva. The nonliving is further divided into four: motion, rest, atoms,
and space. These four basic entities plus the jiva are the five building blocks of all that
exists in the universe. The entities interact, but forever maintain their individual exist-

ence. This view contrasts with the main form of Hindu cosmology, which envisions an

ultimate union of all being. Furthermore, Jainism holds that the universe has an infin-

ite number of atoms, forever distinct from one another, along with an infinite number
of jivas, or souls.

Each jiva (“soul”) is eternal, completely without form, and yet capable of interact-
ing with the atoms of the body it inhabits in such a way that it can control the body’s

mechanisms. While avoiding the notion that the jiva is in any way dependent upon
the body, Jainism does posit a complex integration of soul with body. Thus, while

bodies do act, it is the soul that wills actions and therefore is held responsible for their

moral quality.

The Teachings of Jainism 199

All jivas are essentially equal, regardless of the bodies they inhabit. For example,

the jiva of an insect is considered to be of identical quality to that of a large animal or

a human being. This belief has significant implications with regard to the doctrine of

ahimsa, as it encourages equal treatment of all living beings.

The great variety of bodies inhabited by the jivas produces many different life

forms. Jainism’s detailed classification of these life forms is among its most fascinating
features, and one that shows remarkable similarities to the modern field of zoology.

A simple twofold approach distinguishes life forms that are stationary, such as plants,

from those that are moving. Another approach categorizes life forms based on the

number of senses they have. In the words of one text:

Up to the vegetable-bodied ones, selves have one sense [i .e., touch].
Worms, ants, bumblebees, and men each have one more than the

one preceding.3

Human beings are thus categorized with life forms having five senses: deities, denizens

of hell, and most animals aside from insects. Flying insects (bumblebees and the like)

are thought to lack the sense of hearing, while most that crawl on legs also lack sight.
Along with such insects as worms, shellfish are thought to have only the senses of

touch and taste. Plants and “microbes” (a large category of the most basic life forms)

are devoid of all sensations but touch.

More elaborate systems of classification abound in Jain scriptures. This fascination

with the intricacies of life forms supports the religion’s general concern for their wel-

fare and for maintaining the attitude and practices that secure this welfare as best
possible. To some extent, the attitude and practices of the religious life are expected of

nonhuman life forms as well. Lions, for example, are said to be able to learn to fast.

Even plants and the simplest microbes are believed to have some basic religious cap-

acity that they can apply toward spiritual advancement. Ultimately, however, all jivas

must be reborn as human beings before they have any chance of attaining kevala and
release from the realm of samsara.

Liberation and Salvation
Many religions typically emphasize teachings concerning salvation or liberation, and

Jainism is no exception. As our account will make clear, salvation depends on under-

standing the challenges of samsara and how to overcome them.

To begin, salvation in no way depends on the power of a deity. Just as Jainism has
no creator god, neither does it have one to assist with the all-important quest for liber-

ation. Some would thus label Jainism an atheistic religion, but this is not quite accur-

ate. We have seen that in the Jain cosmology, deities inhabit the various heavens. Many

of their names would be recognizable to the student of Hinduism, for the pantheons

are similar. Thus Jainism might best be labeled transtheistic4 in the sense that there are
gods (in fact, a great variety of gods), but ultimately the religion moves beyond them

200 Chapter 6 JAINISM

when it comes to the truly crucial issues of salvation. To understand why this is, let us

first examine Jainism’s concept of karma.

Karma and the Human Condition Notwithstanding the intricate categories of
existence, so far as the human condition is concerned, Jainism is best understood in

terms of two categories: soul (jiva) and matter (ajiva). As noted earlier, the jiva is es-
sentially pure and formless. And yet, for reasons that defy explanation, souls have

become entwined with impure matter, causing them to be weighed down and bound

to samsara. Human beings are born into this state. The religious life strives to clean

away the dirt that tarnishes the jiva, returning it to its original state of pristine purity

and releasing it from samsara, so it can ascend upward to the “umbrella” ceiling of the

loka, the realm of liberated souls.
For Jains, the term karma refers to the process in which matter dirties the soul. In

both Hinduism and Buddhism, karma is commonly understood as being the conse-

quence of action per the law of cause and effect. This general definition applies to

Jainism as well, but here the term’s more literal meaning of “action” is stressed. Be-

cause all actions encumber the jiva with matter, whenever the soul wills an action, it

risks tarnishing itself. Immoral actions, those that violate the principle of ahimsa or

other Jain ethical teachings, are especially damaging because they dirty the jiva with
heavier impurities. Highly virtuous actions, on the other hand, bring about only small

quantities of light matter that neither cling to the soul nor weigh it down.

Along with this emphasis on the material aspects of karma, Jainism also empha-
sizes the intentions behind one’s actions. That is, the immorality that tarnishes the

soul with heavy matter lies mainly in the evil intention, not in the consequence of the
action. Similarly, an action that might appear to have evil consequence could be con-

sidered moral if good was intended. For example, the accidental killing of microbes,

provided proper means were taken to avoid it, would generally not be immoral and

thus would not lead to the dirtying of the jiva.

Keva/a: Omniscience That Leads to Liberation Kevala is best translated as “om-
niscience”; one who has attained this state is a kevalin. Whereas Buddhist enlighten-

ment (bodhi) incorporates the sort of knowledge that is vital for spiritual perfection

(Chapter 5), Jain kevala is knowledge of everything: the nature of one’s inner self, of

one’s past lives, and of the external world and all things, including fellow living beings

(and their past lives and future lives) that inhabit it. Little wonder that Jainism so
boldly sets forth cosmological explanations, based as they are on the omniscience of

Mahavira and the other tirthankaras.

The most significant feature of kevala is that it frees the jiva completely from the

tarnishing effects of karma so that it may be liberated. The final experience of liber-

ation or release is known as moksha (as it is in Hinduism). Moksha and kevala are dis-

tinguishable in that one who has attained kevala normally goes on living in the physical
body, confined to the realm of samsara, while one who achieves moksha is liberated

The History of Jainism 201

from the body. Mahavira, like the jinas before him, passed many years as an enlight-

ened one (sometimes referred to in Jainism, as in Buddhism, as arhat) before experi-

encing moksha at the time of his death, which finally freed him completely from any

impurities that would bind him to the material world.

One might ask at this point whether omniscience leads to the purity of the soul or

whether purification of soul brings about omniscience. A Jain might respond by assert-
ing that the two work together harmoniously. This notion of religious impulses work-

ing in harmony is embodied in the Jain concept of the Three Jewels of the religion:

right faith (darshana), right knowledge (jnana), and right practice (caritra). All three

are integral to the religious quest. Right faith, which for Jainism involves a proper out-
look or mindset, the correct way of “seeing” (which is the root meaning of darshana),

nurtures right knowledge and practice. Likewise for the other Jewels; they function
together like three legs of a stool.

The Quest for a Heavenly Rebirth We have noted that Jam bu, the last of Mahavira’s
eleven disciples to attain kevala, is believed to be the last person of this world in the

current cycle ever to achieve liberation. But this does not imply that for Jains living

since Jambu’s time it is meaningless to seek liberation. Every living being remains des-

tined for rebirth, and the nature of rebirth depends on karmic status. A good rebirth,

into the delights of one of the heavens or back into the human realm, therefore re-

quires living a good life.
In contrast to Hindu and Buddhist beliefs, Jainism understands rebirth as occur-

ring immediately after death. This has various implications that set Jainism apart from

Buddhism and Hinduism, especially in regard to the need to perform rituals on behalf

of the dead. For Jains, such rituals are deemed superfluous-which is not to say that

Jains forgo mourning rituals or that they fail to honor their deceased loved ones. But the

most crucial thing, the destiny of the deceased’s soul, is determined as soon as the person
dies. In fact, the soul is believed immediately to begin animating another life form.

Having examined the primary teachings ofJainism, we now turn our attention to

the various ways these teachings have been manifested in Jain society and rituals.

THE HISTORY OF JAINISM
In the previous section, we have focused attention on Jain teachings. Turning now to

a study of Jain history, we begin by considering the general place of Jainism in the
context of Indian religions.

The Indian Historical Context
Earlier in this chapter we learned about the traditional understanding of Jainism’s

founding figures: the tirthankaras of this world cycle, most notably Mahavira. Here,

our attention shifts to the scholarly understanding ofJainism’s historical foundations,

so we can observe some features oflndian religious culture that help situate the stories
of the tirthankaras within a broader context.

202 Chapter 6 JAINISM

Jains’ lack of emphasis
on maintaining a
detailed historical record
seems to be based
on religious belief-
specifically, belief in a
never-ending succession
of world cycles. What
is the relationship in
other religions between
religious beliefs and
the relevance of history?

Jains themselves do not regard Mahavira as having founded their religion. Histor-

ians, too, tend to agree with the traditional view that Mahavira himself followed an

already established form of Jainism-possibly that of Parshva, the twenty-third

tirthankara of this world cycle. Scholars situate Parshva’s lifetime in the eighth century

B.C.E. As noted previously, there are more sculptures in India of this tirthankara than

of any other, Mahavira included, indicating his great popularity as an object of Jain

devotion.
In the eighth century B.C.E., the probable period of Parshva, Indian civilization

was beginning an important transition. The Vedic period, named for the Sanskrit

texts that form the scriptural foundation of Hinduism, was ending, as was the

domination of the priestly leadership of the brahmin caste (Chapter 4). Now began

a period of religious diversity that included philosophical speculation on the Upa-
nishads (themselves, technically, the last section of the Vedic corpus) and religious

movements that eventually gave rise to Buddhism and the devotional forms of

Hinduism that continue today. Parshva, and Mahavira after him, fit into a general
category of religious movements that emphasized asceticism as a means of spiritual

development.

Perhaps because of Jainism’s belief in a never-ending succession of world cycles,
Jains have not kept a detailed historical record of their own tradition. As we have seen,

the dates for the lifespan of Mahavira are a matter of dispute, and so, too, is the place

of his birth. The texts that contain the accounts were written hundreds of years after

the fact. Much of the story of Jainism through its early centuries similarly does not

lend itself to precise historical reckoning. With the religious changes of the period

around 1000 C .E ., the historical record begins to become clearer.

The Legacy of the Tirthankaras: Jainism through the Centuries
In the ninth century C.E ., about the time that the influence of Buddhists was severely
diminishing in India, the country’s religious landscape was undergoing a rather

sudden shift with the influx oflslam. Muslim rule was established in 1192 in the form
of the Delhi Sultanate, which was succeeded in 1526 by the Mughal Empire. During
the early centuries of Muslim rule, relations between Muslims and Jains were not

always friendly. There are accounts of large-scale destruction of sacred Jain sites, for

example, the pillaging by Muslims in 1313 of Mount Shatrunjaya, a major Jain pil-
grimage site in the western state of Gujarat. But during the period ofMughal rule, and

especially at its apex during the reign of Akbar the Great (1556-1605), remarkably
close relations developed. Akbar himself was the close friend of a Jain leader, and he

issued several decrees promoting the protection of animals, motivated apparently by

learning about the Jain emphasis on

ahimsa.

During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Jainism became somewhat more
diverse through the establishment of the Sthanakvasi and Terapanthi sects. In the

twentieth century, immigration led to the establishment ofJain communities in vari-

ous places around the globe.

The History of Jainism 203

0 km 2000 4000

CANADA ~
,s.900 r

UNITED
STATES
88,800

0 miles 2000 4000

Jainism in Today’s World

UK
18,700

INDIA

5,326,000

MYANMkR 7 2,

500

MALAYSIA
3,200

The total number ofJains today is about 5.6 million, with all but about 275,000 living
in India. Still, in India Jainism is dwarfed numerically by the Hindu population,

which now numbers near 1 billion. In light of these numbers, the influence that Jain-

ism has on Indian culture is quite remarkable. To some extent, this influence can be

measured in financial terms. For centuries, Jains have been very successful in business,

perhaps because of their religiously motivated focus on trade as opposed to agriculture.

Also, the Jain community is highly respected for its charitable giving. In keeping with

their profound emphasis on ahimsa, Jains commonly take in and care for animals that

are maltreated or are targeted for slaughter. Although they generally do not actively

seek converts to their religion, Jains tend to be outspoken advocates of universal veg-

etarianism, and so have exercised wide influence in this regard.

Among Jains of recent times, Shrimad Rajacandra (1867-1901; also spelled
Rajchandra) is especially known outside India because of his connection to Mohandas

(Mahatma) Gandhi. Both from the state of Gujarat, they met in 1891, and according to
Gandhi’s autobiography, Rajacandra made a strong impression and had a very positive

impact on his spiritual development. Gandhi, of course, is perhaps the most famous

advocate of ahimsa the world has ever known, even though he never overtly adopted

Jainism as his religion.

Jain influence has also reached well beyond India through the Indian diaspora

population. Their centuries-old focus on business has made life in the modern world a

World Jain population.

204 Chapter 6 JAINISM

Jain ascetics and
impressive religious
monuments, such as

this nun on pilgrimage
at Shravanabelagola,
are common sights
in India. Through its
diaspora population of
some 275,000 people,
Jainism also has a

significant presence
outside of India.

relatively natural thing for the Jain laity. For as-

cetics, of course, life outside their traditional

homeland is especially challenging; and indeed,

it is quite rare, as only the Sthanakvasi and Tera-

panthi sects even allow monks and nuns to jour-

ney in the world at large. The Terapanthis are

responsible, too, for having founded the first Jain

university, recently established at Ladnum in the

state of Rajasthan.

JAINISM AS A WAY OF LIFE
In the opening section of this chapter, we glimpsed

a moment in the religious life ofJainism, the ritual

of giving known as dana. While illustrating con-

cern for the central Jain principles of ahimsa and

the ascetic path, the ritual also indicates some

of the diversity of the religion. For example, we noted features of the Digambara ver-

sion of dana that are not found among Shvetambaras, and the basic distinction be-

tween the ascetics and the Jain laity was evident. In this section, we examine in greater

detail these varieties ofJainism and consider other significant practices and character-

istics of the Jain religious life.

Digambaras and Shvetambaras
Before highlighting those things that distinguish the Digambaras from the Shvetam-

baras, it is important to acknowledge the many things they share in common, includ-

ing a general heritage of teachings and similar forms of practice. Still, the differences

are interesting and instructive, helping to illustrate Jainism’s rich diversity.

We have noted some differences at earlier points in the chapter. The two sects posit dif-.

fering dates for the death of Mahavira (527 B.C.E. for Shvetambaras, 510 B.C.E. for Digam-

baras). The Digambaras deny that Mahavira ever married. In keeping with their generally

more conservative views, Digambaras do not agree that the nineteenth tirthankara, whom

the Shvetambaras know as Malli and the Digambaras as Mallinatha, was a woman.

The most obvious issue differentiating the two sects involves clothing. Digambara

(or “sky-clad”) monks, as their name infers (and as we have witnessed in the dana cere-

mony), go about naked; Digambara nuns do not, donning simple white garments like

their counterparts in other Jain sects. From the Digambara perspective, wearing

clothes puts monks back into the ordinary category of the laity. Nuns are not esteemed

quite as highly as monks, and in general, Digambara doctrine is more severe than the

other sects when it comes to spiritual deliverance of men versus women. In short,

women (including nuns, even though they perform the same ascetic practices as

monks) are deemed incapable of attaining kevala; they must await rebirth in a male

body in order to reach the potential of final deliverance.

Jainism as a Way of Life 205

VOICES: An Interview with

Girish Shah

Girish Shah was born in the Indian state of Gujarat, which is home to many Jains
and to important pilgrimage destinations. He attended college in Mumbai and
then left India to attend graduate school in the United States, where he now
lives. A founding member and director of the Jain Center of Northern California
and the Federation of Jain Associations in North America, Mr. Shah is dedicated
to educating people about his religion.

What do you consider to be the most important reason for living a proper Jain
religious life?

The goal is to become free ofkarma. To make your soul and its properties of
infinite knowledge, infinite vision, infinite strength, and infinite capacity to char-
acter “clean,” you have to get rid of all the karmas that are polluting it. For one
to live a religious life it is important to achieve that . .. . But for me, the more
important part of living the proper religious life is that it is the way you will sup-
port each other, it is the way you will serve each other. You are helping each
other grow, and you are reciprocating, giving back. We need to have empathy
toward everyone. Forgiveness is not for those who have done nothing to you;
forgiveness is for someone who has hurt you .

Do you consider Jainism to be an atheistic religion?

I think the question is what you mean by “atheistic religion.” If you mean by athe-
istic religion god the creator and god the controller and god the sustainer; that
there is an entity that created the world, that controls the world , that sustains
the world, and that judges everybody, then no. We do not believe in god in that
sense, but we do believe in the quality of the soul, which is godliness. Infinite
compassion-that is the characteristic of soul. The knowledge, the vision, and
working with and relating to everybody, comes from infinite compassion. And
that has the power, that has the godlike characteristics. It doesn’t control any-
thing. Even our enlightened or tirthankaras cannot make me achieve moksha.
They can show me the path , but cannot say, such as the gods will say, ” I bless
you.” There is no blessing. There is no divine grace that anyone can give. Forgive-
ness has to be done by you , by your own action. The burden is on you com-
pletely, but you can achieve it. Jainism is the religion that says: ” I am god”
(if we call the tirthankara “god,” which is the common word that we use). No
other religion tells you that you can become god. But Jainism says everyone
can become god.

How important to you are vegetarianism and other forms of ahimsa?

Very important. The idea is to minimize the amount of himsa that you are doing,
and so you give up some of these things-at least for the important religious
days, if not all the time. Some people will take vows to give up this or that for
their entire lifetime. Increasingly I am becoming vegan, knowing that there is so
much himsa in dairy. I have not become fully vegan, but hopefully some day I’ll

Girish Shah

206 Chapter 6 JAINISM

get there. Traditionally, milk was okay, because of the way cows were treated
before. Now things have changed, and so we have to evolve and look at it. It’s
just sensitivity to it. Here is another example. I ask myself: “Why am I wasting
natural resources?” I have a nice home. I have never felt the need to go beyond.
This is my first house and my last house. I have no attachment to the house.
People say, “Girish, you should be living in a beautiful big home,” and I say,
“What beautiful big home? Why do I need one?” It’s all internalizing. I don’t
have the need. I have a four-bedroom house; it’s big enough. That’s plenty of
space, 1,800 square feet. Why do I need a 7,000-square-foot house, why do
I need a 10,000-square-foot house? Just because I can afford it doesn’t mean
that I should have it …. This is all part of ahimsa. It’s all part of ahimsa because
then you are not wasting your resources. Charity is a form of ahimsa because you
are now using money that you made for the benefit of others, for their growth,
their progress, their betterment of life. People need to have betterment of life
beyond their basic needs in order for them to spiritually think. If you don’t have
enough even to eat and to think, you’re not going to have spirituality.

You immigrated to the United States from India. What do you consider to be the
most notable differences between being a Jain in India and being a Jain in the
United States?

For Jains in India, things are taken for granted, whereas being a Jain here, you
have to put up with a lot of issues. Every time I go shopping, it takes a half hour
reading the ingredients to see how many animal products are in it. There is no
green mark on food packaging here like we have in India, where you can look at
it and say, green-it is vegetarian. Also, I can’t walk to places here. In India,
you walk to places. You don’t have to use the car. To go shopping, to go to the
temple, you walk. Here in California you have to drive, particularly when you
drive here in summer, your car windshield is filled with all those butterflies that
you’re killing on the way. And so my wife refuses to travel at night. You’re going
to get up in the morning and go. You’re not going to kill all those butterflies, just
to get there at night.

Another identifying feature of the Digambara sect involves the ascetics’ avoidance

of alms bowls as means of collecting food, using instead only their cupped hands. The

reasoning is based in the principle of ahimsa: washing of bowls presumably would

bring about greater harm to living beings. The same reasoning supports the “sky-clad”

practice of monks, for the washing of dirty clothes causes harm. Finally, as previously

noted, the D igambaras have their own official collection of scriptures.
A sizable majority ofJains are Shvetambaras. Since about the thirteenth century C.E.,

they have followed their set of forty-five sacred texts as authoritative. Unlike the

Digambaras, they use alms bowls when begging for food; they accept the possibility of

a woman attaining kevala; and, of course, they wear clothing (monks and nuns alike),

consisting of upper and lower white garments.

Interestingly, even Shvetambara texts make clear that Mahavira and his early male
followers went about naked. Gradually the opinion arose among Shvetambaras that

the wearing of clothes was an option. One text

from the second or third century c.E. designates

three specific factors making this permissible: em-

barrassment; causing others to feel disgust; and in-

ability to endure hardships caused by nakedness.5

Sthanakvasis and Terapanthis Within Shvet-
ambara Jainism, two distinctive sects, the Sthana-

kvasi and the Terapanthi, have features that

distinguish them somewhat from their parent.

Most significantly, they both reject the worship

of images, which is a common religious practice

among the majority of Shvetambaras. Ascetics of

both sects constantly wear the muhpatti (“mouth-

shield”), a doth that protects insects from acciden-

tally being inhaled as the monks and nuns traverse

the land. And both sects allow monks and nuns to

travel abroad.

The Sthanakvasis trace their origins to the

seventeenth century. Today there are over 3,000
Sthanakvasi ascetics, about five-sixths of whom

are nuns. A relatively liberal sect, the Sthanakvasis

allow nuns to travel unaccompanied by monks.

The Terapanthis revere as their founder the

Shvetambara reformer Acarya Bhikshu (1726-1803;
dcdrya is a general term in Jainism for “leader” of a

group of ascetics). He implemented what is perhaps

the most characteristic Terapanthi teaching: drawing

a strict distinction between the worldly sphere and

the religious sphere, Bhikshu declared that it is not

possible to earn merit through deeds involving the

worldly sphere. For example, whereas most J ains con-

sider it highly meritorious to purchase animals from

butchers in order to set them free, the Terapanthis

reject this.

The Ascetic Life

VISUAL GUIDE
Jainism

Jainism as a Way of Life 207

Jain emblem. Incorporating a var-

iety of symbols, the Jain emblem’s

outline represents the loka, or uni-
verse. The swastika, an ancient

and common symbol in Hinduism,

Buddhism, and other religious

traditions, is very prominent in

Jainism; its four arms represent the

four realms of life (heavens, human

realm, animal realm, hells). The

hand represents ahimsa.

Tirthankara. Sculptures of
tirthankaras, like this one of
Rishabha, whom Jains revere as

the first of the current world

cycle, are objects of Jain worship.

Whisk. Shown here with a book of

Jain scripture, the whisk is used by

ascetics to clear away, and thus to

protect, insect life. It symbolizes

ahimsa.

Through their biographies and teachings, the tirthankaras, “makers of the river cross-

ing,” show the way to liberation to all Jains. However, as neither the tirthankaras nor

any Jain deities can bestow salvation, all individuals must make their own spiritual

progress and eventually attain their own deliverance. Moreover, as noted, Jains believe

that the ascetic life offers the spiritual path that best replicates the lives and follows the

208 Chapter 6 JAINISM

A Jain monk wearing
the muhpatti in order
to prevent unnecessary
harm to airborne
insects.

teachings of the jinas. Still, no one expects the average Jain to enter
upon this arduous path. Simply having entered into the human realm

does not imply that one is ready for the ascetic life. A Jain takes this

life on gradually, after having become an accomplished layperson who

fulfills all religious duties successfully and with a pure disposition.

When the circumstances are right, whether in this lifetime or in a
future lifetime, the decision to renounce the lay life and become an

ascetic is made.

It almost goes without saying that the decision of renunciation is
not to be made lightly. The initiation ritual, diksha, marks the point at
which the individual becomes completely committed to the ascetic

life. Through the centuries, minimum age requirements have been
imposed-young adulthood for the Digambara sect, younger for the

Shvetambaras (historically, as young as age 6, although today only the

Terapanthi sect permits the initiation of young children). The cere-

mony includes a symbolic removal of hair (via the traditional method

of being pulled out tuft by tuft) and presentation to the initiate of the

whisk and other implements of the ascetic life, such as the alms bowl
for Shvetambaras. Diksha is overseen by a teacher, who typically contin-
ues to provide guidance to the new ascetic. The ritual marks the sym-

bolic rupturing of the participant’s past and future lifestyles, usually

involving total separation from one’s family, although Shvetambara

nuns are on occasion allowed to interact with family members.

Ascetics depend on the almsgiving of the Jain laity, and sometimes
of Hindus, in order to eat. Usually wandering in groups, they spend eight months of

the year traversing the land, and then four months, during the rainy season, with lay

communities. By remaining settled during this wet period, the ascetics do not jeopard-

ize the well-being of life forms, which tend to be on the roads in greater numbers

because of the rains. So, once again, the principle of ahimsa underlies Jain practice.

The Five Great Vows All ascetics commit to five “Great Vows” that serve as the
doctrinal groundwork of both their inner purity of intention and their outer purity of

action:

1. Avoid inflicting violence (ahimsa) on other life forms.
2 . Abstain from lying.
3. Do not take what has not been given.

4. Renounce sexual activity.

5. Renounce possessions.

Jain texts expand on these vows in great detail, elaborating on the subtleties of their
content and means of satisfactorily fulfilling them. As you might expect, most attention

Jainism as a Way of Life 209

is devoted to the first vow, as ahimsa is understood to be the foundation of the entire
ethical outlook of Jainism. Each of the other four vows is interrelated to ahimsa. For
example, the third vow (not to take what is not given) is interpreted to mean, in its

most profound sense, not to take a life. The fifth vow is understood also to imply avoid-

ance of violence, for to renounce possessions is to deflect the passion that arises through

attachments to them. Passion is thought to be a primary cause of violence.

Ascetic Practices The basic impulse toward asceticism, so pervasive throughout the
history of Jainism, is grounded in two objectives: the avoidance of further dirtying of

the jiva with karmic matter and the eventual burning off of the matter that has already
tainted it. Specific practices are prescribed in Jain texts, notably the Six Obligatory

Duties, which for the Shvetambara sect are enumerated as follows (the Digambara list

differs only slightly):

1. Equanimity, achieved through meditation

2 . Praise of the tirthankaras
3. Veneration of teachers

4 . Repentance

5. Laying down the body (standing or sitting motionless for varying periods of time)

6. Abandonment (renunciation of specific foods or activities for a certain period
of time)

The Six Obligatory Duties are to be performed by all ascetics and, ideally, by laypeople

as well. Specifics of each duty are developed in the texts. The duty of repentance, for

example, involves acknowledging wrongdoings before one’s teacher twice daily and

ends with the recitation of a passage well known to Jains: “I ask pardon from all living
creatures. May all creatures pardon me. May I have friendship for all creatures and

enmity towards none.”6

Perhaps the most startling Jain ascetic practice in the view of outsiders is sallekhana,
the intentional fasting of oneself to death. Although this practice was quite common in

earlier times and is believed to have been the form of dying adopted by Mahavira and
other great ascetics of the past, today it is rare. Insistent that sallekhana is in no way sui-
cidal, Jains argue that, because the act of eating generally involves the risk of harming

other life forms, fasting even to the point of ending one’s own life is a highly effective

means of warding off karma. In general, an individual’s mindset at the moment of death

is considered to be a significant factor for the prospects of rebirth, and so sallekhana,
lacking the passion and violence that regularly accompanies suicide and instead fostering
a tranquil and meditative state, is thought to provide an ideal means of dying.

Jainism and Women
We have observed that among Jain ascetics the places and roles of women and men
vary considerably. The relatively conservative Digambaras allow only monks, not nuns,

Jain laypeople look
to monks and nuns as
exemplars of Jain ideals.
What similar sorts of
exemplars are present
in other religions?

210 Chapter 6 JAINISM

The Dilwara Temple
on Mount Abu in the
state of Rajasthan is
famous for its exquisite,
delicate carvings and
architectural design.

to go about naked, and they deny that women can attain kevala. They, unlike the
Shvetambaras, also insist that the nineteenth tirthankara was a man. In general, there
tend to be fewer distinctions between monks and nuns among Shvetambara Jains.

The Sthanakvasi subsect, in which nuns outnumber monks by about five to one, can

be said to be relatively liberal, even among Shvetambaras. One Sthanakvasi group has

recently taken the unprecedented step of promoting a nun, Candanaji, to the rank of

dcdrya.

The long history of Jainism reveals some diversity with regard to the places and

roles of women and men. One ancient text states that the original group of Mahavira’s

followers, both the laity and the ascetics, was composed mostly of women. It also
states that during Mahavira’s lifetime 1,400 women, as opposed to 700 men, attained

kevala.7
For most ofJain history, however, women have tended to be regarded as less spiri-

tually capable than men, even among the Shvetambaras. Recently, attitudes have

begun to shift. For example, the long-standing assumption that women are prone to

lead men away from virtuous lives by tempting them and arousing passions has grad-

ually subsided. Today, the moral fortitude of the chaste Jain woman provides a role

model for the proper behavior of women and men alike.

It almost goes without saying that Jain laywomen occupy vital roles within the
family and community, roles that, especially until recently, have tended to differ from

those of men, but that have been vital nonetheless. In the chap-
ter’s opening vignette we entered the home of the Chandras and

observed the ritual of giving known as dana. It is difficult to
imagine such a scene without the presence of the wife, who
takes a leading role in managing the household affairs and rais-

ing the children. The fact that women tend to be less involved

than men in business and other professional concerns means

that they tend to have more time and energy to devote to the

important lay religious practice of fasting.

The Religious Life of the Jain Laity
Although Jainism is best known for its asceticism, a balanced

understanding of the religion demands a careful look at the role

of the laity. For one thing, lay adherents constitute the great

majority ofJains. Also, even as the laity looks to the monks and

nuns as exemplars ofJain ideals, the ascetics themselves depend
on the lay community for their livelihood and support. These

two components, in other words, function hand in hand. The

worship activities of the Jain laity are rich and diverse and have

for centuries been a vital part of the religious life of India.

Jain worship occurs on two separate levels. At the more
mundane level, the objects of worship are various gods who, as

Jainism as a Way of Life 211

we have noted, tend to be the same as those worshipped by Hindus. While having

nothing to do with the ultimate religious pursuit of liberation, the gods are believed to

respond to material needs, such as providing weather favorable for agriculture and

cures for health maladies.

On a more sublime level, Jains worship the tirthankaras-even though they, like
the gods, are unable actively to assist a worshipper in achieving salvation. Neverthe-

less, worship of the tirthankaras nurtures a properly devout religious attitude; its net
effect is to burn off the dirtying karma that weighs down the soul. It is this second
level of worship that warrants our consideration here.

Religious Places In its most visible form, Jain worship concentrates on images of
the tirthankaras, although, as we have observed, the Sthanakvasis and Terapanthis
shun this. Most of this worship takes place in temples, some of which rank among

India’s most impressive architectural achievements. For example, the Dharna Vihara

at Ranakpur in the state ofRajasthan, which is dedicated to the tirthankara Rishabha,

is remarkable for its unique four-directional design, four-faced image of the tirthan-
kara, and 1,400 carved columns. Along with such spectacular temples as the Dharna
Vihara, many temples coexist with shops and offices on city streets, indistinguishable
from the neighboring buildings.

Jain sacred places also include various sites in the countryside, such as Mount

Shatrunjaya in Gujarat in western India, one of five sacred mountains for Shvetambara

Jains. Hundreds of shrines are located at Mount Shatrunjaya, and one textual trad-

ition predicts that nineteen future tirthankaras will spend time preaching there.
Pilgrimages to places like Mount Shatrunjaya constitute an important aspect of

lay worship. In fact, every Jain strives to make at least one pilgrimage in his or her life-

time. Typically undertaken at considerable expense, the pilgrimage offers each lay in-

dividual an opportunity to experience, through the interruption of normal life and the

rigors of journeying to the site, an ascetic lifestyle

for a temporary period. This experience allows
for the concentration of effort in gaining karmic

merit. Traditionally, pilgrimages were made on

foot, and this is still the mode of transportation

for ascetics. Today, laypeople often travel by train

or other modern means. Sometimes the expenses

for entire groups of pilgrims are paid for by one
person, who is thought to gain much karmic merit

through the act of benevolence.

Rituals and Observances In addition to the
relatively rigorous periods of pilgrimage, the reli-

gious life of the Jain laity overlaps with that of the

ascetics in some everyday aspects. All Jains are

Shatrunjaya, a hill near
the town of Palitana,

India, and for centuries

an important Jain

pilgrimage site, features

863 temples of various

sizes and styles.

212 Chapter 6 JAINISM

careful with regard to their eating habits. They are diligently vegetarian, and go well
beyond abstaining from meat by avoiding such things as eggs, vegetables, and fruits

with a large number of seeds in order not to destroy life forms unnecessarily. Fasting,

a very common practice among ascetics, also is quite common among the laity, espe-

cially, as we have seen, among women.

These similarities notwithstanding, it is easy to observe that in almost every way,
the ascetics’ religious life demands significantly more by way of exertion and endur-

ance of physical hardships than does the religious life of most laypeople, who strive

mainly to behave morally in order to ebb the flow of harmful karma and thus to foster

a good rebirth. As we observed at the outset of this chapter, the ritual of dana (the

giving of food to monks and nuns) provides one opportunity to be a good Jain layper-

son and to enhance one’s karmic status. A somewhat similar practice involves bidding
for the right to sponsor rituals, with any extra money being donated to charitable

causes and the winning bidder gaining in social esteem. Whenever a new image of a

tirthankara is erected or installed in a temple, for example, rituals are performed to

celebrate each of the “five auspicious events” of a tirthankara’s life: conception, birth,

renunciation, attainment of kevala, and moksha. The person who sponsors the building

of such an image and funds the rituals is said to acquire very positive karmic merit, so
that the person likely will be born into a world blessed with a living tirthankara. 8

A formalized system of religious observance features the Twelve Vows for the lay-

person. The first of the Vows, for instance, makes dear that it is the intentionality,

rather than specific action, that most matters with regard to ahimsa. Proper intention-

ality is involved, for example, in choosing the right profession, one that would not

likely result in violence toward sentient life forms. As a result, Jains through the cen-
turies have tended to engage in trade and other forms of business. Obviously harmful

occupations such as hunting and fishing are strictly prohibited; farming is acceptable

because it can be done without intentionally harming life forms. Trade and business,

however, are generally considered optimal because they can be done without causing

any harm at all.

CONCLUSION
In this chapter, we have learned about Jainism’s teachings, historical development, and

way oflife. One of the world’s oldest traditions, Jainism today remains relatively small,

with only about 5.6 million adherents, and also relatively confined to its place of

origin, with the great majority ofJains living in India. This tendency for the tradition

to maintain itself demographically and geographically is natural for Jains, who do not
actively seek converts to Jainism and, even when living outside oflndia, tend to main-

tain strong ties to the motherland.

Like every religion in the world today, however, Jainism has become diverse, as

indicated by the differences between the sects. Some aspects of the religion are more

adaptable to modernization, pluralism, and other contemporary forces, and some are

less adaptable. In this regard, Jainism as a whole can perhaps best be summed up as a
tradition that is both eternally constant and constantly evolving. At one extreme, a

group of monks and nuns wandering the countryside, sweeping ahead of their bare

feet with their whisks, hardly fit into the picture of the modern world. Paradoxically,

these same ascetics carry on a tradition of cosmology that appears remarkably modern

relative to most traditionally religious points of view. Moreover, the social conscious-
ness of J ains-expressed in their advocacy of vegetarianism and other forms of

nonviolence-is in step with many who are concerned over the state of the world, the

environment, and humanity’s plight.

SEEKING ANSWERS

What Is Ultimate Reality?

Conclusion 213

Like Hinduism and Buddhism, Jainism maintains belief in samsara, the wheel of life. Time
is conceived of as being cyclical, such that this world is but one in an eternal sequence of
worlds that have come to be. The Jain perspective on space features the loka, a vast expanse
that includes three realms inhabited by human beings. Jainism does not emphasize the im-
portance of deities, even to the point of appearing atheistic; it can be considered a transthe-
istic religion. Souls Uivas) and matter (ajiva) are believed to exist eternally. Ultimate reality
for Jainism might best be identified as kevala, the supreme state in which the eternal soul
is perfectly pure.

How Should We Live in This World?

Jainism bases its ethical teachings on the principle of ahimsa (nonviolence) and on the ac-
companying value of asceticism. Both are exemplified by Mahavira and the other tirthan-
karas, and Jain monks and nuns continue to act as exemplars. Jainism understands human
beings-like every other sentient being-to be made up of a soul Uiva) combined with
bodily matter (ajiva). This matter is believed to contaminate the soul and thus to weigh it
down and to prevent it from attaining spiritual perfection. Jains explain this through their
doctrine of karma, understanding the term in its literal sense as “action.”

What Is Our Ultimate Purpose?

Jains believe that eventually every soul will become perfectly pure, allowing it to rise to the
top of the loka in the transcendent state of kevala, the Jain equivalent of Buddhist nirvana
or Hindu moksha. Jains also believe that the soul that does not experience kevala is destined
for rebirth, which is understood to occur immediately after death and is determined by the
adequacy of one’s spiritual and moral life in this world . Death, then, does not “end it,” and
mortality for Jains involves the prospect of a good rebirth.

214 Chapter 6 JAINISM

REVIEW QUESTIONS

For Review
,. What is the role of Mahavira as one of

Jainism’s tirthankaras?
2. How do Jain practices of asceticism

promote the cause of ahimsa?
3. What is the loka?
4 . Identify and briefly describe the various

Jain sects.
5. Differentiate the main religious duties

of the Jain laity from those of the ascetics,
and explain what religious advantages
a monk or nun might have over members
of the laity.

GLOSSARY

ahimsa (ah-him’suh; Sanskrit, “nonviolence,” “not
desiring to harm”) Both the avoidance of violence
toward other life forms and an active sense of
compassion toward them; a basic principle of
Jainism, Hinduism, and Buddhism.

ajiva (uh-jee’vuh; Sanskrit, “nonsoul”) Nonliving
components of the Jain universe: space, time,
motion, rest, and all forms of matter.

dana (dah’nuh; Sanskrit, Pali, “giving”) Ritual of
giving.

Digambara (dig-ahm’buh-ruh; Sanskrit, “those whose
garment is the sky”) The second largest Jain sect,
whose monks go about naked so as to help abolish
any ties to society; generally more conservative
than the Shvetambara sect.

jina (ji’nuh; Sanskrit, “conqueror”) Jain title for one
who has “conquered” samsara; synonymous with
tirthankara.

jiva (jee’vuh; Sanskrit, “soul”) The finite and eter-
nal soul; also the category of living, as opposed to
nonliving, entities of the universe.

For Further Reflection
,. Compare the biographies of Nataputta

Vardhamana (Mahavira) and Siddhartha
Gautama (the Buddha), focusing especially
on the episodes of attaining enlightenment.

2. What is the relationship between Jain cos-
mology and the Jain perspective on spiritual
liberation? Consider especially the classifica-
tion of reality into ajiva andjiva and how
this relates to the quest for spiritual
liberation.

3. What is kevala? How does it compare to
Buddhist nirvana? To Hindu moksha?

karma (Sanskrit, “action”) “Action” and the conse-
quences of action; determines the nature of one’s re-
incarnation; in Jainism, all activity is believed to
involve various forms of matter that weigh down the
soul (jiva) and thus hinder the quest for liberation.

kevala (kay’vuh-luh; shortened form of Sanskrit keva-
lajnana, “isolated knowledge” or “absolute know-
ledge”) The perfect and complete knowledge or
omniscience that is Jain enlightenment; marks the
point at which one is free from the damaging effects
of karma and is liberated from samsara.

loka (loh’kah; Sanskrit, “world”) The Jain universe,
often depicted as having the shape of a giant man.

Shvetambara (shvayt-ahm’buh-ruh; Sanskrit, “those
whose garment is white”) The largest Jain sect,
whose monks and nuns wear white robes; gener-
ally more liberal than the Digambara sect.

tirthankaras (teert-hahn’kuhr-uhs; Sanskrit, “makers
of the river crossing”) The Jain spiritual heroes, such
as Parshva and Mahavira, who have shown the way
to salvation; synonymous with jinas.

Online Resources 215

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Dundas, Paul. The ]ains. 2nd ed. London: Routledge,
2002. A thorough and scholarly study that has

become a standard reference work for students

and academics alike.

Jain, Satish Kumar, and Kamal Chand Sogani, eds.

Perspectives in ]aina Philosophy and Culture.

New Delhi: Ahimsa International, 1985. Help-
ful insights from within the Jain

tradition.

Jaini, Padmanabh S. The ]aini Path of Purification.

2nd ed. Columbia, MO: South Asia Books,

2001. The first comprehensive work in English

that offers a sympathetic study of the religion,

this modern-day classic has been revised and
updated.

ONLINE RESOURCES

The Wabash Center

wabashcenter.wabash.edu/resources

The Wabash Center, a trusted resource for all as-

pects of the academic study of religion, offers links

to a wide variety of dependable Internet resources

on Jainism.

Lopez, Donald S. Jr., ed. Religions of India in Prac-
tice. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,

1995. Offering some translations for the first

time, this anthology presents a wide range of

texts well beyond the usual collections of sacred

writings.

Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli, and Charles A. Moore,
eds. A Sourcebook in Indian Philosophy. Prince-

ton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957. A

standard anthology of sacred texts in English

translations.

lheJaina

jaina.org

The J aina (Federation ofJ ain Associations in North

America) website is especially useful for studies of

Jainism in North America.

SIKHISM

MANJIT KAUR, a sixteen-year-old girl, and Sandeep Singh, a fourteen-

year-old boy, stand in the gurdwara, the place of Sikh worship, in their
small village in northwestern India. Here in the region known as the

Punjab, Sikhism’s ancestral homeland, Manjit and Sandeep are members

of the majority religion, and gurdwaras are common sights in the farming
villages that dot the land. Most of the village has gathered together to

witness the proceedings, and Sandeep and Manjit have spent the morn-

ing preparing for this momentous event-their initiation into the Sikh

Khalsa, or community of”Pure Ones.” They have both bathed and washed
their long hair carefully and have dressed especially for the occasion.

Most notably, they both don the five articles of faith, known as the Five Ks:

uncut hair, a comb, a steel wristlet, a short sword, and a pair of shorts.

Manjit and Sandeep join a group of five older villagers who also don

the Five Ks and who for this ceremony play the part of the Panj Piare, or
“Beloved Five.” They are established members of the Khalsa and will

oversee the initiation. The grouping of five recalls the founding of the

Khalsa centuries ago, when Guru Gobind Singh (1675-1708 C.E.), the

tenth in a line of Gurus going back to Guru Nanak (1469-1539 C.E.),

chose five original initiates who had distinguished themselves for their

loyalty to the Guru and for their commitment to Sikh ideals. On this day

of Amrit Sanchar, the Khalsa initiation ceremony, the stirring memory of

The five Sikh men who participate in the Amrit Sanchar
represent the original “Beloved Five” in commemoration
of the founding of the Khalsa.

218 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

Significant sites in the
history of Sikhism.

these founding figures and the ideals they embody is palpably felt. But the most vital
presence of all is a large book, lying open on a special platform. It is Sri Guru
Gran th Sahib, or the Adi Granth, the sacred scripture of Sikhism, and the Sikhs’ Guru,
or spiritual teacher, from the time of Guru Gobind Singh forward.

Sandeep and Manjit stand before the Panj Piare, one of whom explains the basic
principles of Sikhism. They agree to accept these principles by nodding, the ritual
action that makes the initiation official. The new members of the Khalsa are then served
amrit (“immortalizing fluid”), a special drink made from water and sugar crystals,
which has been mixed by the Panj Piare in an iron bowl and stirred with a two-edged
sword. Meanwhile, hymns from the Adi Granth are sung by the congregation. The
amrit is drunk and sprinkled on the eyes and heads of the initiates, who recite the Mui
Mantra, the summary of Sikh doctrine that comprises the opening lines of the Adi
Granth. The Panj Piare then instruct Manjit and Sandeep about the ethical require-
ments of the Khalsa. These include prohibitions against the cutting of one’s hair, the
eating of meat that has been improperly slaughtered, extramarital sexual relations,
and the use of tobacco. The initiates are also told that all Sikhs are brothers and sisters
and that there should not be any distinctions made on the basis of caste.

TUR-KM EN ISTAN
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Sea OCEAN 200 400

Manjit and Sandeep are among a minority of
Sikhs, approximately 15 percent, who undergo the
traditional ceremony of initiation into the Khalsa.
Some 70 percent of the approximately 25 million
Sikhs in the world,’ however, are popularly con-
sidered to be members of the Khalsa, insofar as
they observe the Five Ks, or at least the one that is
generally deemed most important: not cutting
one’s hair. 2 And regardless of percentages or de-
grees of membership, the traditional ways of the
Khalsa greatly influence the practices and cus-
toms of the entire Panth, or Sikh community. We
can thus glimpse in this ceremony, with its power-
ful ties to tradition and its rich symbolism, key as-
pects that are at the heart of Sikhism. $!~

I n this chapter we shall study these and other key aspects, attending in turn to the founding of Sikhism and its primary doctrines, its his-
torical development, and its most prevalent rituals
and worship practices. By virtue of its size alone,

Sikhism is among the major religions of the world.

Theologically, Sikhism’s intermixing of concepts

that are common to some Hindu traditions on one

Tl MELINE
Sikhism

The Teachings of Sikhism 219

1469 c.E. Birth of Guru Nanak, founder of Sikhism.

1520s Establishment by Guru Nanak of the township
of Kartarpur, the first Sikh community.

1539 Death of Guru Nanak.

1606 Death (execution?) of Guru Arjan, under Mug ha I
emperor Jahangir.

1675 Execution of Guru Tegh Bahadur, under Mughal
emperor Aurangzeb.

1699 Founding of the Khalsa by Guru Gobind Singh.

1708 Death of Guru Gobind Singh and establishment
of the Adi Granth as Guru.

1799 Establishment of independent Sikh kingdom by
Ranj it Singh.

1849 Annexation of Sikh kingdom by the British.

1947 Partition of Punjab with the establishment of
India’s independence.

1984 Indian army attacks and occupies Sikh holy sites,
including the Darbar Sahib (or Golden Temple).

1999 The Pa nth celebrates the third centennial of the
establishment of the Kha lsa.

2004 Manmohan Singh elected prime minister of India,
the first Sikh to attain this office.

hand and to Islam on the other make it a very interesting subject for the comparative

study of religion. And with nearly 2 million Sikhs living outside of India, and Sikh
communities being found today in most of the large cities of the West, Sikhism clearly

is a global tradition that has a significant impact on the world.

THE TEACHINGS OF SIKHISM
The term Sikh is derived from an ancient Sanskrit term that means “disciple.” Sikhs are

thus disciples, specifically of the ten Gurus, beginning with Guru Nanak and ending
with Guru Gobind Singh, founder of the Khalsa. Since then, Sikhs have been disciples

of Sri Guru Granth Sahib, the traditional name for their most important sacred text,

the Adi Granth. A sound understanding of Sikhism therefore must begin with a con-

sideration of the origins of this line of Gurus.

By the time Guru Nanak had come on the scene, the important role of the guru
had long been established within Hindu traditions of northern India. A guru is a spiri-

tual teacher. Guru is actually used in three slightly different ways in Sikhism. Along
with being the title of Guru Nanak and his successors and of the sacred text (Sri Guru

Granth Sahib), it is used as a name for God. (In fact, Vahiguru, “Praise to the Guru,”

220 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

Sikhs pay homage
to Guru Nanak, the
founder of Sikhism,
in a crowded room in
Lahore, Pakistan.

is the most common name for God used by Sikhs today.) In each case the guru func-
tions as the teacher of God’s will. As Sikhs believe that God lovingly reveals the divine

will to humans, God, too, thus functions as Guru.

We now consider the career of the guru of northern India whose extraordinary life

experiences and bold spiritual leadership were to have such a profound impact that a

new religion would arise.

The Life of Guru Nanak
Nanak was born in 1469 C.E. in the small village of Talvandi (modern-day Nankan

Sahib, located near Lahore, Pakistan). He was born to Hindu parents of a mercantile

caste who probably were worshippers of Vishnu (for more information about the caste

system and the worship of Vishnu, see Chapter 4). His parents arranged for him to
marry early, when he was still in his teens, as was customary at the time. Nanak and

his wife, Sulakhani, moved to Sultanpur, where Nanak’s older sister Nanaki lived.

Soon Nanak and Sulakhani had two sons.

Sultanpur, located on the main rode between Lahore and Delhi, was a religiously

diverse community, with residents and visitors who practiced varieties of Hinduism
and Islam. Nanak, who is said to have been dissatisfied with traditional forms of reli-

gion, gravitated toward a religious outlook similar to Hindu bhakti, the path of devo-
tion (see Chapter 4). Nanak believed in the oneness of God and in the need to move
closer to God. This could best be accomplished, he believed, through meditation and

singing hymns in praise of God. Eventually Nanak began composing his own hymns.

With his friend Mardana, a Muslim musician, accompanying him on the rebab (a stringed
instrument), Nanak sang his hymns at communal worship gatherings. These hymns

are included in the Adi Granth and are sung in Sikh services today.

According to tradition, Nanak became recognized as a spiritual leader early in

his life. He would rise before dawn and bathe in the river, meditate, and then lead

others in singing hymns of praise. When Nanak was about thirty years old, he under-

went a crucial experience that led to the
origin of the Sikh tradition.

Receiving God’s Revelation One
morning while Nanak was bathing in
the river, he did not resurface from the

water. He was presumed drowned, and

yet his body was not found. Three days

and three nights later, however, Nanak

emerged from the river, and, returning
to the village, he proclaimed: “There is

neither Hindu nor Muslim so whose

path shall I follow? I shall follow God’s

path. God is neither Hindu nor Muslim

and the path which I follow is God’s.”3

The Teachings of Sikhism 221

When he explained what had happened, Nanak said that he had been escorted to

the court of God, who gave him a cup of amrit (the same drink that is used in the
Khalsa initiation ceremony) and said to him:

This is the cup of the adoration of God’s name. Drink it. I am with you.

I bless you and raise you up. Whoever remembers you will enjoy my

favor. Go, rejoice in my name and teach others to do so. I have be-

stowed the gift of my name upon you. Let this be your calling.4

The Journeys of Guru Nanak Deeply moved by this revelation, Guru Nanak spent
the next stage of his life, from age thirty to about age fifty, traveling far and wide and
learning about a variety of religious customs, including Hindu, Muslim, and Jain. He is

said to have undertaken four long journeys: eastward to Assan; southward to Sri Lanka;

northward to the Himalayas; and westward, reaching as far as Mecca and Baghdad.

He visited holy sites and encountered a wide variety of religious people. He also pro-

claimed and practiced his own teachings, sometimes to hostile audiences.

Several incidents during Guru Nanak’s travels illuminate the new message he pro-
claimed. On one occasion, while visiting a Hindu shrine in Haridwar, India, he found

himself among brahmins throwing water toward the rising sun as an offering to their
dead ancestors. Nanak turned and threw water the other way, explaining, “If you can
send water to your dead ancestors in heaven, surely I can send it to my fields in the

Punjab.”5 On another occasion, Nanak was awakened from sleep by an angry Muslim

who chastised him for sleeping with his feet pointing toward the Ka’ba in Mecca, the
most sacred site in Islam. (Showing the soles of one’s feet is considered by many Muslims

to be a grave insult.) Nanak responded: “Then turn my feet in some other direction

where God does not exist.”6

Such stories as these illustrate a general theme of Nanak’s religious outlook. He

consistently rejected traditional rituals and “proper” religious protocol, whether Hindu

or Muslim.

Founding the Sikh Community Drawing from his revelation experience and years
of journeying, Nanak continued proclaiming his own religious ideals, among them

monotheism; lack of distinctions based on gender, caste, or creed (for example, whether
Hindu or Muslim); and doing good deeds. Nanak attracted a large following. At about

the age of fifty, he established a new settlement called Kartarpur (“abode of the creator”)

in what is now Pakistan. Here he and his followers formed the first Sikh community

and instituted the lifestyle that has characterized Sikh society to this day.

Guru Nanak erected a special building, a dharamsala (“abode of faith”), for wor-
ship. In so doing, he provided the prototype of the gurdwara, which today is the central
structure of any particular Sikh community. (The term dharamsala gradually was re-
placed in the eighteenth century with gurdwara to designate the Sikh place of worship.)
Nanak welcomed people from all segments of society to reside in Kartarpur and to

work together to maintain it. Nanak himself joined in the work, which was primarily

222 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

Compare Guru Nanak to
founding figures of
other religious
traditions, with regard
to establishing
teachings and way of
life and to the founding
figure as a role model
for others to follow.

agrarian. And though in most respects a regular member of the community, Nanak sat

on a special seat when addressing the congregation. Followers recognized the nature of

the Guru as merely human and yet also as very spiritually advanced.

On September 22, 1539, after leading the Kartarpur community for about twenty
years, Guru Nanak died. According to the traditional account the Guru, aware of his

approaching death, settled a dispute regarding the proper disposal of his body.

Hindus and Muslims who had put their faith in the divine Name began
to debate what should be done with the Guru’s corpse. “We shall bury
him,” said the Muslims. “No, let us cremate his body,” said the
Hindus. “Place flowers on both sides of my body,” said Baba Nanak,
“flowers from the Hindus on the right side and flowers from the
Muslims on the left. If tomorrow the Hindus’ flowers are still fresh
let my body be burned, and if the Muslims’ flowers are still fresh let
it be buried.”

Baba Nanak then commanded the congregation to sing. They sang
Kirtan Sohila and Arati . … Baba Nanak then covered himself with a
sheet and passed away. Those who had gathered around him pros-
trated themselves, and when the sheet was removed they found that
there was nothing under it. The flowers on both sides remained fresh,
and both Hindus and Muslims took their respective shares. All who
were gathered there prostrated themselves again.7

Even with his death, Guru Nanak encouraged Hindus and Muslims to transcend their
differences and to let peace prevail.

Guru Nanak’s example powerfully informs the beliefs and practices of Sikhs up to

the present day. We will next turn our attention briefly to Sikh scripture, the collection

of texts that contains the doctrinal position as set forth by Guru Nanak and his

successor Gurus.

Sikh Scripture
We have previously identified the Adi Granth, commonly known as Sri Guru Granth

Sahib, as Sikhism’s most important sacred text. This is without question true for all

Sikhs today. There are, however, other texts that most Sikhs would classify as scrip-

ture, of which the most important are the Dasam Granth and the Rahit, both of which
we consider here. In addition, works by two disciples of the Gurus are granted sufficient
status to be recited in the gurdwara: Bhai Gurda (disciple of Guru Arjan and Guru

Hargobind) and Nand Lal (disciple of Guru Gobind Singh). A collection of stories

about the life of Guru Nanak, called the ]anam-sakhi, also deserves mention. The ac-

count of Guru Nanak’s death cited in the previous section is from the ]anam-sakhi.

The Adi Granth Compiled by Guru Arjan in 1603-1604, the Adi Granth contains the
works of his four predecessors, along with his own hymns and various works by poets,

The Teachings of Sikhism 223

such as Kabir (c. 1440-1518). Through the centuries, the Adi
Granth has occupied a central place in Sikhism. Whereas the

Gurus once sat on a special seat amid Sikh disciples, since the

time of the tenth and last historical Guru, Gobind Singh, the Adi

Granth has occupied the same type of seat in the middle of any

place of worship. And whereas the Gurus were once the authori-
ties on religious matters, now Sikhs consult the Adi Granth.

The name ”Adi Granth” (“the Original Volume” or “the First

Book”) is standard among scholars. Sikhs commonly express

their reverence for the scripture by referring to it as Sri Guru

Granth Sahib (sahib is a title of respect). Every copy is identi-

cal in both script and page number; there are 1,430 pages in
every copy. It was composed using the Gurmukhi script and a
variety of languages that were used in northern India at the

time, most prevalently Punjabi. It also contains some words
in Arabic, Persian, Prakrit, and Sanskrit. All of these factors

render the Adi Granth somewhat difficult to read, as well as

difficult to translate. Today, however, English and French
translations are available. Many Sikh families have at least a

condensed version of the Adi Granth, containing all of the

works used in daily prayers, including Guru Nanak’s ]apji, which
is the only portion of the entire Adi Granth that is chanted,

rather than sung. For Sikhs, the Adi Granth rings with brilliance when it is set to

music and proclaimed in its original language. In the words of one commentator: “The
poetic excellence, the spiritual content, and the haunting, lilting melodies of the

hymns of the Adi Granth are Sikhism’s greatest attraction to this day.”8

The Dasam Granth The composition of the Dasam Granth (“Volume of the Tenth
Master”) has been traditionally attributed to Guru Gobind Singh, although many

Sikhs today regard only some parts to have been authored by the Guru. The first

compilation of works into the Dasam Granth is thought to have taken place in 1734

(twenty-six years after the death of Guru Gobind Singh), although in the ensuing

decades variant versions appeared. In 1902, the version that is used today was officially
authorized.

During the eighteenth century, the Dasam Granth was considered to be Guru along-

side the Adi Granth. Today, however, only one group of Sikhs, the Nihangs, bestow equal

honor on the Dasam Granth. Nevertheless, the sections of the text that all Sikhs

attribute to Guru Gobind Singh can safely be categorized as Sikh scripture. These

sections include the well-known]ap Sahib and the Ten Savayyas; both are recited daily
in morning prayers.

The Rahit In the chapter’s opening, we observed that the Amrit Sanchar, the Khalsa
initiation ceremony, is undertaken only by a minority of Sikhs, even though the Khalsa

A Sikh reads from Sri
Guru Granth Sahib, here
occupying its customary
place on a cushion
within a gurdwara.

224 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

continues to exemplify the ideals of Sikhism. These ideals are spelled out in written

form in rahit-namas, texts composed over the centuries and collectively referred to as

the Rahit. Traditionally, the contents of the Rahit are believed to stem from the teach-
ings of Guru Gobind Singh himself. In both this section on Sikh doctrinal teachings
and the following section on Sikh religious life, we shall draw frequently from the

contents of the Rahit.

On God, the Human Condition, and Spiritual Liberation
More than anything else, Sikhism is a religious path to spiritual liberation through

devotional praise of God, most especially by way of meditation on the divine Name.

This meditation is often done through prayerful recitation of sacred words. In this

section, we take up in more detail three main aspects of Sikh teachings that will shed

light on this religious path: the nature of God and the “divine Name”; the nature of

the human condition and its need, through the aid of the Guru, to move from dark-
ness to enlightenment; and the nature ofliberation, which is release from samsara, the

cycle of death and rebirth.

Sikhism teaches that the ultimate purpose of life is to attain mukti (spiritual

liberation). This liberation is similar to Hindu moksha, “release” from samsara, the

cycle of death and rebirth (a concept Sikhism also adopted from Hinduism). This

release is believed to bring about an experience of being in the presence of God, a state
of eternal bliss.

God: Formless One, Creator, True Guru Guru Nanak’s understanding of the
nature of God is the center from which all Sikh teachings emerge. It is fitting that the
Adi Granth begins with a concise summary of Sikh theology. This summary is known

as the Mui Mantra, the passage recited by initiates to the Khalsa (as we noted in the

beginning of the chapter) and by most Sikhs daily as part of their morning prayers.

There is one Supreme Being, the Eternal Reality, the Creator, without fear and
devoid of enmity, immortal, never incarnated, self-existent, known by grace
through the Guru .

The Eternal One, from the beginning, through all time, present now, the
Everlasting Reality.9

As this description suggests, Sikhism is similar theologically to the monotheistic reli-

gions Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. God is one, eternal, self-existent,

and “Creator.” The Punjabi term that the Gurus used for God is Akal Purakh, “The

One Beyond Time.” Guru Nanak sometimes used the name Nirankar, “Without Form.”

For Sikhs, then, God is without form and beyond all attributes that humans use to
describe reality. God is without gender and is referred to as “he” in Sikhism only be-

grudgingly and when grammatically necessary because of the limitations of language;

there is no neuter pronoun in Punjabi. Sikhs actively strive to avoid assigning such

human attributes to God.

The Teachings of Sikhism 225

For reasons beyond the grasp of human comprehension, God decided to create the

world and all that is in it, including human beings. Akal Purakh (we’ll use this tradi-

tional name, although modern Sikhs commonly refer to God as Vahiguru, “Praise to

the Guru”), in addition to being the Creator, is also the Preserver and the Destroyer.

Sikhism here draws from the important Hindu triad of gods and their respective
functions: Brahma (Creator), Vishnu (Preserver), and Shiva (Destroyer). All Sikhs,

though, insist that their God is one. These three functions are thus different aspects of

the one God. For Hindu Vaishnavas, Vishnu similarly incorporates all three functions

within his own being (Chapter 4, p. 112).

In God’s primary state, to which Guru Nanak referred when he used the name
Nirankar (“Without Form”), God is distinct from his creation in much the same way

that an artist remains distinct from her or his artwork. And yet God dwells within
creation-within nature and within human beings. God is thus said to be immanent,

or indwelling (as opposed to transcendent, or beyond creation). In this state of imma-

nence, Akal Purakh is personal and approachable through loving devotion. Because

of God’s immanence in creation, it is possible for humans to make contact with God

and to come to know God. To extend our analogy, one can know something of an

artist by seeing the artist’s works. So too can one come to know Akal Purakh through
experiencing God’s creation. Indeed, part of the ongoing purpose of creation is that

God, through loving grace, might reveal the divine self to human beings. It is in this

capacity that God is referred to as Guru, for in this manner God delivers humans from

darkness to enlightenment.

The Human Condition: Self-Centered and Bound to Samsara Human beings
are especially near to Akal Purakh. Though Sikhism advocates kindness to living
things, it also holds that other creatures are here to provide for us. (Unlike most

Hindus and all Jains, therefore, Sikhs are not opposed to eating meat-although veg-

etarianism is the preference of many.) More importantly, Akal Purakh is believed to

dwell within all human beings and is actively concerned about their spiritual welfare.

Humans, however, tend to neglect the need to center their lives on God.

Rather than being God-centered, humans are inclined to be self-centered and to
depend on the powers of the mind. The Sikh term for this self-centeredness is haumai,
which causes one to resist submitting to Akal Purakh. When life is dominated by

haumai, its five accompanying vices-lust, anger, greed, attachment, and pride-tend

to run rampant. Haumai and its vices increase the distance between the person and

God and at the same time cause attachment to the charms of the world.

As long as haumai and its accompanying vices persist, humans are destined to
remain in samsara, the ongoing cycle of death and rebirth.

Spiritual Liberation through Union with God The quest for spiritual liberation
is a constant struggle between haumai, the self-centeredness to which humans are

naturally inclined, and the call to live in accordance with the will of God. Akal Purakh

plays an essential role in determining the outcome of this struggle. God is immanent

226 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

in creation through hukam, the divine order. It is through hukam that Akal Purakh
asserts the divine will and communicates truth. Through Akal Purakh’s grace, humans

acquire the potential for perceiving this truth, and therefore for perceiving God. In the
words of the Mul Mantra cited earlier, Akal Purakh is “known by grace through the
Guru”-the Guru being either one of the historical Gurus or Sri Guru Granth Sahib.

(Because the Mul Mantra was composed by Guru Nanak, we can assume that the
original meaning was the historical Guru.) Through humbling oneself, thus denying

the normally dominating powers of haumai, a person is opened to the power of God’s
grace. Having received God’s grace, the task is to respond in loving devotion through

meditation on the nature of God. The term most often used in the Adi Granth to
denote the nature of God is nam, the “divine Name.” Meditation on the nam or recita-

tion of the nam is prescribed repeatedly as the path to spiritual liberation. A chapter of
the Japji sets forth these points:

The Eternal One whose Name is Truth speaks to us in infinite love.
Insistently we beg for the gifts which are by grace bestowed. What can
we offer in return for all this goodness? What gift will gain entrance to
the hallowed Court? What words can we utter to attract this love? At
the ambrosial hour of fragrant dawn meditate on the grandeur of the
one true Name. Past actions determine the nature of our birth, but
grace alone reveals the door to liberation. See the Divine Spirit, Nanak,
dwelling immanent in all. Know the Divine Spirit as the One, the
eternal, the changeless Truth.10

The significance of the nam for Guru Nanak, and thus for the entire Sikh tradition,
can hardly be overstated. In the words of one modern commentator, “Anything that

may be affirmed concerning Akal Purakh constitutes an aspect of the divine Name,

and a sufficient understanding of the divine Name provides the essential means to
deliverance.”11

Mukti, spiritual liberation, brings about the eternal, infinitely blissful state of being
in the presence of God. It should be noted that Sikhism’s doctrine of spiritual libera-

tion is not dependent in any way on one’s caste status or gender. Also, the focus is on

inward meditation and piety, rather than on outward forms of worship, such as festi-

vals or pilgrimages-although Sikhism is not entirely without such forms of worship,

as we shall consider shortly. But before we move on from this section on Sikh teach-
ings, we next consider elements introduced with the foundation in 1699 of the Khalsa,

the community of “Pure Ones,” and take up the crucial question of the relationship of

the Khalsa to the Panth or Sikh community at large.

Teachings of Guru Gobind Singh and the Khalsa
The teachings that Guru Gobind Singh proclaimed to the Pan} Piare, the “Beloved
Five” who became the first initiates into the Khalsa, are believed by Sikhs to make up

The History of Sikhism 227

the Rahit, the regulatory code that spells out correct belief and
behavior for members of the Khalsa.

The Rahit contains vital teachings pertaining to the reli-

gious life. As we observed in the opening of the chapter, Manjit

and Sandeep, as part of their initiation into the Khalsa, were

taught certain norms of behavior, all of which are contained in
the Rahit. Among the teachings are four cardinal prohibitions

(kurahit): cutting one’s hair, eating meat that has been improp-

erly slaughtered (specifically, slaughtered according to Muslim

regulations), engaging in extramarital sex, and using tobacco.

Along with these and other prohibitions, the Rahit also sets

forth requirements, including the requirement to don the Five
Ks, so named because all five of the items begin in Punjabi with

the letter “k.” The Five Ks are:

• Kes, uncut hair, symbolizing Sikh belief that one should
not interfere with natural, God-given form

• Kangha, a small comb worn in the hair, a reminder of
cleanliness

• Kard, a steel wristlet, affirming constant connectedness with God

• Kirpan, a sword, a sign of devotion to truth and to the defense of just causes

• Kachh, a pair of shorts tied with a drawstring, symbolizing chastity.

To some extent, both the meaning and the practical implications of the Five Ks have
varied somewhat through the centuries. At the time of the founding of the Khalsa, for

example, the wearing of a sword would have suggested true preparedness to fight.

Today, the kirpan is usually only five to eight inches long and often is concealed un-

derneath clothing in order not to appear threatening.

Study of Sikh teachings has led us naturally to a consideration of some historical
aspects of the Sikh tradition. In the next section, we take up in more detail significant

events from the time of Guru Nanak to the present.

THE HISTORY OF SIKHISM
Guru Nanak has remained the most prominent and revered of the ten Gurus of the

Sikhs. Yet his nine successors contributed significantly to the development of the reli-
gion. Young Sikhs like Manjit and Sandeep learn about all of them as a natural part of

their upbringing, celebrating their heroic life stories.

Guru Nanak’s Successors
All ten Gurus are considered to have been revealers of truth and to have been linked

to one another through sharing the same divine essence. This made them spiritually more
adept than ordinary people. They were not, however, thought to be divine incarnations

Gurbaj Singh Multani
(right) wears a
ceremonial dagger,
known as a kirpan, after
a news conference on
Parliament Hil l in Ottawa
on March 2, 2006.
Multiculturalism and
religious freedom
trumped safety concerns
in a Canadian Supreme
Court decision that
allows orthodox Sikh
students to carry tradi-
tional daggers to school.

228 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

THE TEN GURUS

The guruship of each begins with the death of his predecessor.

1. Guru Nanak (1469-1539)
2. Guru Angad (1504-1552)
3. Guru Amar Das (1479-1574)
4 . Guru Ram Das (1534-1581)

5. Guru Arjan (1563-1606)
6. Guru Hargobind (1595-1644)
7. Guru Hari Rai (1630-1661)
8. Guru Hari Krishan (1656-1664)
9. Guru Tegh Bahadur (1621-1675)

10. Guru Gobind Singh (1666-1708)

of God. The Gurus thus are not to be worshipped by Sikhs, though they are greatly

revered. Guru Nanak constantly stressed his human limitations, humbly referring to

himself as God’s slave. All the Gurus were highly prestigious persons. They were re-

vered for their spiritual gifts and acquired much worldly prestige as well. The Mughal

(therefore, Muslim) emperors who ruled northern India knew the Gurus personally
and tended to respect them, in some cases developing strong friendships with them.

Nanak’s successors are responsible for a wide variety of impressive accomplish-

ments that gradually transformed the Sikh community. Arjan, the Fifth Guru (from

1581 to 1606), deserves special mention. For one thing, he compiled the scripture that

would come to be known as the Adi Granth (“the Original Volume,” distinguishing it

from the later Dasam Granth), thus giving the Sikhs their most important sacred
scripture. He included, by traditional count, 2,312 of his own compositions, beauti-

fully melodic hymns that are considered to be among Sikhism’s most impressive musical

accomplishments. Arjan also constructed at the city of Amritsar the Hari Mandar

(“Temple of God”), now called Darbar Sahib (“Court of the Lord”) or the Golden

Temple. This provided the Sikhs with a geographical center.
The Darbar Sahib remains one of the world’s most impressive and important reli-

gious buildings. Along with being architecturally magnificent, it is rich in symbolic

meaning, beginning with the building process itself. At Arjan’s invitation, Mian Mir,

a Muslim Sufi saint, laid the foundation stone. Even as the Sikh community was gain-

ing independence from its Muslim and Hindu neighbors, Sikhism served as a bridge

between religions. In contrast to H indu temples, which typically have only one door,

Arjan designed the Darbar Sahib with four doors. Traditionally this is interpreted as
representing Sikhism’s openness to all people-to adherents of all four of northwestern

The History of Sikhism 229

India’s major religious traditions of the time (Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism, and Sikh-

ism); to people of all four classes of the prevalent Hindu caste system; and to people of

the north, south, east, and west. In light of this, it is ironic that, in recent times, the

Darbar Sahib has become associated with controversy and discord, having been the

site of the bloody military action in 1984 known as Operation Blue Star, which we
shall consider in more detail below.

Guru Gobind Singh and the Khalsa
The tenth Guru, Gobind Singh (1666-1708), is revered as the greatest Guru after

Nanak. His strength of character and spiritual adeptness made him a successful and

memorable leader. By the time he became Guru at the age of nine, he had already

begun training in the art of warfare and hunting, along with the ways of religion. A
modern history of the Sikhs makes note of the enduring impression made by the

Guru’s appearance:

Every description of Guru Gobind Singh’s person delineates him as a

very handsome, sharp-featured, tall and wiry man, immaculately and

richly dressed as a prince. Decked with a crest upon his lofty, cone-

shaped turban with a plume suspended behind from the top, he was

ever armed with various weapons, including a bow and a quiver of

arrows, a sword, a discus, a shield and a spear. His choice steed was

of bluish-grey color and on his left hand always perched a white hawk

when he sat on the throne or went out hunting.12

Whereas Guru Nanak is traditionally depicted as being contemplative and the master

of things spiritual, Guru Gobind Singh is depicted as a worldly prince, ever ready for

battle.

Guru Gobind Singh contributed significantly

to the growth of Sikh militarism and engaged
in many armed conflicts during a period when

revolts against the Mughals, which had been

occurring periodically for about a century, were

common. Due to his success in consolidating and

strengthening the Panth, the Sikhs had a realistic
possibility of establishing independent rule. Most

notably, Guru Gobind Singh brought about two

innovations that forever changed the structure of

Sikhism. As we have already noted, he instituted

the Khalsa, which would redefine the Panth, and
he installed the Adi Granth, the sacred scripture,

as Guru, which radically altered the nature of

leadership.

A woman prays at
the Golden Temple
in Amritsar, India.

230 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

Sikh devotees celebrate
the 345th birth
anniversary of Guru
Gobind Singh on
January 1, 2011, in the
northern Indian city
of Jammu.

Founding the Khalsa The traditional story of this momentous event is set forth in
this account by twentieth-century Sikh historians Teja Singh and Ganda Singh. Note

the story’s emphasis on the virtues of loyalty and unity of the Sikh community, with

its details concerning various castes and livelihoods.

On the Baisakhi day, March 30 of 1699, [Guru Gobind Singh] called a
big meeting at Anandpur. When all were seated, he drew out his sword
and cried, “Is there anyone here who would lay down his life for
dharma?” At this the whole assembly was thrown into consternation;
but the Guru went on repeating his demand. At the third call, Daya
Ram, a Khatri of Lahore, rose from his seat and offered himself. The
Guru took him into an adjoining enclosure, where a few goats were
kept tied, and seating him there cut off a goat’s head. He came out
with the dripping weapon and flourishing it before the multitude asked
again, “Is there any other Sikh here who will offer himself as a sacri-
fice?” At this Dharam Das, a Jat of Delhi, came forward and was taken
into the enclosure, where another goat was killed. In the same way
three other men stood up one after another and offered themselves
for the sacrifice. One was Muhkam Chand, a washerman of Dwarka;
another was Him mat, a cook of Jagannath; and the third was Sahib
Chand, a barber of Bedar. The Guru after dressing the five in hand-
some clothes brought them before the assembly. He baptized them
with sweetened water [i.e., amrit] stirred with a dagger and called them
his Beloved Ones.13

Guru Gobind Singh, after preaching to the crowd about the unity of the Sikh commu-

nity, asked the Pan} Piare, the “Beloved Ones” (or “Beloved Five”), to baptize him-a

surprising request given the traditional elevated

standing of the Guru. The five baptized the Guru,
thus forming the original Khalsa, the community

of”Pure Ones” (as we noted in the chapter’s open-

ing description of the initiation ceremony). Over

the course of the next few days, some 80,000 were

baptized. All the men were given the additional
name Singh, which means “lion,” and all the women

were named Kaur, which means “princess.” To this

day, these names indicate a family’s affiliation with

the Khalsa (although they no longer imply that one

has undergone initiation).

By the time of his death in 1708, Guru Gobind
Singh had managed to befriend the Mughal rul-

ership and to ease tensions between the peoples,

The History of Sikhism 231

although his own death came at the hands of a Mughal assassin. Before dying, he is

said to have declared that he was to be succeeded, not by another individual, but by

the Adi Granth and by the Panth, to both of which he assigned the title “Guru.”

Sikhs and Nationalism
Over the centuries, the Punjab has tended to be a volatile region, marked by political
and military strife. In the century following the death of Guru Gobind Singh in 1708,

the Sikhs struggled through a period of especially violent confrontations with the

Mughal Empire, eventually managing to establish independent rule. Under the lead-

ership of Ranjit Singh (1780-1839), who ascended to the throne in 1792, the Sikh

community thrived as a sovereign kingdom in the Punjab. In 1849, the kingdom was
annexed by the British, who had established control over India and had commenced

the period known as the British Raj.

When India gained independence from the British in 1947, the Punjab was divided,

with India gaining control of the east and Pakistan gaining control of the west. Most

Sikhs living in the western region migrated eastward, favoring the Hindu-dominated

India over the Muslim-dominated Pakistan. These Sikhs left behind their traditional
homeland and many significant sites, including Nanak’s birthplace.

In recent times, a new nationalist movement for independence, commonly called

“Khalistan,” has involved the Sikhs in conflict, both within and outside the Sikh com-

munity. The most violent tragedy of all took place in 1984 when, in an attempt to

control the more radical aspects of the independence movement, the Indian govern-

ment launched “Operation Blue Star,” which culminated in the occupation of Sikh
holy sites, most notably the Darbar Sahib (or Golden Temple), by Indian forces and

the death of as many as 10,000 Sikhs. (Estimates of the death count vary widely, with

various sources citing from 500 to 10,000.) This led to the assassination of Indian

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by two of her Sikh bodyguards on October 31, 1984.

Today, the Khalistan movement is not nearly so prevalent as it was in the 1980s. That
in 2004 a Sikh, Manmohan Singh, for the first time became India’s prime minister

perhaps signals a new degree of assimilation of Sikhism within Indian society.

Sikhs in the Diaspora
Sikhism clearly has become a global religion. For most Sikhs, traditional aspects of the
religion as it has been practiced for centuries in its homeland, especially as defined by

the Khalsa, tend to endure. At the beginning of this chapter, we noted that there are

approximately 25 million Sikhs in the world, 14 of which approximately 70 percent

follow at least the basic requirement of the Khalsa and do not cut their hair. Only

about 15 percent of Sikhs have undergone the traditional ceremony of initiation into
the Khalsa.

With nearly 2 million Sikhs now living in the diaspora15 (that is, outside of

the Punjab and of India), issues of these Sikhs have gained prominence. Many of the

traditional practices taken for granted in the Punjab simply are not feasible-or, in

some cases, even legal-in other lands. Consider, for example, Sikh funeral rituals.

All religious traditions

feature important

persons, in addition to

founding figures, who

have made significant

contributions as

innovators, institutional

leaders, and so forth.

Thinking of Sikhism’s

nine successors to Guru

Nanak, compare other

religions on this issue of

the contributions of

important persons.

232 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

0 km 2000 4000

UNITED
STATES
284,000

0 miles 2000 4000

World Sikh population.

f

UK
429,000
~~

…..

ITAL:
s;1,soo

‘rrl UAE
6f ‘900

SAUE>I
ARABIA

–si,600

~ J’AKISTAN
/ 45,800

INDIA ”
23,180,000

THAILAND
~ 56,700

MA:LAYSIA
74,100

According to the Rahit, and in keeping with long-standing tradition, the body of

the deceased is to be borne to the pyre on a bier, not in a coffin, and the fire is to

be lit by a close relative or friend. In countries such as the United States, such a

practice is not permitted; as a result, adjustments are made. The ceremonial de-

parture for the cremation site is replaced by placing the coffin into a hearse, which

then proceeds to a crematorium. (Or the ceremony is held at a funeral home that is

equipped with a crematorium.) The lighting of the pyre is replaced by the chosen

person pushing the button that conveys the coffin into the cremation furnace.

Other challenging situations for Sikhs in the diaspora involve the Five Ks. Wearing

the turban, for example, which is based on the requirement of uncut hair and is almost

universal among male Sikhs in their traditional homeland, is an important symbol of

Sikh identity. But in many places in the diaspora, wearing a turban is not so easily

done. In the United States, for example, there are laws requiring that helmets be worn

when driving a motorcycle. A Khalsa Sikh who wishes to don the kirpan (the sword or

knife, one of the Five Ks) when traveling by plane must be prepared for varying rules

governing security practices at airport screenings.

In some cases, governments attempt to accommodate Sikhs. In the United Kingdom,

for example, motorcycle helmet laws have been modified. But in many situations, such

traditional practices as wearing the turban have led at least to inconvenience and

sometimes even to tragedy. In the aftermath of the attacks on the World Trade Center

and the Pentagon of September 11, 2001, Sikhs have been mistaken (presumably be-

cause of the wearing of the turban) for Muslims and have become targets of hate

crimes, including murder.

Sikhism as a Way of Life 233

For Sikhs living in the diaspora, this issue

of identity needs to be weighed against practical

concerns, sometimes even involving one’s safety.

Whereas most Sikhs in the Punjab continue to

follow the injunction not to cut their hair, most

living in Western countries do not. The Panth, as

a global religious community, must contend with

this complex mix of issues and concerns.

SIKHISM AS A WAY OF LIFE
One aspect of Guru Nanak’s teachings was the

rejection of the outward forms of religion that he

found troubling in the Islam and Hinduism of his

day. Focused as he was on seeking the indwelling

God through meditation on the divine Name,

Guru Nanak regarded the external forms of religion as useless.

Guru Nanak’s rejection of outward forms of religion, however, has not resulted in

complete avoidance by Sikhs of religious observances. For one thing, Sikhs through

the centuries have continued to celebrate annual festivals that are generally features of

northern Indian culture. We noted previously that Guru Gobind Singh founded the

Khalsa on the day of an important annual festival, Baisakhi Day, which is the first day

of the Indian year (according to the Western calendar, this day occurs in March or

April) . For Sikhs, Baisakhi Day has the special significance of commemorating the

founding of the Khalsa. Another important festival celebrated by Sikhs, as well as by

Hindus and Jains, is Divali, the Festival of Lights (which takes place in October or

early November). Other religious observations were instituted by the Sikh Gurus, most

notably by Guru Gobind Singh, and are unique to Sikhism.

VOICES: An Interview with Onkar Singh

Onkar Singh is a Sikh who was born and raised in the Punjab; earned a Ph.D.
(Entomology) from the University of California, Berkeley; and served in India,
Nigeria, Sudan, Liberia, and Indonesia before immigrating to the United States
and becoming a U.S. citizen. He has devoted his retirement years to educating
his fellow citizens about Sikhism.

What is the significance of the Name of God, and does the fact that your name,
“Onkar,” is one of the Sikh names of God have special significance?

God’s name is used to remember Him, to meditate on Him, to pray to Him,
and to seek His blessings. People are named after different names of God
(Bhagwan, Govind, Hari, Indra, Kartar, Eshwar, Ram, etc.) or gods and prophets

A Sikh man greets
Hillary Clinton, at the
time a senator from
New York, at the United
States National Day of
Prayer ceremony in
2007.

(Krishan, Shiva, Jesus, Moses, Mohamed, etc.). I was named Onkar, after the most 0nkar Singh

234 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

common name of God in the Sikh Holy Scriptures, following the tradition of
choosing a name starting with the first letter of the hymn when Sri Guru Granth
Sahib is opened at random.

What is the primary purpose of prayer?

The primary purpose of Sikh prayer is to thank God (Vahiguru) for all His
blessings thus far and to seek His blessings for the success of the task about
to be started. Sikhs also ask for His continued blessings so that they submit
to His Will and continue to remember Him at all times. The prayer ends with
a request for their optimism and for the welfare and prosperity of the entire
humanity.

How does wearing the turban relate to your religious beliefs?

In South Asia and Southwest Asia, the turban is a symbol of dignity, honor,
respect, and responsibility. Guru Hargobind, the sixth Sikh Guru, asked his
followers to wear turbans, carry arms, and ride horses, in opposition to a ban
imposed on non-Muslims by the rulers. Further, in 1699, Guru Gobind Singh,
the tenth Sikh Guru, prescribed the five articles of faith including uncut hair
(and the turban) mandatory for the Khalsa. I wear a turban as per the dictates
and practice of my Sikh faith .

To what extent are the Golden Temple and the Sikh homeland of Punjab in
general of special meaning for you, living in the United States?

The Golden Temple, Amritsar, is the most visited Sikh shrine. More people,
of different faiths, castes, etc., visit the Golden Temple than the Taj Mahal.
Guru Arjan Dev, the fifth Sikh Guru, built this temple. He invited a famous
Sufi saint, Mian Mir, to lay its foundation stone. Further, he compiled, edited,
and installed the first edition of the Sikh Holy Book in th is temple in 1604.
The Golden Temple Complex houses the SGPC (Shromani Gurdwara
Parbandhak Committee) and includes the Akal Takht and some historic
Gurdwaras. Besides the Golden Temple, the Sikh homeland of Punjab has
three Takhats and numerous historic Gurdwaras. Sikh Americans, irrespective
of the country of their birth, look upon Punjab as the Land of their Gurus,
who preached Unity of God, practiced equality of humanity, and worked
lovingly to unite the populace.

What is the most important thing that non-Sikhs in the United States need to
understand about your religion?

Non-Sikhs in the United States should understand that almost all who wear
turbans in America are followers of Sikhism, which is not a branch of another
religion (e.g., Hinduism or Islam) and has its own founder (Guru Nanak) and
Holy Book (Sri Guru Granth Sahib) and worship places (Gurdwaras), where all
are welcome.

In this section we focus on the ideals of the religious life, paying attention to the
actual degree of participation among Sikhs today.

Daily Devotional Practices
Guru Nanak emphasized the importance of nam

simaran, “remembrance of the Name.” This can be

done simply by repeating one of the names used to

refer to God. Recall that Guru Nanak composed

many hymns; kirtan, the singing of hymns, is an-

other form of nam simaran. A third form involves

meditation practices designed to contemplate the

divine Name and ultimately to bring one into per-

fect harmony with God. On one hand, these meth-

ods are straightforward and easy to practice on one’s

own. On the other hand, to make significant prog-

ress normally takes years of diligence.

Daily prayers are another form of devotional

practice that can (and should) be done by every

Sikh. The Khalsa Rahit, which spells out the ideal

regimen for much of the religious life, gives the

following instructions:

A Sikh should rise early (3 A.M. to 6 A.M.)

and having bathed he should observe

namjapan by meditating on God. Each
day a Sikh should read or recite the order

known as the “Daily Rule” (nit-nem). The
Daily Rule comprises the following por-

tions of scripture: Early morning (3 A.M.-

6 A.M.):Japji,Jap, and the Ten Sa11ayyas . .. .
In the evening at sunset: Sadar Rahiras . .. .
At night before retiring: Sahila. At the
conclusion of the selections set down

for early morning and evening (Sadar
Rahiras) the prayer known as Ardas must

be recited.16

To follow such a regimen requires much diligence

and much time: altogether, these prayers cover

VISUAL GUIDE
Sikhism

\

Sikhism as a Way of Life 235

lk Onkar. Literally meaning
“one God,” lk Onkar is the
primary Sikh symbol of
monotheism . The Mui Mantra,
recited daily by most Sikhs,
begins with these words.

Five Ks . objects symbolizing
membership in the Khalsa: kes,
uncut hair; kangha, a small
comb worn in the hair; karti, a
steel wristlet; kirpan, a sword;
kachh, a pair of shorts tied with
a drawstring .

Golden Temple. Located in
Amritsar in the Punjab, the
Darbar Sahib (“Court of the
Lord”) or Golden Temple, was
built by Guru Arjan in about

1600 c.E., providing Sikhs to this
day with a geographica l center.

Composed (from the center
outward) of a double-edged
sword, the circular Chakar,
and two kirtans, the khanda
symbolizes the ba lanced unity of
Sikh spiritual and worldly life.

about twenty pages in English translation. Whereas some Sikhs, especially those more

advanced in age, commonly do this on a regular basis, the majority do not.

Sikh Worship in the Gurdwara
Gurdwara literally means “doorway of the Guru” (a variant translation is “by means

of the Guru’s [grace]”) . Any building that contains a copy of the Adi Granth is,

236 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

Volunteers prepare
food for the langar
meal at the Golden
Temple in Amritsar.
Many thousands of
people share meals
together here daily, at
no cost to the visitor.

Compare the daily
ritual practices of
Sikhism with those
of other re ligions.

technically speaking, a gurdwara, a Sikh house of
worship. There is at least one gurdwara in virtu-

ally every village in the Punjab. Most gurdwaras

have a characteristic Sikh style, with minarets and

chalk-white paint. Aside from the presence of the

Adi Granth, which usually sits atop cushions and
under a canopy, there are no specific requirements

regarding the interior.

The gurdwara serves mainly as a place for

Sikh men, women, and children to congregate for

worship. This they do frequently, on no particu-

lar day of the week. Worship usually takes place
~ in the evening, though the early morning is also a

popular time. Worship in the gurdwara is preceded
by bathing and consists of singing the Gurus’

hymns, reading from the Adi Granth, or telling a story about one of the Gurus. No

formal requirements govern the exact nature of worship. It generally ends, though,

with a sharing of a special pudding made of wheat flour, sugar, and ghee (clarified
butter), known as karah prasad. This act is symbolic of the unity of the Panth.

The sharing of food is an important feature of Sikhism. Each gurdwara typically

has within it a community kitchen, called the langar, where Sikhs gather at various

times to share in the preparation and consumption of a meal. The food served in the

langar is strictly vegetarian; even eggs are not allowed. Again, this sharing of food

symbolizes the equality of all. It also provides food for the needy.

Life Cycle Rituals
In the chapter’s opening description of the Amrit Sanchar, the Khalsa initiation cere-
mony, we witnessed an example of a Sikh ritual that marks a certain point in the indi-

vidual’s life and does so through detailed actions and rich symbolism that are steeped

in tradition. Having already considered the Khalsa initiation ceremony in some detail

(and bearing in mind that only about 15 percent of Sikhs undergo initiation), we now

turn to considering other important rituals of the life cycle.

Birth and Naming On the birth of a child, Khalsa Sikhs can choose to undertake a
ritual that resembles an aspect of the initiation ceremony. A sweet drink is made by
stirring water and sweets with a kirpan (the short sword, one of the Five Ks), while

reciting from the]apji. A few drops are given to the baby, and the rest is drunk by the

mother.

A short time after giving birth, the parents and child proceed to the gurdwara,

where hymns are sung and the Adi Granth is opened randomly. The child’s first name

is chosen based on the first letter that appears on the left-hand page of the Adi Granth,

Sikhism as a Way of Life 237

the letter with which the name is to begin. If the child is a girl, she is also given the
name Kaur; if male, he is given the name Singh. The names Singh or Kaur normally

correspond to an English last name. No distinction is made between girls’ and boys’

first names. The “last name” of Kaur or Singh serves to make this distinction.

Tying a Turban When a boy reaches the age of ten or eleven, Sikh families often
undertake a ceremonial tying of his first turban. This symbolizes the great respect that

Sikhs hold for the turban. Even though wearing the turban is not technically required,

it is regarded as a natural corollary of kes, not cutting one’s hair (one of the Five Ks).
Indeed, because one’s hair is typically kept inside the turban, it is really the turban, not

the hair, that is the most visible sign that one is a Sikh.

Traditionally, the turban is tied in a specific way that is both easy to do (once one
has learned how) and effective, keeping the turban securely on the head. The style and

color of the turban may sometimes indicate regional, political, or religious affiliation.

The turban is generally considered to be highly practical, providing protection both

from the summer sun and from the cold of winter. Women rarely wear turbans; in-

stead, they traditionally wear a scarf or veil that can be used to cover the head.

Marriage Proper Sikh marriage, according to the traditions established by the Khalsa,
is arranged by the parents of a child of marriageable age through the assistance of a

relative, who seeks out a suitable spouse and sets up meetings with the families. The

parents thus can become acquainted with their child’s potential bride or groom. The

same type of meeting takes place with the other set of parents. Once both families

have agreed on a match, the marriage ceremony is planned. According to the Rahit,
a Sikh woman is only to be married to a Sikh, but no account whatsoever of caste

status is to be taken into consideration. In actual practice, however, there are many

exceptions. Caste status commonly dictates the choice of marriage partners, and

Sikhs (men more commonly than women) sometimes marry outside the tradition. As

we have remarked previously, common practice by no means always complies with
Khalsa ideals.

The ceremony takes place at the gurdwara, with Sri Guru Granth Sahib the central
focal point, just as it is in everyday worship. First seated before the Adi Granth during

the singing of hymns, the couple then stands and receives instruction in the teachings

of the Gurus on marriage, nodding their assent to the Adi Granth, and afterward

walking around it. This focus on the scripture exemplifies the central role that the Adi
Granth is to play in the life of the married couple.

The ceremony concludes, like other worship services in the gurdwara, with the dis-
tribution of karah prasad, the special pudding made of wheat flour, sugar, and ghee.

Death Traditional Sikh mourning rituals center around the process of cremation.
The body is washed and dressed in clean clothing and adorned with the Five Ks.

238 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

A hymn is recited, and the body is carried to the cremation grounds, which women do

not enter. The funeral pyre is lit by a son or other male relative or friend, while the

other mourners sing funeral hymns. The Kirtan Sohila, the prayer that is recited daily

when retiring for the evening, is then sung.

Once the fire has burned out, the ashes are recovered and are either buried there at

the cremation site or immersed in running water. Then the entire Adi Granth is read,
within a period of ten days if possible. (The Rahit specifies that a full reading takes

forty-eight hours, if done without interruption.)

As noted previously in the section on Sikhs in the diaspora, such traditional prac-

tices are modified today in places where laws prohibit outdoor cremations.

Worship, Work, and Charity
Like every global religion, Sikhism is continually in contact with people of other tradi-

tions. In this chapter, we have seen how Guru Nanak inspired followers who were both
Muslims and Hindus. Although the common notion that Sikhism somehow resulted

from the mixing of Islam and Hinduism is not an accurate one, clearly Guru Nanak

and Sikhs after him helped to bridge differences among these two major religions of

India. Sikhism has generally maintained peaceful relations with other religions and

with other peoples, both in their homeland and abroad. Indeed, Sikhs have a well-

deserved reputation for reaching out and helping to improve their communities. From
its beginnings, Sikhism has been on the side of religious freedom and justice for op-

pressed people. Justice is carried out partly through the regular donation of one-tenth
of one’s income to charitable causes.

Three guiding principles of Sikh life are worship, work, and charity, as embodied

in the popular Punjabi proverb, nam japo, kirat karo, vand chhako: “Repeat the divine
Name, work, and give a share [of your earnings to the less fortunate].”17 An outsider

need only pay a visit to a Sikh gurdwara and witness the worship and afterward par-

take of the carefully prepared food in the langar to experience these guiding principles

in action.

Women and Sikhism
Sikhism, like every religion, has both its ideals and its practical realities. Such is the case

with the place of women over the centuries. The ideals are set forth straightforwardly,

for instance in these words by Guru Nanak:

From women born, shaped in the womb, to women betrothed and wed,
We are bound to women by t ies of affection; on women man’s future depends.
If a woman dies he seeks another, source of society’s order and strength .
Why then should one speak evil of women, they who give birth to kings?
Women also are born from women, as are all who have life and breath.18

Sikhism as a Way of Life 239

Sikhism has always maintained this ideal of gender equality with regard to the cru-

cial issue of spiritual liberation (mukti) . Sikh teachings from the beginning rejected

practices such as female infanticide, which were common in the Punjab in Guru

Nanak’s time. The Rahit emphasizes that women are to participate fully in the reli-

gious life. But teachings alone do not always ensure equality in society, even in reli-

gious society.
Sikh society, through the centuries and up to the present day, has tended to be

quite patriarchal, with positions of institutional power occupied by men. (Notably,

the ten Gurus were all men.) The wedding ceremony that we have considered suggests

a certain patriarchal tendency with its prescribed vows. The groom promises to be

“protector” of the bride and her honor; the bride promises to accept her husband as
“master of all love and respect.”

On the other hand, the social history of Sikhism includes many examples of equal

participation by women in religious matters and of women who serve as role models.

Sulakhani, the wife of Guru Nanak, certainly is portrayed as a role model-not only

in the domestic domain of the household but also as a confidant and advisor to her

husband. Evidence exists showing that wives of other Gurus participated to some

degree in administration of the Panth.
As is the case with all of the world’s major religions, the degree of gender equality

in Sikhism varies from circumstance to circumstance. Generally speaking, modern

times have brought changes. In 1977, a wedding ceremony took place in a small town
in the Punjab in which the bride led the groom in the final walk around the Adi

Granth-a surprising incident, but no one was able to find anything in Sikh scripture

to provide an objection based on doctrinal grounds. In another example of changing
times, in the late 1990s women began to take on the traditionally male practice of

ritual washing of the Golden Temple at midnight.19

The rapid growth of the Sikh diaspora in places where gender equality is held up

as an ideal suggests that such changes will bring new opportunities for women to

occupy roles of power in Sikh religion and society. With regard to the issue of gender

equality, too, the Panth will need to continue to make adjustments as it orients its way
as a global religion.

Sikh Identity
This chapter has assumed all along a rather flexible definition of who is a Sikh. On one

end of the spectrum, we have considered the rigorous regimen of observance as spelled
out in the Rahit, which calls for the recitation of some twenty pages of prayer every

morning before six o’clock. At the other end of the spectrum, there are those who cut

their hair, and yet one cannot go so far as to deny that they are Sikhs.

This flexible definition is in keeping with the Sikh perspective. Every religious
tradition sets forth ideals that are not necessarily put into practice by all of its

240 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

followers. Sikhism openly acknowledges this. It is also important to recognize that
“Sikh” can refer broadly to an ethnic group, without necessarily implying adherence

to the religion of Sikhism. For centuries, Sikhs maintained a society in the Punjab

that was quite distinctive, and the vast majority of today’s Sikhs are themselves de-

scendants of Punjabi Sikhs. There is thus both a societal and a hereditary aspect of

being Sikh, neither of which necessarily involves the explicitly religious aspects of
belief or conduct.

CONCLUSION
In this chapter, we have learned about the teachings, the way of life, and the histor-

ical development of Sikhs and their religion. Founded by Guru Nanak (1469-1539),
Sikhism is relatively young compared to other major world religions. It nevertheless
is firmly rooted in tradition that is historically rich, theologically and ritually sophis-

ticated, and adorned with impressive musical and architectural achievements. Espe-

cially because of the central role of the Khalsa, with its Five Ks and other standards

for Sikh behavior and identity, the Panth tends to be a community with well-defined

ideals. All of these factors contribute to the considerable holding power of Sikh tradi-

tion, even as the modern world invites-and sometimes forces-adaptations.
Sikhism today is a global religion, as vital in such places as Toronto, Canada, and

the central valley of California as it is in its ancestral homeland of the Punjab. As it

continues to draw upon the richness of its eventful historical tradition, Sikhism shows

every sign of continuing also to adapt to modernity in the various places across the

globe that it has come to call home.

SEEKING ANSWERS
What Is Ultimate Reality?

Sikhism is strictly monotheistic, emphasizing the oneness of God, while also teaching that
God dwells within creation. For reasons that cannot be understood by human beings, God
created the world . Knowing the divine nature can be considered as analogous to knowing
the nature of an artist through contemplation of her artwork. Sikhism holds that the world
is good, that God is immanent in the world, and that the world is permeated with divine
order, called hukam. If this divine order can be recognized, it stands to reason that human
beings can come to know God.

How Should We Live in This World?

Sikhs believe that God dwells within everyone. Humans tend, however, to be self-centered,
rather than God-centered, a concept known as haumai, the self-reliance or pride that poses

(continued)

Review Questions 241

SEEKING ANSWERS

(continued)

the primary obstacle to spiritual fulfillment. Sikhs further believe that the world is perme-
ated with hukam, or divine order. To live in accord with hukam naturally requires proper
ethical conduct. The Khalsa, though technically made up of only a minority of Sikhs, contin-
ues to be the authoritative source for ideals on the right way to live.

What Is Our Ultimate Purpose?

Immanent in creation, God is knowable to human beings. The flaws of haumai can be over-
come through attention to the presence of the divine, most effectively through meditation
on nam, the Name of God. As the term suggests, liberation (mukti), which for Sikhism is
being in the presence of God, is the complete overcoming of the human condition. Sikhism
teaches that the ultimate purpose of life is to attain spiritual liberation, and thereby release
from samsara, the cycle of death and rebirth .

REVIEW QUESTIONS

For Review
1. What is the meaning of the term “guru”?
2. Identify at least three of the names for

God in Sikhism. Why do you think there
is more than one name? What is the
relationship of the names to each other?

3. Compare the contributions of Guru Nanak

and Guru Gobind Singh for the develop-
ment of Sikhism.

4. What is the Khalsa? What is its ongoing
relevance for Sikhism?

5. How do the “Five Ks” of Sikhism serve to
strengthen Sikh identity?

For Further Reflection
1. What aspects of the Sikh God would Jews,

Christians, or Muslims find familiar?
2 . Describe mukti, spiritual liberation.

How does this compare to forms of spirit-
ual liberation in other religions-for
example, to Hindu moksha or Buddhist
nirvana?

3. Compare Sikh worship in the gurdwara
with the forms of worship in religions
with which you are familiar, either
through studies or through personal
experience. What are the notable similari-

ties and differences? What do these
comparative points regarding worship
suggest about the nature of the religions,
in general?

242 Chapter 7 SIKHISM

GLOSSARY

Adi Granth (ah’ dee gruhnth; Punjabi, “first book”)
Sikhism’s most important sacred text and, since the
death of Guru Gobind Singh in 1708, Sikhism’s
primary earthly authority; traditionally known as
Sri Guru Granth Sahib.

amrit (ahm-reet; Punjabi, “immortalizing fluid”) A
special drink made from water and sugar crystals,
used in the Khalsa initiation ceremony.

gurdwara (goor’ dwah-ruh; Punjabi, “doorway of the
Guru” or “by means of the Guru’s [grace]”) A
building for Sikh worship that houses a copy of
the Adi Granth; the central structure of any Sikh
community.

Guru (goo’roo; Sanskrit, “venerable person”) A spir-
itual teacher and revealer of truth, common to
Hinduism, Sikhism, and some forms of Buddhism.
When the word Guru is capitalized, it refers to
the ten historical leaders of Sikhism, to the sacred
text (Sri Guru Granth Sahib, or Adi Granth), and to
God (often as True Guru).

haumai (how’may; Punjabi, “self-reliance,” “pride,” or
“egoism”) The human inclination toward being self-.
centered rather than God-centered, which increases
the distance between the individual and God.

hukam (huh’kahm; Punjabi, “order”) The divine order
of the universe.

Khalsa (khal’sah; Punjabi, “pure ones”) An order
within Sikhism to which the majority of Sikhs
belong, founded by Guru Gobind Singh in 1699.

Mui Mantra The summary of Sikh doctrine that
comprises the opening lines of the ]apji, Guru
Nanak’s composition that in turn comprises the
opening section of the Adi Granth. (See p. 224
for an English translation of the full text.)

mukti (mook’tee; Punjabi, “liberation”) Spiritual
liberation bringing on the eternal and infinitely
blissful state of being in the presence of God; some-
times the Sanskrit term moksha is used instead.

Panth (puhnth; Punjabi, Hindi, “path”) The Sikh
community. In lower case, panth (“path”) is a
term applied to any number of Indian (primarily
Hindu) religious traditions.

Rahit (rah-hit’; Punjabi) The rahit-ndmd, a collec-
tion of scripture that specifies ideals of belief
and conduct for members of the Khalsa and, by
extension, for Sikhism generally; the current au-
thoritative version, the Sikh Rahit Maryddd, was
approved in 1950.

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

Cole, W Owen, and Piara Singh Sambhi. The Sikhs:
Their Religious Beliefs and Practices. 2nd rev. ed.
Brighton, UK: Sussex Academic Press, 1995. A

highly readable and informative account, orga-
nized in such a way as to make easily accessible

the main figures and ideas.

Mann, Gurinder Singh. Sikhism. Upper Saddle River,
NJ: Prentice Hall, 2004. A clear and up-to-date
overview, with focus on modern times.

McLeod, Hew. Sikhism. London: Penguin Books, 1997.
A detailed yet accessible overview of the religion,

with a helpful appendix of primary source

material.

McLeod, W. H., ed. and trans. Textual Sources for the
Study of Sikhism. Totowa, NJ: Barnes & Noble
Books, 1984. A helpful collection of source mater-

ial that goes well beyond the Adi Granth and

presents texts in such a way as to clarify the iden-

tity of authors.
Singh, Khushwant. A History of the Sikhs. 2 vols.

Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1963-

1966. A detailed and authoritative resource.

ONLINE RESOURCES

Wabash Center
wabashcenter.wabash.edu/resources

The Wabash Center, a trusted resource for all as-
pects of the academic study of religion, offers links
to a wide variety of dependable Internet resources

on Sikhism.

SikhNet
sikhnet.com

Online Resources 243

SikhNet offers an extensive “insiders’ view” on

Sikhism, with information on many aspects of the

religion.

rr

CHINESE
RELIGIONS:
CONFUCIANISM
and DAOISM

TODAY IS QJNGMJNG, a “pure and bright” day (the literal meaning of this
Chinese compound word) that arrives once a year, 105 days after the winter
solstice. It is a day for all Chinese families to remember their dead relatives
and ancestors in a very public way. Spring is definitely in the air. The days
have been getting longer and warmer. The rice seedlings, standing in neat
rows in ankle-deep water in the paddy fields, wave gracefully in the gentle
breeze. Their luxuriant greenness is most pleasing to the eyes of Chen
Liang,’ a peasant from Southern China in his early fifties. He and his two
sons have been working hard in the past couple of months to plow and
flood the paddy fields, seed the nursery plots, and then transplant the
young seedlings one at a time into their current location. It is a tedious and
backbreaking job that the Chen family has been doing for generations.

But today there will be no work in the fields. Qingming marks the re-
newal of spring. It also celebrates the rekindling of the kitchen fire. Two
days earlier the old fire was put out, so only cold food had been served.
Chen Liang and his wife get up today at the crack of dawn to light a new fire
in the kitchen. Leftovers from the previous days’ cold meals are wrapped
in rice pancakes and fried, making “spring rolls” that many Chinese
restaurants the world over serve regularly on their appetizer menu. They
prepare for an important fam ily gathering at the ancestral graves of the
Chen clan. During this annual event, family members gather at and sweep

Woman making offerings in front of her

ancestor’s tomb.

246 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

OUTER ) MANCHURIA
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the graves of their relatives and ancestors to renew their kinship ties with both the
dead and the living. Platefuls of fruits , freshly steamed chickens, a whole roasted pig,
bottles of wine, bundles of incense sticks and bright-red candles, and strings of fire-
crackers, as well as piles of make-believe paper money and paper clothing for the dead,
are all ready to be carried to the lineage burial ground just outside the village.

At the gravesite, where several generations of the Chen clan are buried, Chen Liang
meets up with his three brothers , his five cousins, and their families. The children,
numbering more than twenty, are all dressed in brightly colored clothing, giggling and

playing. They help remove overgrown weeds , clean the tombstones, and arrange food
in front of the graves. Then , by generation and birth order, all members of the Chen
clan take part in the annual ritual. They bow before their ancestors, address them in
silent prayers, offer them wine and food, send them clothing and stacks of under-

world money by burning paper imitations of those goods, and set off firecrackers to
scare off wandering ghosts unrelated to the family.

Afterward a picture is taken of the entire gathering in front of the graves. The fami-
lies divide up the fruits and the meats to be consumed later back at their respective
homes. The men linger to talk about the weather and the crops, the women catch up
on family news, and the children play. ~~

TIMELINE
Daoism and

Confucianism

Era in Chinese History Daoism

Shang-Zhou dynasties
(C. 1600-256 B.C.E.*)

Spring and Autumn
(c. 722-481 B.C.E.)

Warring States
(c. 480-221 B.C.E.)

Early Han Dynasty
(206 B.C.E.-9 C.E.)

Later Han Dynasty
(25-220 C.E.)

Period of Disunion
(221-589)

Tang Dynasty
(618-907)

Song Dynasty
(907-1279)

Yuan Dynasty
(1279-1368)

Ming Dynasty
(1368-1644)

Oing Dynasty
(1644-1911)

Early twentieth
century

Communist China
(1949-present)

Ancient Chinese relig ion

Shamans

World-escaping recluses and hermits

Zhuangzi (365-290 s.c.E.*), Daodejing
(earliest extant ed. c. 300 s.c.E.)

Worship of Xiwangmu [Queen Mother
of the West)

Laozi deified as Taishang Laojun.
Tianshi [Celestial Master] movement
founded by Zhang Daoling (142 c.E.)

Laozi bianhuajing (Classic of Laozi’s
Transformations) (170s*)

Shangqing [Highest Clarity] movement
[fourth century)

Lingbao [Numinous Treasure]
Movement (fourth century)

First attempt at compiling canon

State patronage of Daoism

Daoism merged with Chinese folk
religion

Quanzhen [Complete Perfection]
movement founded by Wang Zhe
(1113-1170)

Daozang compiled (1445)

Daoist sacrificial rituals and notions of
health influenced both elites and
commoners in Korea, Japan, and
Southeast Asia

Chinese intellectuals criticized Daoism
as superstit ion

Cultural Revolution (1966-1976)
devastated Daoism

Daoism gradually recovering since
19805

Note: Asterisks indicate contested or approximate dates.

Confucianism

Ancient Chinese rel igion

Beginning of Ru tradition

Confucius (551-479 s.c.E.)

Mencius (371-289 s.c.E.*.),
Xunzi (c. 310-238 s.c.E.*.)

Confucianism declared orthodox (136 c.E.);
Five Classics designated

Confucian classical commentaries and
Scholasticism

Confucian texts introduced to Korea, and
subsequently to Japan

First stirring of Neo-Confucianism

Neo-Confucianism: Zhu Xi (1130-1200)

Four Books designated as civil service
examination curriculum (1313)

Wang Yangming (1472-1529), an alternative
Neo-Confucian view to Zhu Xi’s

Confucianism became state orthodoxy in
Joseon dynasty (1392-1897) Korea

Confucianism also became state ideology
in Tokugawa Japan (1600-1868)

Civil service examination abolished (1905)

Confucianism became dominant ideology
in Nguyen dynasty Vietnam (1802-1945)

Chinese intellectuals rejected Confucianism
as feudal and reactionary

Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) devastated
Confucianism

Confucianism gradually recovering
since 1980s

248 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

G
atherings similar to that of the Chen extended family are replicated millions

of times throughout China in observance of qingming. It is through this ac-
tivity of paying homage to the ancestors and reaffirming kinship relations

that the Chinese act out one of their most basic religious assumptions. At the core of

this ritual is the Confucian notion of filial piety (honoring parents and ancestors) and

of the centrality of the family in Confucian teaching. Equally on display is the Daoist
(Taoist) attentiveness to changes in season and in nature, as well as the practice of

warding off unwelcome ghosts through thunderous explosives. From this single family

ritual we see that Confucianism and Daoism can coexist quite harmoniously among

the Chinese, with no sense of incompatibility or mutual exclusivity. Indeed, except for

extreme partisans in each tradition, most Chinese often embrace both religions with

no sense of tension or conflict. How is that possible?
In this chapter you are invited to step into the religious world of the Chinese and

to see how these two native Chinese religions both rival and complement each other.

(Even though Buddhism is the third main religious tradition in China, we only give

passing notice to it in light of its alien origin and its totally different worldviews; see

Chapter 5 for a complete treatment of Buddhism.) By focusing on the teachings, his-

tory, and practices of Confucianism and Daoism, we can appreciate the true religious
nature of the two traditions as well, even though in content and expression they may

differ from most other world religions.

THE TEACHINGS OF CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM
It should be observed from the outset that before Confucianism and Daoism arose, an
ancient religion already existed in China. This ancient Chinese religion took shape no

later than 1600 B.C.E., fully a thousand years prior to the rise of the two traditions. In

fact, both Confucianism and Daoism may be regarded as two divergent extensions or

outgrowths of this ancient Chinese religion, with the former focusing on human social
relationship, whereas the latter emphasizes individual physical and spiritual well-

being. In order to understand the religious nature and practice of Confucianism and
Daoism, therefore, this ancient Chinese religion needs to be examined first .

Ancient Chinese Religious Views
The Book of Changes, the Yijing (I Ching, traditionally believed to have been compiled
by the end of the second millennium B.C.E.) represents the earliest expression of the

Chinese religious mindset. It conveys a worldview that has been described as “organis-
mic,”2 meaning that every single component of the cosmos belongs to an organic

whole and that all the component parts interact with one another in a continuous self-

generating process. Unlike the foundational texts of most religions, the Book of Changes
does not include a creation myth. This absence of a creation myth may be attributed to

the dominance of the spirit of honoring ancestors in China since antiquity. When

most of the spirits who populate the supernatural world are former human beings who
share the same qualities as the living, the sense of mystery and “otherness” of a creator

The Teachings of Confucianism and Daoism 249

being may be difficult to envision. Instead, from an original state of “undifferentiated

chaos” (hundun),3 two polar yet complementary energies known as qi (“breath,”
“energy,” or “force”) emerged. One is called yang (literally the south-facing, sunny
side of a mountain) and the other yin (the north-facing, shady side of a mountain).
Representing all binary entities and concepts (such as day and night, male and

female, hot and cold), yang and yin interact and alternate ceaselessly to form a
continuum or spectrum, generating the myriad elements of the creation.

In this kind of a worldview, nothing exists outside the cosmos; therefore,

everything is subject to its operating principles. This absence of a “wholly other”

creator in the early Chinese cosmological myth has very significant implications.

That is, the classical Chinese view uses the metaphor of procreation or giving birth,

not creation or fashioning something out of nothing, for the beginning of the uni-
verse. In the Chinese view, the lack of any notion of a wholly transcendent ultimate

cause makes it difficult to produce the idea of an almighty god preceding and existing

outside of creation. Correspondingly, the notion of an active evil dedicated to under-

mining the plans of a supposedly benevolent creator is absent in the Chinese cosmo-

logical view. In other words, no frighteningly personified devil competes with a benign

god to win the hearts and minds of humans. In this world without sin (at least sin as
understood by the Abrahamic faiths ofJudaism, Christianity, and Islam), humanity is

released from an acute sense of guilt. Instead, harmony and balance are good and

preferable. Disharmony and imbalance are not.

The cosmic tango of yang and yin, spontaneous and unceasing, is manifested in
the wuxing (“five elemental phases”), the five paradigmatic states of metal, wood, fire,
water, and soil. These five states or elements correlate with many categories in nature.
In the human body, they correspond to the Five Viscera (heart, liver, spleen, lungs, and

kidneys). In the sky they are represented by the Five Planets (Venus, Jupiter, Mercury,

Mars, and Saturn), and then there are the Five Colors (red, blue, yellow, white, and

black) and the Five Flavors (sour, sweet, bitter, spicy, and salty). These five states are at

the same time mutually nurturing and mutually destructive. Water sustains wood,
wood feeds fire, fire reduces everything back to ashes (soil), soil produces ores (metal),

and ores melt into liquid (water). Conversely, water douses fire, fire melts metal, metal

chops down wood, wood draws nutrients from soil, and soil blocks water. Ultimately,

like the swinging of the pendulum, what drives this dynamic process is the principle

of alternation: when one extreme is reached, it reverts to the other. Such is the way the

cosmos operates.
Notice in the photo that the two halves of the circle are not perfectly divided right

down the middle. Instead, they are interlocked and mutually penetrating. Each half

also contains the seed of the other. Thus the entire cosmos is involved in a ceaseless

flow of alternation and change.

Human Body and Soul As fundamental energies of the cosmos that constantly
interact with each other, yin and yang make solid matter when they coalesce and

The yin-yang symbol
best represents the
Chinese rel igious
mentality. This
worldview recognizes
differences but also
harmony among the
differences.

250 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

remain immaterial when diffused. Thus their interplay can manifest in coarse and

materialistic things, as well as in subtle and spiritual entities. It is in this context that

the constitution of human beings can be understood.

All humans have a physical body, seen as the corporal manifestation of the interplay

between yin and yang. But all humans also have an immaterial aspect, subdivided into

hun and po. Hun reflects the yang component, being light, pure, and upward-rising. Po,
on the other hand, indicates yin, being heavy, turgid, and downward-sinking. Hun

and po, introduced into the physical body when the fetus is gestating, together make

up the spiritual aspect of the individual. For lack of a better term, they constitute the

soul matter of the individual. As long as they stay with the human body, with only

short and temporary absences during the dream state or when in a coma, the indi-

vidual remains alive. At death, however, hun departs from the body permanently,
rising skyward, and po settles down on earth alongside the interred and decomposing

body. Both hun and po eventually dissipate and become reconfigured in different pro-

portions to form future beings.

The Spiritual World of Gods and Ghosts After death, as long as the energy re-
mains to keep the current identity of hun and po intact, the spirit of the deceased lin-
gers. Though only a pale shadow of its former self, the spirit of one who dies at a ripe

old age and is properly cared for by the descendants may become shen, a benevolent
power that protects and brings benefit to the living. On the other hand, the spirit

of one who dies tragically or prematurely, and one who is not given a suitable burial or

sacrifice, will become gui, a vengeful and malevolent ghost who visits disasters on
people. Shen is a generic term for all kindly deities and gods whose power and efficacy
are sought to fulfill people’s wishes for health, wealth, progeny, and status. Conversely,

gui refers to all spiteful ghouls, demons, and ogres who wreak havoc in people’s lives.

Motivated both by longing and fear, the Chinese from the ancient times to the present

strive to cultivate good relations with both shen and gui. This, of course, is in addition

to their primary obligation in the commemorating and honoring of their ancestors.
The line of demarcation between the spirits and humans thus cannot be sharply drawn.

Humans can indeed possess or exhibit qualities that in other cultures or beliefs may be

considered spiritual, or even divine.

The Ancient Chinese Concept of Honoring Ancestors and the Divine To the
ancient Chinese, the ancestors were not just dead, buried, and forgotten. Instead, they
continued to play an active role in the lives of their living descendants. They were

consulted often on matters both major and minor. From the very beginning, then,

Chinese religious practice focused on kinship ties and practical living. It was not ex-
clusively located in a separate “sacred” realm.4 The ancestors’ presence in the lives of

their descendants has remained a central and characteristic aspect of Chinese civiliza-

tion. It is in this sense that the depiction of qingming at the opening of this chapter is
so demonstrative of Chinese religious behavior.

The Teachings of Confucianism and Daoism 251

During the Shang Dynasty, the earliest verifiable historic period in China to date,

whose traditional dates are 1600-1046 B.C.E., the spirits of the ancestors were some-
times asked to carry messages to a higher deity for decision and response. This higher,

more authoritative deity was Shangdi, the Lord on High, who was the most powerful
god in the Shang spiritual world and who also happened to be the ancient ancestor of

the Shang imperial house. This Lord on High was the controlling power in the cosmos.
Along with the spirits of the ancestors, Shangdi monitored the behavior of the royal

descendants, dispensing rewards and meting out punishments as appropriate. It was
precisely for this reason that the Shang rulers needed to maintain close contact and

good relationship with Shangdi and the other ancestral spirits, for the spirits were their

source of kingly power. This power was termed de, commonly translated as “virtue,”
but more accurately as “potency.” It was through the timely and correct performance
of sacrificial rites to the ancestors and to Shangdi that each Shang ruler could claim

this power, which may be more appropriately understood as the charismatic influence

he possessed. With de the Shang king ruled with authority and legitimacy.

But sometime near the end of the second millennium B.C.E., a former minister of

the court staged a rebellion that overthrew the Shang Dynasty and founded the next

regime, the Zhou Dynasty (1122-256 B.C.E .) . This power shift was rationalized pri-
marily in religious terms. The defeat of the Shang, as the victorious Zhou founders

explained it, was in fact sanctioned by Shangdi, who turned out to have a different

name and was, in fact, a different kind of deity. Shangdi was now known as Tian, lit-
erally, “the sky,” but more properly “the force above.” (Regrettably, most books and

articles written in English on Chinese religion and philosophy translate Tian as
“Heaven,” which is both inaccurate and misleading. In this chapter we continue to use
the term Tian rather than any English equivalent in order to avoid any mistaken

notion of Tian being a paradise-like location.)

Tian was believed to be the source of all things in the universe (not as a creator,

but rather as a procreator), the ultimate divine entity that provided order throughout

the cosmos. More significantly, Tian was also a “will” that would support only the

morally deserving as king. This made Tian radically different from Shangdi, who was
understood to be partial to the Shang kings and subject to their sacrificial “bribery.”

Tian was not swayed by claimed blood ties or sacrificial offerings; instead, it insisted

on the demonstration of moral uprightness as the only condition for its award of pol-

itical authority and legitimacy, which was labeled ming, or Tianming. This was the
“mandate” or “charge” given by Tian to the person and the imperial line that was to

rule on Tian’s behalf. Moreover, this ming could be revoked and withdrawn and could

be transferred to another person or family any time its provisional holder was found

wanting in morality. This event was known as ”geming,” the revocation of the “ming.”

To this day, geming in Chinese means “revolution-the withdrawal of the current
· ‘ d 1 ” regime s man ate to ru e.
According to the religious mindset of the Zhou, Tian’s workings in nature and in

the human world are its dao, its “way” or “path.” It is the dao of Tian that provides

252 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

order and regularity in nature and in human society. By following and obeying this
dao, both the natural and the human worlds would reach their optimal fulfillment.

This implementation of the dao of Tian is the duty and obligation of the human ruler.

Thus what had happened to the Shang regime actually validated this belief in Tian’s

mandate. Shang’s last ruler, who was, according to the Zhou founders, a corrupt and

immoral individual, was no longer fit to exercise Tianming, hence his violent removal

from power.
As the chosen deputy of Tian in the human world, the Zhou king (and all subse-

quent imperial rulers in China) called himself Tianzi (“Son of Tian”), the person who

had been entrusted with the power to rule Tianxia (” domain under Tian,” i.e., the
entire known world). The king was therefore not just a political leader exercising power

over both territory and people; he was also a religious figure who served as intermedi-
ary between Tian and humanity, as well as the natural world. To fulfill his roles as

both king and priest, the Zhou ruler had to observe a set of behavioral practices col-

lectively referred to as Ii (“rituals” or “rites”). It was the correct and sincere perform-
ance of li that would convince Tian of the ruler’s moral worth, ensure Tian’s continuous

favor, and guarantee the ruler’s power through his de, his “potency.” Li covered every

aspect of kingly behavior-from matters of state to relation with ancestors to conduct
on important familial occasions such as marriage and funerals and even involving

military campaigns. It would in time govern all the ritual conduct of the king’s min-
isters as well, as their proper behavior also contributed to the stability and legitimacy

of the regime.

Ancient Chinese Texts Such prescribed rites for the king and his ministers would
later be codified into a text known as the Record of Rites (Liji). However, the beliefs

in the source of kingly power and the underlying assumptions of imperial moral

obligations are fully addressed in two other texts, the Book of Odes (Shijing)5 and the

Book of History (Shujing). 6 The former is an anthology of poems and ballads express-

ing the sentiments of both nobles and commoners, whereas the latter consists pri-
marily of recorded activities and pronouncements of kings and aristocrats. Another

work, the previously mentioned Book of Changes (Yijing), contains early Chinese

views of cosmology and the supernatural. Collectively, these texts, which existed in

some form after the founding of the Zhou regime, provide most of the information

on the ancient Chinese religion from which Confucianism and Daoism would

evolve. The Confucians, in particular, would revere these texts as classics and as
sacred texts. The four just mentioned, along with the Spring and Autumn Annals

(Chunqiu), purportedly compiled by Confucius himself, would constitute the Confucian

Five Classics. The Daoists, while fully aware of the authority of these texts, espe-
cially the Book of Changes, would create their own corpus of scriptural works fo-

cusing more on the constitution of the human body, the basic elements of nature

and the cosmos, and the ideal human relationship with the spirits, as we shall see in
later sections.

The Teachings of Confucianism and Daoism 253

The Teachings of Confucius
In this chapter, the term Confucianism is used with reluctance. The Chinese refer to

this tradition as the “Teaching of the Ru” (scholars and ritualists). Even though Con-
fucius has been rightfully credited with giving this tradition prominence and pro-

found religious meaning, he is by no means its founder, nor is he worshipped as a
supernatural savior figure like Jesus Christ in Christianity or the Buddha in Maha-

yana Buddhism. Therefore, “Confucianism” is quite a misleading term. In fact, the

name “Confucius” is equally problematic, as it is actually a Latinized way of represent-

ing the Chinese reference to “Kong Fu Zi,” the honorific way of addressing “Master

Kong.” Master Kong’s full name is Kong Qiu, whose dates are conventionally given as

551-479 B.C.E. We will take a closer look at his life and times later in this chapter;
here, we turn to an examination of his teachings.

Confucius inherited the entire package of ancient Chinese religious views dis-

cussed in the preceding pages. This is made clear in the single most important work

that contains his main teaching, the Lunyu. Literally meaning “comments and say-

ings” but customarily translated as the Analects, this text is believed to have been

compiled by Confucius’s leading disciples after his death. It serves as a record of state-
ments he had made, exchanges with students he had conducted, and even remarks

some of the students had offered. As such it is an authoritative source for the examin-

ation of Confucius’s teaching. Despite the possibility of later interpolations and the

apparent lack of organization, the extant twenty “Books” of the Analects, taken as a

whole, reflect a coherent picture of Confucius’s major concerns and aspirations. A care-

ful analysis of the content of the Analects shows that, while accepting many of the
preexisting cosmological notions and religious beliefs of ancient China, Confucius and

his immediate followers offered many new insights and creative interpretations regard-

ing them. In the end, these “comments and sayings” contributed to the formation of a
distinct tradition with unique views on humanity and its relationship with the divine.

The following are some of the most notable topics addressed in the Analects.

The Primacy of Tian Confucius lived during the last centuries of the Zhou regime,
which was a period of unmistakable dynastic decline. The notion of the possible

revocation and transfer of tianming could not be too far from the minds of the weak

Zhou ruler, the ambitious feudal lords serving under him, and the “men of service”

who were seeking new opportunities for social and political advancement. Confucius
was no exception. What he has conveyed in the Analects is a reinvigorated and fresh

understanding of Tian, Tianming, and their relationship to humans, especially the

moral elite.

The Tian of early Zhou, as we have seen, was an august and aloof divine power

whose interaction with human beings was largely confined to the ruler, who alone

could worship it. By contrast, the Tian of Confucius was a far more intimate religious
and ethical entity. It had a conscious will that no longer reached out to the Zhou rulers

and the various feudal lords (as it had done in the past), but to moral and noble men

254 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

of diverse backgrounds so that they might revive a moral order that once existed.7

Confucius saw himself, and encouraged his followers to become, a member of this

moral vanguard.

Tian’s message to the moral elite is not verbal or revelatory. Unlike the biblical God

or the Qur’ anic Allah, Tian silently manifests itself in the course of the seasons and in

the records of human events to allow perceptive individuals to detect the full content of
its command. Once the individual moral person firmly understands that imperative, a

special relationship with Tian becomes possible. That person feels that Tian “knows”

him and that he in turn has direct access to Tian. He becomes an obedient mouthpiece

through which Tian’s message will be spread, resulting, hopefully, in a general uplifting

of society. Various passages in the Analects attest to this faith in the primacy of Tian in

Confucius’s life and teachings. The following are particularly illustrative.

TIAN IN THE ANALECTS
A border official from the town of Yi requested an audience with the
Master . … After emerging from the audience, he remarked [to the
Master’s disciples], “The world has long been without the ideal Way.
Tian intends to use your Master like a wooden clapper for a bell [to
awaken the world].”

-Analects 3:24

When Huan Tui, the Minister of War of the principality of Song, tried to
kill Confucius (who was visiting), Confucius exclaimed, “It is Tian who
has endowed me with virtue. What harm can Huan Tui do to me?”

-Analects 7:23

When under siege in the principality of Kuang, the Master declared, “With
King Wen (founder of Zhou Dynasty) dead, does not civilization rest
now on me? If Tian intends to have civilization destroyed, those who
come after me will have nothing. But if Tian does not intend to have
civilization destroyed, then what can the men of Kuang do to me?”

-Analects 9:5

The Master lamented, “Alas, there is no one who understands me.”
Zigong said, “How is it that no one understands you?” The Master
continued, “I do not complain against Tian, nor do I blame my fellow
men. I study what is mundane to reach what is transcendent. If there
is anyone who understands me, it is Tian!”

-Analects 14:35

What these passages show collectively is the centrality of Tian in Confucius’s

thinking. Tian is clearly the highest religious authority, as well as ultimate reality, in

The Teachings of Confucianism and Daoism 255

the Analects. The Analects suggests a conscious Tian who “intends” human beings to

have civilization in the form of a perfect order. To that end it reaches out to a few noble

individuals. It does so not by direct revelation but through the quiet natural course of

nature, as well as through human events, and it charges those individuals with the

mission to sustain and protect human civilization. This is Tian’s mandate or impera-

tive (ming). Tianming, to Confucius, is no longer an endowment of dynastic power
and legitimacy for the political power holders but a call to moral perfection and close

relation with the divine ultimate for the spiritual elite.

Some scholars of Confucian studies have noted the “prophetic voice” in Confucius

and his followers. William Theodore de Bary of Columbia University is a forceful ad-

vocate of this aspect of the Confucian tradition. 8

To be sure, unlike Moses or Muhammad, Confucius did not see himself as the
messenger of a personal God; nevertheless, he criticized the authorities of his time and

condemned their departure from the normative ideal by appealing to Tian. He in-

voked his own power as someone who, because of his endowment with Tian’s com-

mand, had that right to do so. In effect Confucius changed the very nature of Tianming.

It became the self-ascribed duty of the moral individual to serve as mouthpiece to a
Tian that did not speak itself, to be inspired and motivated by the sense of mission,
indeed of commission, by Tian. The men of virtue, the Analects insists, must be “strong

and resolute, for their burden of responsibility is heavy and the journey is long. Taking

upon themselves the burden of humaneness, is that not heavy? Stopping only at death,

is that not long?” (Analects 8:7). Tian in the Analects spurned the power holders of a

decadent age and instead entrusted the awesome responsibility of protecting the ideals

of the human order to a nonruler like Confucius.

The Content ofTian’s Imperative-the Dao Just what is this message that Tian
seeks to convey through the spiritual elite? It is the Dao, the Way. Confucius often
complains in the Analects that the “Dao is not in practice” (Analects 5:7), or the “Dao

does not prevail in the world” (Analects 16:2). What he means by the Dao is the total

normative social-political-ethical order with the prescriptions for proper ritual behav-
ior publicly, as well as moral rectitude privately. However, when men in power were

incapable or unwilling to uphold this order, as was the case during Confucius’s time,

men of virtue and uprightness must take it upon themselves to protect and preserve

this ideal or civilization would be doomed. It is for this reason that Confucius regards

the search for and embodiment of the Dao to be the ultimate, paramount task in life.

He proclaims: “If I can hear the Dao in the morning, I will die contented that eve-
ning!” (Analects 4:8).

As Dao represents the entire normative human order, Confucius focuses on certain

key aspects for detailed discussion: ren and Ii.

Ren Perhaps the single most important article of faith held by Confucius is ren (be-
nevolence, humaneness, virtue)-the kernel of humanity that exists in all human beings.
It is the germ of moral consciousness that enables human beings to form a perfect

How is the Confucian
Tian different from
the Judaic Yahweh, t he
Christian God, and the
Islamic Allah?

256 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

human order. Etymologically, it points to the interrelatedness among humans, for in

writing it is a combination of the character for person CA) and the character for the
number two (=), signaling that it is in a “state of person-to-person” that ren (1=) can
be enacted. Throughout the Analects the importance of ren in Confucius’s teaching is

evident. Many of his leading disciples ask him about it, and he gives various answers

to drive home the idea that ren is all-rounded and multifaceted. Indeed, ren is so fun-
damental a concept that Confucius allows the giving of one’s life in order to preserve

it (Analects 15:9), implying that a life without ren is meaningless.

People who can preserve and develop their ren can be entrusted to carry out the

imperative of Tian. “When the root is firmly established, the Dao will grow. Filial

piety and brotherly deference, are they not the basis of ren?” (Analects 1:2). It is the
cultivation and nurturing of this root of moral propensity that constitutes the ac-
tualization of the Dao. Note that Confucius here is not asserting the perfection of

all human beings. Rather, he is advocating their perfectibility through self-effort.

This inner moral disposition needs to be expanded and developed before it can

sustain the Dao. What is remarkable about this view is the belief that this moral

potentiality is not a monopoly of those in power, or those of noble birth, but is in fact

possessed by all humans. This universal accessibility makes it possible for someone
like Confucius to teach others how to achieve ren and how to become men of virtue

themselves.

Furthermore, this goodness is exemplified by filial piety (xiao) and brotherly def-
erence, as well as by a sense of dutifulness (zhong) and reciprocity (shu). Filial piety

honors one’s indebtedness to the family elders and to the parents, and brotherly defer-

ence acknowledges the natural hierarchy in birth order among siblings. Thus it is
within the family that humans first acquire their moral education. Outside the family,

one should interact with other people according to the principle of exerting one’s

utmost effort in fulfilling one’s diverse roles in society. This effort arises from one’s

sense of dutifulness and “not doing unto others what one does not want done unto

oneself” (Analects 15:24), which is the height of reciprocity. Ren is thus the entire

human moral repertoire, which, when developed and enacted, will produce harmony
in the human world and in the relationship that humans maintain with Tian.

Li Ren alone, however, is not enough to enable one to preserve the Dao. This inner
potentiality for goodness and benevolence has to be manifested by an external perfor-

mance of prescribed behavior within the family, the community, the entire human
society, and the spiritual world beyond. This is referred to as li (rites, rituals, normative

behavior) in the Analects, a word that in ancient China meant only the sacrificial and

behavioral rituals of the kings and the nobles. The ideograph for li shows a sacred

ritual vessel, indicating that the etymological origin of the word has something to do

with sacrifice to the gods or the ancestors (f.’1). In Confucius’s understanding of the
term, li encompasses the entirety of proper human conduct vis-a-vis other human
beings, dead ancestors, and the spirits. Li cultivates a learned pattern of behavior that,

The Teachings of Confucianism and Daoism 257

when combined with the moral propensity present in each individual, will produce a

“magical power” in human relationships, as well as in relations with the spirits. Once

a ritual gesture is initiated in the proper ceremonial context and performed with grace

and sincerity, the magical result of goodwill, trust, and harmony will follow. This is

the irresistible and invisible power of ritual itsel£

The Analects is most optimistic about the efficacy of Ii: In a famous response to his
favorite student’s question about ren, Confucius states: “Restraining oneself and re-

turning to Ii, this is ren” (Analects 12:1). Only through ritualized interaction with

others and with the spirits can one realize one’s full potential as a human being. The

mastery and performance of Ii, then, is in fact a “process of humanization.”9 Li is the

externalization of ren. Conversely, ren is the inner source of Ii. This is why Confucius
asks rhetorically: ”A man who is not ren, what has he to do with Ii?” (Analects 3:3).

Junzi Confucius uses the termjunzi (the noble man, the man of virtue, and the su-
perior man) for the noble ru on whose shoulders rests the burden of reviving and

preserving the Dao. This is Confucius at his most creative and revolutionary in the

usage of terminology. Originally used to refer to the scions of feudal rulers, junzi in

Confucius’s refashioning comes to mean men of moral rectitude. From someone high-
born, junzi becomes someone high-minded. From those of noble birth, junzi now

means those of noble worth. They are the prophet-like individuals who, though hold-

ing no political office or having no privileged positions, nevertheless heed Tian’s call.

They undertake the most arduous task of implementing Tian’s Dao in the human world.

The Analects puts the issue most plainly: “Without knowing the imperative of Tian,
one cannot be a junzi” (20:3).

The self-cultivation of the junzi will earn them a power (de) similar to that pos-

sessed by the ancient sage rulers. It is a charismatic, noncoercive, potent influence that

both inspires and persuades, and coaxes and shames, people into doing what is right.

In the Analects Confucius confidently declares: “The de of the junzi is like wind, while

that of the common people is like grass. When the wind blows over the grass, the grass
cannot help but bend in the direction of the wind” (Analects 12:19). The epitome of

the junzi is the sage (shengren or simply sheng ~), the rarest of human beings
who are perfect in their moral standing and kingly in their worldly accomplishments.

The traditional Chinese character for sage contains three components: ear, mouth, and

ruler (£1=, i=I, .=E).
The sage is someone who hears or listens to the Way of Tian, reconveys it through

the mouth, and acts in the capacity of the ancient ruler whose job it is to link up the

three realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humankind. Thus the sage is decidedly a religious

figure, a saintly person who is at once a messenger of Tian to the human world and an

exemplar of human perfection in the eyes of Tian.

The Religious Vision of the Analects Taken as a whole, the vision of the Analects
offers an amazingly clear picture of Confucius’s ultimate concern. The religious

258 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

aspect of this Confucian vision is unmistakable. It has been justly pointed out that,
unlike many other religious figures, Confucius envisaged no escape from the world

and human society, nor did he insist on ascetic self-denial as a precondition for spiri-

tual progress. In a similar vein, Confucius did not consider concern with the afterlife

or with the spirits to be of primary importance. The following exchange between him

and his student Zilu on that subject is famous: “Zilu asked about serving ghosts and
spirits. The Master said, ‘When we are not yet able to serve fellow humans, why worry

about serving the ghosts and spirits?’ ‘What about death?’ [Zilu persisted]. ‘When we

do not yet know enough about life, why worry about death?’ [the Master replied]”

(Analects 11:12).

Then in what sense is the Confucian teaching religious? Confucius has an abiding

faith in the transcendent ultimate Tian. He feels an intimate relationship with it. He
has a keen awareness of its command (ming) given to the moral and spiritual elites

(junzi) to create the ideal human order (Dao) . He firmly believes in the Tian-endowed

human capacity for perfection and genuine humanity (ren) through self-cultivation,

and enthusiastically participates in sacrificial rituals and familial and social rites (li).

These are all components of his religious outlook. To be sure, this religiosity does not

express itself in faith in a personal God and the need for salvation through divine
grace. Rather, it distinguishes itself as a form of “this-worldly transcendentalism.” It
treats the “secular as sacred,”10 and it imparts deeply religious meaning to participation

in the mundane. Thus it expresses a different mode of religiousness. For this reason, it

has been paradoxically labeled a “humanistic religion” and a “religious humanism.”11

The distinction between the human and the divine, clearly drawn in the Abrahamic

traditions, is not found here. For Confucius, the ultimate goal for humans is to heed the
instruction of Tian by transforming themselves from potential to actual goodness. This

process of transformation toward the absolute is the religious nature of the Confucian

teaching, and it is right there in the Analects.

Admittedly, this religiousness of the Confucian Analects has been largely overshad-

owed by its familial, social, and political emphasis throughout the course of Chinese

imperial history, so much so that Confucianism as a religion is not readily recognized.
However, the discussion that follows should further confirm the intrinsic religiosity of

the Confucian tradition as it unfolded.

The Mencius Mencius (a Latinized rendition of “Master Men”) (371-289 B.C.E.?)
was born a full century after Confucius’s death. Claiming to be the rightful successor
to Confucius, Mencius reaffirmed moral cultivation as a religious calling. He pro-

vided the moral elite with a strong sense of mission. Mencius also made one lasting

contribution to the Confucian belief system with his insistence on the basic good-

ness of human beings, thus upholding Confucianism’s optimistic view of human

perfectibility.

Next to the Analects, the Mencius (likewise compiled by some of Mencius’s leading
disciples) is significant as a Confucian scriptural text. Unlike Confucius, who does not

The Teachings of Confucianism and Daoism 259

regard himself as a sage-a title he reserves only for the few legendary rulers in ancient

China-Mencius not only boldly declares his predecessor’s sageliness but also insists

on his own. Indeed, he considers every human being a potential sage, as he deems that

each possesses all the innate qualities to become one. It is based on that assumption

that he asserts the intrinsic goodness of human nature, which he compares to the nat-
ural tendency of water to fl.ow downward (Mencius 6A, 2:2). This is Mencius’s funda-

mental article of faith.

Identifying four “sprouts of morality” in all humans-the inborn sentiments of

commiseration (inability to bear to witness the suffering of others), shame, deference

and yielding, and sense of right and wrong-Mencius proclaims them to be the roots

of benevolence (ren), righteousness (yi), propriety (Ii), and wisdom (zhi), respectively.

With this belief as his religious premise, he constructs a logical progression from moral
cultivation to the ultimate attainment of divine spirituality. He states, “That which is

sought after is called ‘good.’ To have it in oneself is called ‘true.’ To possess it fully is

called ‘beautiful,’ while making it shine forth with brilliance is called ‘great.’ To be

great and be able to transform others is called ‘sage.’ To be sage and be beyond under-

standing by others is called ‘spiritually divine”‘ (Mencius 7B, 25). Through our moral

progress, Mencius suggests, we can become not only good, true, beautiful, and great,
but also sagely and ultimately divine. With utter conviction, then, he maintains,

“Probing one’s heart/mind to the utmost, one will know one’s nature. Knowing one’s

nature, one will know Tian. To preserve one’s heart/mind and nurture one’s nature is

to put one in the service of Tian” (Mencius 7A, 1:1). Once one has embodied the moral

imperatives of Tian, Mencius reasons, one will find all other concerns secondary. In
one of his most celebrated statements, Mencius declares: “I like fish, and I also like

bear’s paw. If I cannot have both, I will give up fish and keep the bear’s paw. Life is
what I desire, but so is righteousness. IfI cannot have both, I will give up life but cling

to righteousness” (Mencius 6A, 10:1). With morality as his ultimate concern, Mencius

is willing to sacrifice his own life in order to preserve it. This is certainly reminiscent
of Confucius’s commitment to benevolence (ren), for the preservation of which he, too,

is willing to suffer death. This is demonstrative of the spirit of the martyr and a deeply
held religious sentiment.

The Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean The remaining two texts
of the Four Books, completing the Confucian religious corpus designated by a later
Confucian scholar (see the section on the history of Confucianism later in this

chapter), are the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean, supposedly compiled
by two of Confucius’s prominent students. Both are chapters from the Book of Rituals

that have been excerpted as independent texts because of their religious significance.

The former refers to learning about what is of primary importance. It prescribes a
practical step-by-step road map for self-cultivation, starting with individual inquiries

and ending with the transformation of humanity as a whole. Listing eight steps in
personal cultivation, the Great Learning outlines a sequence of individual and social

260 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

effort made to manifest “illustrious virtue,” “love the people,” and reach the “ultimate

good,” which is nothing short of the Tian-ordained perfect world order. Thus learn-

ing involves far more than the acquisition of knowledge, but is actually an ethical-

religious program of personal and societal perfection.

The Doctrine of the Mean begins with a bold declaration: “What Tian has ordained

is called human nature. Following this nature is called the Dao. Cultivating the Dao
is called teaching” (Doctrine of the Mean I: 1). These three statements articulate the
fundamental Confucian articles of faith, representing what Confucianism regards as

self-evidently true. The text asserts that humans are born with a benign nature im-

parted by Tian, the ultimate religious authority. This nature provides them with the

inner strength to reach their fullest potential as perfect beings. Furthermore, when

extended beyond the individual, this human nature can bring about an ideal social-
political-ethical order, the actualization of which is the purpose of education. The text

further maintains that the real possibility for achieving perfect goodness exists be-

cause of the special relationship between human beings and Tian. There is a logical

progression from self-generating moral effort to the perfection of the faithful and the

world around them: “The junzi [noble person] cannot avoid not cultivating his person.

Thinking of cultivating his person, he cannot neglect serving his parents. Thinking of
serving his parents, he may not avoid knowing other humans. Thinking of knowing

other humans, he cannot ignore knowledge of Tian” (Doctrine of the Mean 20:7). It is

clear that human beings must fully engage themselves with others in order to actualize

their genuine humanity and divine potential.

There are five cardinal human relations for such interaction-three within the

family and two outside of the family: that between father and son, husband and wife,
elder and younger brothers, ruler and subject, and friends. All these relations obligate

individuals to perform their respective roles in society-the father has to be kind while

the son is respectful; the husband has to be caring while the wife is submissive; brothers

need to be mutually deferential; the ruler needs to have the people’s welfare in mind

while the subjects need to be obedient; and friends must maintain fidelity toward one
another. It is therefore the entire human community that provides the setting for the

Confucian religious quest. The Doctrine of the Mean offers a climactic conclusion to

the process of self-cultivation:

Only the most authentic and genuine person can fully develop his
nature. Able to fully develop his nature, he can then thoroughly under-
stand the nature of other people. Able to fully understand the nature of
other people, he can develop the nature of things. Able to fully develop
the nature of things, he can assist in the transforming and nourishing
process of Tian and Di (earth, counterpart to Tian). When he assists in
the transforming and nourishing process of Tian and Di, he forms a
trinity with them!

-Doctrine of the Mean 22:1

The Teachings of Confucianism and Daoism 261

This euphoric assurance of the final outcome of human moral cultivation is breath-

taking in its grandeur. Not only does the person who realizes his own nature to the full

become a paradigm of genuine humanity, but also he actually becomes a “coequal” with

Tian and Di through his participation in their nurture and sustenance of the myriad

things. Forming a trinity with the ultimate numinous entity in the cosmos is without a

doubt the highest accomplishment for any religious seeker in the Confucian mode.
In the preceding paragraphs, we have analyzed the content and the religiosity of

the Four Books. These four texts neatly annotate the later Neo-Confucian goal of

neisheng waiwang-inner moral cultivation and external skillful management of soci-

ety and state (see the section on the history of Confucianism later in this chapter). This

is believed to reflect the original vision of Confucius, namely, to pursue a personal

relationship with the ultimate reality through moral improvement, culminating in an
ordering of society and state in accordance with the Way ordained by Tian. This reli-

gious mission is best expressed by a famous Neo-Confucian scholar by the name of

Zhang Zai (1020-1077):

To establish the mind of Tian and Di
To inculcate an understanding of [Tia n’s] command (ming) for the multitudes

To revive and perpetuate the teachings of the sages of the past

To provide peace and stability for all future generations.

This is indeed the social-political, as well as religious, aspiration of Confucianism in a

nutshell!

Confucianism and Women
The issue of Confucianism and sexism needs to be addressed. Despite its lofty religious

teaching, Confucianism has often been criticized for its dismissive and negative atti-

tude toward women. The single most notorious statement made by Confucius regard-
ing women is truly incriminating: “Women and the petty men are alike, in that they

are both hard to deal with” (Analects 17:23). In addition, one of the most prominent
features of Confucianism during the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.E.-220 B.C.E.) and beyond

is the submissiveness of the female to the male. Cleverly manipulating the traditional

yin-yang belief into an argument for the priority of yang over yin, hence the male over

the female, Han Confucians and their successors in later dynasties insisted that women
submit to their fathers when young, their husbands when married, and their sons

when old and widowed. This aspect of Confucianism in imperial China became a

major cause of criticism of the tradition in the modern period. Since the beginning of

the twentieth century, Confucianism has been portrayed as a sexist, patriarchal ideol-

ogy responsible for the oppression of women in China. The insidious Chinese practices

of foot binding (the crushing of the feet of young girls with long binding cloth to make
their walking willowy and feminine), concubinage (the keeping of multiple wives by

one man), disallowance of women-initiated divorce, prohibition against remarriage,

and encouragement of widow suicide have all been blamed on Confucianism.

262 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

Laozi riding on the back
of a water buffalo as he
retires into the rea lm of
the immortals.

However, this view of Confucianism may be too simplistic in characterizing the

two thousand years of Chinese gender history. It makes no distinction between theory
and practice, as well as ideal, normative values versus actual, living experiences. Fur-

thermore, it also overlooks the very intellectual and religious dynamism of Confucian-

ism as a teaching of human improvement and self-cultivation with no gender specificity.

Some contemporary scholars have taken note of the parallels between Confucian and
feminist ethics. Confucianism as a state orthodoxy whose central purpose is social

control and political manipulation is indeed incompatible with modern values. How-

ever, Confucianism as an ethical and religious teaching with an emphasis on mutual

care, empathy, responsible government, and communal welfare shares many similari-

ties with feminist care ethics.12

The Teachings of Daoism
We have pointed out earlier that Daoism evolved out of the

same ancient Chinese religious mindset as Confucianism did.

But instead of regarding Tian as the Absolute Ultimate, as the

Confucians do, Daoists from the beginning hold Dao to be su-

preme. It should be recalled that the term Dao is also central to
the Confucian tradition. However, the Daoists articulate a very

different understanding of the Dao. It is this alternative appre-
hension of the Dao that serves as the point of departure for their

entirely different mode of religious experience from that of the

Confucians.

Laozi (Lao-tzu) and Zhuangzi (Chuang-tzu) Tradition-
ally, the best known and earliest identifiable Daoists were Laozi

(Master Lao) and Zhuangzi (Master Zhuang). The former,

more of a composite figure than an actual person, was the re-

puted author of the Daodejing (Tao-te Ching; The Scripture of
the Way and Its Potent Manifestation), 13 alternatively known

as the Laozi. The latter was an obscure individual active in the

late fourth century B.C.E. who was credited with authorship of

the second most influential Daoist text, the Zhuangzi. Both

texts are more representative of certain modes of thinking than

of individual thinkers, as they are actually anthologies contain-
ing different strands of thought rather than coherent and logical

teachings of single authors. One thing, however, is clear: they

are self-consciously non-Confucian in that they express a de-

cidedly alternative understanding of the dao and of ideal human

action. In addition, both the Daodejing and the Zhuangzi also

contain descriptions of perfected human beings who possess

amazing powers of magic and immortality. Both texts suggest

The Teachings of Confucianism and Daoism 263

that, through intense inner psychic journeying and mystical conditioning of the

human body, individuals can acquire impressive powers of transformation and invul-

nerability to the decaying agents in nature.

The Daodejing The eighty-one-chapter Daodejing is undoubtedly the most translated
and most popular Chinese text in the West. Virtually all the different movements and
sectarian lineages within Daoism regard this work as the founding scripture of the

tradition.

In contrast to the Confucian Dao being the ideal ethical-social-political order or-
dained by Tian for human beings, the Dao of the Laozi antedates Tian and acts as the

basis of the natural order. Here Dao is the primordial entity that exists in an undiffer-

entiated state prior to the coming into being of the myriad things, including Tian and
Di, which now stand for nothing more than nature itself. The lofty primacy of the

Confucian Tian is supplanted by the nebulous Dao of the Daodejing, as indicated by

the following celebrated passage:

There was something undifferentiated and yet complete, which existed
before Tian and Di
Soundless and formless, it depends on nothing and does not change
It operates everywhere and does not stop
It may be regarded as the “Mother of the world”
I do not know its name; I call it Dao.

-Daodejing, Chap. 25

In one broad stroke, the entire Confucian cosmological scheme is turned upside down.

It is Dao, not Tian, that gives birth, like a mother, to the myriad things. It is Dao, not
Tian, that serves as the primal source of the cosmos. Echoing the cosmogonic (con-

cerning the origin of the cosmos) view of the Book of Changes, the Daodejing gives an

even terser summary of the generating process of the cosmos:

The Dao gives birth to the One [Being, Existence]
The One brings forth the Two [Yin and Yang]
The Two give rise to the Three [Tian, Di, and Humans]
The Three engender the Ten Thousand Things [world of multiplicity
and diversity]

-Daodejing, Chap. 42

Again, the primacy of the Dao as the procreator of the entire universe and everything

in it is unequivocally asserted here. As the ground of all beings, this Dao is compared
” · i: I ” ” ” “· i: ” d ” d bl k ” 11 11 d” h to a mystenous 1ema e, water, 1n1ant, an uncarve oc , a a u mg to t e

beginning of life and form. However, unlike the Confucian Dao, which requires su-
perior human beings (the junzi [men of virtue] and the shengren [sages]) to exert their

264 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

utmost effort to actualize its ideal design, the Dao of the Daodejing can only maintain
its pristine form when humans leave it alone. Thus the ideal course of action for in-

sightful and wise human beings is to observe wuwei (actions without intention) and

ziran (natural spontaneity) in their attempt to return to the Dao. These two ideal
approaches to life are indicative of the Daodejing’s belief in the innate perfection and
completeness of the Dao. Wuwei calls for a minimalist and noninterventionist attitude
in human action, whereas ziran rejects any artificiality and contrived undertaking as
detrimental to human well-being. Ultimately, the Dao in the Daodejing is indescrib-
able, for it defies verbalization and precise definition. “The Dao that can be [verbally]
expressed is not the constant Dao,” insists the Daodejing in its first verse.

Yet the transcendent Dao is, at the same time, manifested in the myriad things
through its presence in them as de-the very “potent manifestation” of each thing. In
contrast to the de of the Confucians, which is the charismatic power of the moral elite,
the de of the Daodejing points to the concrete expression of the Dao in all things. De
is the “thingness” of a thing-that which makes a thing what it is. The combination

of Dao and de, then, helps to bridge the gap between the transcendent and the imman-
ent for the author(s) of the Daodejing. The Dao is the transcendent ground of being,
yet through its expression in the de of the myriad concrete things, it is also fully
immanent.

The Zhuangzi The extant version of the Zhuangzi consists of thirty-three chapters
divided into three sections-“Inner,” “Outer,” and “Miscellaneous.” The first seven

Inner chapters are generally believed to be the authentic writings of Zhuang Zhou, the

putative author. Yet as in the case of the Daodejing, we have only a vague biographical
account of Zhuang Zhou, and little of substance is known about him.

The Zhuangzi is overall a different kind of text from the Daodejing. Whereas the
latter is terse and aphoristic in language, the former is effusive and vividly narrative.

The Daodejing idealizes the feminine and regards the Dao as mother, but the Zhuangzi
does not. The Daodejing gives much emphasis to politics and the techniques of ruler-
ship; the Zhuangzi is overtly adverse to politics. The Zhuangzi tells stories with a witty,
playful, irreverent tone that is totally absent in the Daodejing. In terms of basic world-
view and cosmological assumptions, however, the Zhuangzi shares much in common
with the Daodejing, hence their grouping together by later historians and bibliogra-
phers as representatives of the “School of the Dao.”

In the Zhuangzi, the Dao is not only the ineffable transcendent entity that gives
rise to all things but also the immanent core that exists in all things, from the loftiest

perfected beings to the lowliest broken tiles and excrement. It is therefore omnipres-

ent, making all things ultimately equal. As such, the Dao transcends all polarities,
dichotomies, and dualities that the human mind is inclined to create. Hence the use

of the human cognitive and rational approach to apprehend the Dao is futile and
unproductive, as it can only be realized intuitively through the abandonment of the
intellect. The mind must be able to be free from all conventional distinctions and

The Teachings of Confucianism and Daoism 265

established views, hence the advocacy of “carefree wandering” (xiaoyao yu) in the

Zhuangzi. In this connection the discussion of “fasting the mind/heart” (xinzhai)
and “sitting and forgetting” (zuowang) becomes pertinent, as both practices dispense
with rationality and deliberative cognition in order to arrive at the perfect intuitive

understanding of the Dao.

Elements of Physical Invulnerability in the Daodejing and the Zhuangzi
Although both the Daodejing and the Zhuangzi are best known (in China and in the

West) for their sophisticated philosophical discussions of the Dao, much less known is

their commentary on the physical prowess of the Daoist practitioners. They hint at

invulnerability to harm, longevity, and even immortality-the very goals of a Daoist

religious movement that began no later than the second century C .E.
We next explore the impact the two have had on the content of Daoism as a reli-

gion. The following passages from both texts are highly suggestive:

EXCERPTS FROM THE DAODfJ/NG
He who does not lose his proper place lasts long

He who dies but does not perish has longevity.
-Daodejing, Chap. 33

I have heard that people who are good at preserving their lives will not

encounter wild bulls or tigers when traveling on land, and will not need

to protect themselves with armor when in the army. Wild bulls will find

nowhere to thrust their horns, tigers will have no place to sink their

claws, and weapons will find no point to insert their cutting blades.

And why is that? Because in them there is no room for death.
-Daodejing, Chap. 50

He who is richly endowed with de is comparable to a newborn baby:

poisonous insects will not sting him, ferocious beasts will not seize

him in their claws, and birds of prey will not snatch him with their

talons.
-Daodejing, Chap. 55

EXCERPTS FROM THE ZHUANGZ/
Far away on Mt. Guye there dwells a divine person (shenren) whose

skin is like ice and snow, and who is gentle and shy like a young girl.

He does not eat the five grains; but [only] inhales the wind and drinks

the dew. He ascends the clouds, mounts flying dragons, and wanders

beyond the four seas. His spirit is focused, thus he saves creatures

from sickness and plagues, and guarantees bountiful harvests.
-Zhuangzi, Chap. 1

266 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

A Daoist immortal flying
through the clouds,
1750. Portrayed is the
sage mother of
Dangling, who stud ied
the Way and could cure
illnesses. One day,
amidst a throng wishing
to thank her, she
ascended to the clouds.

The ultimate person (zhiren) is spirit-like. Though the great marshes
are set ablaze, they will not make him hot. Though the rivers and

streams freeze up, they cannot chill him. Though violent thunder splits

the mountains and howling gales churn the ocean, they will not

frighten him. A man like this rides the clouds and mist, mounts the

sun and moon, and goes beyond the four seas. Death and life have no

effect on him, how much less will profit and loss?
-Zhuangzi, Chap. 2

The perfected individuals (zhenren) of old . . . could go up to high
places without getting frightened, enter water without getting wet, and

go into fire without feeling hot. Only those whose knowledge ascends

the height of the Dao can be like this …. The perfected breathe with

their heels, while the ordinary men breathe with their throat.
-Zhuangzi, Chap. 6

Blowing and breathing, exhaling the old and inhaling the new, [imitating

the postures of] bear strides and bird stretches-these are all under-

taken for the purpose of longevity. They are pursued with fondness by

people who practice gymnastic calisthenics (daoyin) and body nourish-
ments (yangxing) in hope of [attaining the longevity] of Patriarch Peng.

-Zhuangzi, Chap. 15

These passages on Daoist adepts describe their amazing magical
power and physical invulnerability.

What these two texts suggest, at the very least, is that the

numinous Dao (the holy) is accessible by potent (that is, healthy)
individuals and that holiness and robust health are closely re-

lated. As described by the Daodejing and Zhuangzi, the early
practitioners of the Dao were people who, through their use of
various bodily techniques, acquired powers that enabled them

to experience the divine. These techniques and powers would

very much become the concern of later Daoists. In short, the
Daodejing and the Zhuangzi can be perceived as “proto-Daoist”
texts by virtue of their distinctive view of the Dao and their
reference to various practices and powers that anticipate those
of the later organized Daoist groups.

Immortality and Alchemy One later Daoist preoccupation
is with the notion of xian (immortal or transcendent), long a
folk religious fascination but articulated most eloquently in the
Baopuzi (Master Who Embraces Simplicity), a text authored by

The Teachings of Confucianism and Daoism 267

Ge Hong (283-343 C.E.). Central to this belief in xian is the conviction that physical
transformation, invulnerability to disease, longevity, and ultimately immortality, can

be acquired through proper diet, physical exercise, and drugs. People with the right

recipe, formula, or prescription (fongshi) would teach these esoteric techniques and
provide ready-made elixirs to those who had the financial resources and the necessary

devotion to secure their services.
Inherent in the belief in immortality are the ancient Chinese assumptions about the

human body and the measures that can be taken to keep it healthy and even immortal.

The ancient Chinese believed that the human body is the microcosm that reflects the

macrocosm of the cosmos. In other words, there is a direct correspondence and parallel

between the human body and nature. All the myriad things in the universe are produced

by the interaction of the vital energies (qi) of yin and yang. They also manifest the quali-
ties of the five elemental phases (wuxing), follow the principle of alternation and constant

return, while maintaining balance and harmony with one another. This belief was

retained by Daoism and Chinese folk religion. According to this view, there are three

central nodal points in the human body called dantian (locations for the production of
pills of immortality)-in the head, the chest, and the abdomen-connected by merid-

ian circuits through which the qi (energy) flows. And, because the body is the cosmos
writ small, just as there are gods and deities inhabiting the physical world outside, there

are also numerous spiritual beings residing in various organs of the human body.

Based on this whole series of assumptions, the techniques of

yangsheng (nourishing life) are developed. First mentioned in
the Zhuangzi, yangsheng has the goal of refining the body so

that it can overcome its earthly limitations and be in perfect
harmony with the Dao, making it last as long as the universe. It
involves an entire spectrum of exercises, including deep medita-

tion, controlled breathing, therapeutic gymnastics, dietary regi-

mens, even sexual techniques. All these measures of nourishing

life have been practiced by religious Daoists since the second

century C .E . and are grouped under the general heading of
neidan (internal alchemy).

While these yangsheng techniques aim at the regeneration

and reinforcement of the human body by making use of what

the body originally possesses, the fangshi also focus on the com-

pounding and refining of elixirs with substances (herbal and
mineral) from nature. References to “refining gold” (lianjin)

and transmuting cinnabar (mercury sulphate) in some Han

Dynasty texts indicate a growing practice of alchemy for the

purpose of attaining longevity and immortality. This pursuit of

alchemical manufacturing of dan with minerals and plants

would eventually lead to the waidan (external alchemy) trad-
ition in Daoism.

A Daoist view of the
major nodal points in
the human body
through which the qi
(energy) flows.

268 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

Figurine of Lord Guan as
seen in many Chinese
restaurants.

All the internal and external alchemical techniques discussed

here are intended to produce a new body that grows within the

old so that, in time, the old self will be replaced by the new in the

same way cicadas and snakes regenerate themselves.

Daoist Deities As the Daoist tradition matured, the most
exalted god in the Daoist pantheon became the Yuanshi tian-

zun (Celestial Venerable of Primordial Beginning), who is

head of a trinity of Three Purities (sanqing). Below the sanq-

ing are innumerable deities of both genders who fill up vari-

ous ranks in a mind-boggling celestial bureaucracy that loosely

corresponds to its human counterpart.
The lowliest among the spiritual bureaucrats is the local earth

god (tudi gong), and the head of the celestial government is the

Jade Emperor (Yuhuang). Many of them have divine origins, of

course, but many also are former humans whose merits warrant

their promotion to godly status. Some of the deities have national

appeal, such as Lord Zhenwu [Perfect Martiality] of Mt. Wudang,
whereas others are more local in influence, including the Stove god (za.ojun) in each

household. One ubiquitous Daoist deity, Lord Guan, is honored by business owners as

their protector and benefactor. A human turned god, Lord Guan can be seen in the form

of a heroic figure with a red face and a cascading black beard, sporting a long robe and

holding a long blade. An altar or alcove containing a figurine of him can be found in most

Chinese restaurants in North America, where he is worshipped as a patron deity.
Daoist deities not only reside in the heavens, on earth, in the underworld, and in

the homes but also inside the human body. They are supposed to protect all the major

internal organs from the decaying effect of unwholesome food and old age. The entire

pantheon of Daoist deities can be accessed and appealed to through ritual perform-

ance for assistance in warding off evil, improving health, guaranteeing harmony in

family and community, and attaining immortality.

Daoism and Women
Because of the feminine emphasis of the Daodejing, it is generally assumed that

Daoism, unlike Confucianism, treats women fairly and kindly. Yet the situation is more

complicated than it might appear at first thought. The positions and roles of women in
organized Daoism have to be examined in the larger context of Chinese society, which

until recent times has indeed been patriarchal and sexist. It is therefore not surprising
that women only play limited roles even in Daoism.

And yet it is also undeniable that because of women’s believed greater sensitivity to

the spirits and their keener communication ability with the divine and invisible world,

they do have access to roles and positions denied to most women in Chinese society at
large. Women’s special power to intercede with the deities often makes some of them

The History of Confucianism and Daoism 269

more outstanding and influential practitioners of

Daoism than men.

A Daoist movement known as the Celestial

Masters (Tianshi; see more details in the section on

the history ofDaoism in this chapter) identified five

classes of women suited to be Daoist practitioners:
young unmarried women, women unable to marry

because of their inauspicious horoscopes, women

forced into marriage, rejected (divorced) wives, and

widows. All these were vulnerable individuals to

whom the Celestial Masters offered an escape and a

way to assert their worth. In the Tang Dynasty
(618-907 C.E.), women from aristocratic families
became Daoist nuns in substantial numbers, either

between marriages or as widows. There were also

imperial princesses ordained as Daoist priestesses.

Equally noteworthy are a number of major Daoist goddesses who play key roles in

the religion. Chief among them are Xiwangmu (Queen Mother of the West), best
known for her granting of the power of immortality to the faithful, and Mazu, the

virginal protectress of fishermen and merchants who is still very popular in southeast

China and Taiwan today. Some women were actually founders of Daoist sects, most

notably Wei Huacun (252-334 c.E.) of the Shangqing [Highest Clarity] tradition and
Zu Shu (most active during 889-904 C.E.), who initiated the Qingwei [Pure Subtlety]
tradition. Sun Bu’er (1119-1182 C .E.) was a famous female disciple of the founder of
the Quanzhen [Complete Perfection] sect who became a senior leader in the move-

ment with the power to teach and ordain other female practitioners. (We examine

these other Daoist groups more closely later in this chapter.)

No comparable number of women can be identified as prominent Confucians.

It is thus accurate to conclude that women generally fare better in Daoism than in
Confucianism.

THE HISTORY OF CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM
The earliest time in Chinese history for which we have both written records and archaeo-

logical evidences is the Shang Dynasty, whose traditional dates are 1600-1046 B.C.E.
Representative of these records and evidences are the “oracle bone inscriptions,” carved

messages on smoothed-out oxen shoulder blade bones or tortoise shells that include

questions put to (and supposed answers from) deceased members of the Shang royalty.
The questions covered a wide spectrum of issues, from actions to be undertaken by the

ruler (such as the decision to go to war) to intimate, personal matters of the imperial

family (such as the gender of royal offspring about to be born). After the questions

were put forth, heat was applied to a predrilled hole in the bone or shell, causing cracks
to appear. Patterns formed by these cracks were read by the shaman-diviner, and

Xiwangmu (Queen
Mother of the West)
is one of the most
prominent female
Daoist deities. She
rewards her devout
followers with
immortality by feasting
them with magical
peaches.

270 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

A Chinese oracle bone
made of tortoise shell.

occasionally the Shang ruler himself, and were interpreted as answers to

the original questions posed.
As indicated in the section on teachings in this chapter, the head of

the Shang spiritual world was Shangdi, the ultimate benefactor of the

royal house. Eventually, around the end of the second millennium B.C.E.,

the Shang dynasty was toppled by the Zhou. While retaining the ances-
tral focus of the Shang, as well as its belief in the religious underpinning

of political authority, the Zhou founders nevertheless replaced Shangdi

with Tian as the overarching spiritual authority. They exercised political

power with the claim that it was a mandate they received from Tian,

ostensibly because of their moral worthiness. Early Zhou society was

reportedly well-ordered and harmonious, presided over by men of virtue.
This impression was projected by the Zhou texts, collectively labeled as

the Confucian Five Classics mentioned earlier in this chapter, which

would serve as the prototypical source of the Confucian teachings.

The History of Confucianism
At the time of Confucius’s birth, the entire political system and moral
framework put in place by the early Zhou kings, as described in the previ-

ous section, was in disarray. Powerful feudal lords jockeyed for position to

become the next Tianzi, the son of Tian, and to replace the current Zhou king. The more

capable and ambitious among them actively sought the service of talented men outside

the hereditary aristocratic circles, thereby creating upward social mobility for some

among the commoners. Conversely, powerful lords could become commoners overnight
as a result of their defeat by their rivals, creating a downward social spiral as well.

These critical social developments gave rise to the increasing prominence of a class

of experts and specialists known as shi (men of service). Drawn from lower aristocratic

or commoner backgrounds, they entered the employ of feudal lords and imperial

rulers. The shi performed two major categories of duties: military and civil. The mili-
tary men of service, the knights, were referred to as wushi, whereas their civilian coun-

terparts, the scholars, were known as rushi, or simply ru. Ru were scribes and record

keepers, masters of rituals and ceremonies, as well as diviners and religious profession-

als. To perform their duties well, ru had to acquire expertise in history, poetry, reli-

gious rites, divination, dance, and music.

Confucius was just such a ru who was born into a family of former aristocrats in
the feudal domain of Lu (located in present-day Shandong province in North China).

His father died when he was still an infant, so he had to do menial work as a young

man to support himself, his sickly older brother, and his widowed mother. What en-

abled Confucius to lift himself up from poverty and anonymity was his desire for and

success in scholarship. He apparently had an extraordinarily inquisitive mind and a

voracious appetite for study, especially of the ancient texts of history, rituals, and
poetry. By the age of thirty he was well known for his expertise as a ru. His service in

The History of Confucianism and Daoism 271

government was limited to a number of minor posts, but his greatest accom-

plishment was in his vocation as a teacher. Confucius offered fresh insight into

the human condition, creatively reinterpreting the belief system he inherited

from the early Zhou. In addition, he communicated a forceful message of the

need for improvement of individuals and society through moral cultivation

and benevolent government. Aided by an intense and charismatic personality,

Confucius became a popular private teacher with a huge following.
After age fifty, as he realized that the feudal lord of his native Lu did

not value his service, Confucius left with a number of trusted disciples in

tow and headed for other feudal domains. His hope was that other lords

would embrace his ideas and would implement his political blueprint for

restoring order to the world. For the next thirteen years he traveled all
across Northern China, going from one feudal domain to another in search

of opportunities to carry out his reform proposals. He was met with disap-

pointment everywhere, at times suffering much indignity, deprivation, and

even physical danger. In the twilight years of his life, he returned to his

home state of Lu with his political ambition unfulfilled and devoted the

remainder of his life to teaching, writing, and editing the ancient texts.
Confucius died in his early seventies.

Confucius is believed to have put the major classical works into their

final form. He supposedly edited the Book of Odes and the Book of History,
wrote important commentaries on the Book of Changes, and contributed to
the Record of Rites, as well as the no-longer-extant Book of Music. He also supposedly
authored a book on the history of the late Zhou period from the vantage point of his
native state of Lu, which is titled Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals). The work
covers the years 722-481 B.C.E., a period that since has been known as the Spring and
Autumn period in Chinese history.

Toward the end of his long life, Confucius gave a telling summary and assessment

of his intellectual development as recorded in the Analects, a work compiled by his fol-
lowers that contains his celebrated sayings:

At fifteen I set my mind on learn ing
At thirty I had become established [as a ru]
At forty I was free from doubts
At fifty I knew the decree of Tian (Tianming)
At sixty my ears became attuned [to what I heard from Tian]
At seventy I could follow my heart’s desires without transgressing what
was right

-Analects 2:4

This intellectual and spiritual autobiography of Confucius illustrates the pattern of
his development from a scholar to a religious figure. His biography shows that he was

Statue of Confucius at
the entrance to the
Confucian Academy in
Beijing, China.

272 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

a fully human figure with no claim to supernatural origin or power and was the con-

summate representative of the ru tradition and an exemplary teacher. Eventually,

however, Confucius would be honored as a sage and the founder of China’s most

important philosophical and religious tradition.

Later Defenders of the Faith The Chinese world after Confucius took a turn for the
worse. Warfare among the feudal states became even more frequent and brutal. The

centuries between Confucius’s death in 479 and 221 B.C.E. are known as the Warring
States period in Chinese history. Confucius’s original vision of moral cultivation and

benevolent government seemed impractical and quixotic. Internally, the Confucian

tradition was rocked by self-doubt and resignation, as his ru followers became mere

functionaries for the feudal lords, enjoying little influence or self-esteem. Externally,
rival traditions such as Daoism and other more pragmatic schools competed for atten-

tion and attacked many of the Confucian ideas.

Into this picture came Mencius (371-289 B.C.E.?), the second most important

figure in the Confucian tradition. As the most ardent defender of the faith, he articu-

lated views that would be revered as definitive interpretations of what Confucius had

outlined. We have already examined his contribution to the tradition in the section on
the teachings of Confucianism in this chapter. His ideas would become orthodox for

most future Confucians.

A younger contemporary of Mencius was Xun Qing (310-238 B.C.E.?), or Master

Xun (Xunzi), who actually exerted far greater influence on the Confucian movement

through the second century C.E. than Mencius did. Xun Qing’s rationalism and prag-
matic approach to rituals and learning had given a decisively secular and worldly bent
to the Confucian tradition, resulting in a noticeable neglect of its religious nature. His

view of human nature as evil also contradicted the Mencian version. Nevertheless,

Xun Qing shared with Mencius an abiding faith in the transformative influence of

moral cultivation and the perfectibility of humanity through self-effort. Eventually,

however, Xun Qjng was rejected by later Confucians as heterodox, and the text bear-

ing his name was never recognized as a Confucian scripture.

Confucianism as Orthodoxy When China was unified by the Qin (Ch’in) state in
221 B.C.E., the Confucian tradition was initially a target of state persecution. Its call

for benevolent government and individual moral autonomy was rejected by the First

Emperor of Qjn as impractical and subversive. But the Qin Dynasty soon fell, replaced
by the Han (206 B.C.E.-220 C.E.), a much more hospitable regime for Confucian teaching.
By the middle of the second century B.C.E., the Confucian tradition finally surpassed
all its competitors by becoming the state-designated orthodoxy, in recognition of its

usefulness in fostering effective governance and enhancing social cohesiveness. Yet its

orthodox status also necessitated fundamental changes in its orientation. From a teach-

ing that called for high-minded personal moral cultivation and benevolent government,
Confucianism in the Han Dynasty became a scholastic tradition and a tool for state

The History of Confucianism and Daoism 273

control and patriarchal authoritarianism. In fulfilling that role, Confucius
was showered with grandiose titles by subsequent generations of Chinese

rulers who scrambled to outdo one another in their adoration of him, culmi-

nating in the breathtakingly exuberant tide of “Ultimate Sage of Greatest

Accomplishment, King of Manifest Culture” given to him by an emperor in

1308. “Temples” dedicated to Confucius were built in all the administrative
and political centers throughout the empire. Nevertheless, these temples served

more as memorials, such as those dedicated to Thomas Jefferson or Abraham

Lincoln, than as places of worship, and Confucius himself remained by and

large an exemplary human figure worthy of veneration, rather than a god

promising salvation and demanding pious submission.

The Neo-Confucian Tradition Though Confucianism served nomi-
nally as China’s orthodoxy from the second century B.C.E. to the beginning

of the twentieth century C.E., a span of over 2,000 years, it coexisted with

Daoism and Buddhism during that entire period, and at times was even

overshadowed by them. Since the twelfth century c.E., however, through a
revitalization movement known in the West as Neo-Confucianism, it re-

gained the initiative over its Daoist and Buddhist rivals and became the

predominant religious tradition in China until the modern era. Indeed, as

advocated by its most eloquent representative, the scholar Zhu Xi (1130-

1200), its new scriptural corpus, the Four Books, composed of the Analects,
the Mencius, the Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean, would constitute the

main curriculum upon which the civil service examination oflate imperial China would
be based. Between 1313 and 1905, all aspiring scholars and government officials in
China had to study and were examined on their mastery of this set of canonical works,

which provided the basis of their worldview and their outlook on life. To be sure, there

would be other voices within the Neo-Confucian movement that challenged Zhu Xi’s

interpretations, notably that of Wang Yangming (1472-1529). They differed primarily
in how best to attain the same goal of “inner sagely moral perfection and outer political

ability and administrative skills” (neisheng waiwang). Personal moral perfection and
universal transformation of the human community formed one continuum in their ul-

timate religious quest.

Beginning in the fourteenth century, as China entered the late imperial period,

the Confucian tradition became fossilized and rigid. The examinations were formulaic
wordplays instead of genuine expressions of moral insight or sound administrative

proposals. The entire Confucian tradition was turned into a mere tool of state control

and social climbing. Political autocracy, patriarchal authoritarianism, and social ex-

ploitation were all carried out in its name.

Confucianism as Pan-Asiatic Tradition Confucian texts had found their way
beyond China no later than the turn of the Common Era, along with China’s

The Apricot Platform
(Xingtan) is traditionally
identified to be the
location where
Confucius lectured to
his students.

274 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

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outward expansion both culturally and territorially. But it was in the form of

Neo-Confucianism that this religious and philosophical tradition had exerted its most

significant impact on China’s neighbors such as Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. Thanks
to the dynamic influence of Zhu Xi and his intellectual successors, Confucianism

became the dominant philosophy and state orthodoxy, beginning with the Yi Dynasty

in Korea (fourteenth century), the Tokugawa Shogunate in Japan (seventeenth century),

and the Nguyen Dynasty in Vietnam (nineteenth century). The social organizations,

The History of Confucianism and Daoism 275

bureaucratic cultures, and religious assumptions of these Asian neighbors of China

echoed much that existed in China during her late imperial period (fourteenth to

twentieth centuries).

Confucianism in the Modern World Confucianism entered a period of sharp de-
cline in the modern age. This process began after the Opium War of 1839-1842, in
which China was handily defeated by Great Britain. Other foreign powers quickly

followed suit to demand enormous concessions from a weakened and disgraced China.

For China’s patriotic young generation of intellectual elite, this humiliating develop-

ment exposed the shortcomings of their Confucian heritage. Confucianism was blamed

for China’s political, social, and economic backwardness. As a result, the New Culture

Movement that began in the second decade of the twentieth century made Confucianism
their main target of assault. “Down with Confucius and sons!” was now the popular call

for rebellion against the tradition. The logic was that unless the roots of the Confucian

tradition were eradicated completely, China would not survive the challenge of moder-

nity. Indeed, the birth of the Chinese Communist movement was in part attributable

to this rebellious mode of thinking. From the perspective of the radical revolutionaries,

Confucianism was a reactionary ideology of the ruling elite in China’s feudal past that
should be cast into the dustbin of history.

But the obituary for Confucianism appears to have been written prematurely.

Despite repeated and sometimes violent attempts to rid China of the harmful influence

of Confucianism, the “anti-Confucius” campaign of the Cultural Revolution period

(1966-1976) on mainland China being the most glaring example, the tradition has

survived. As the opening vignette demonstrates, Confucianism as a religious tradition
is still very much alive in contemporary China. The central importance of the family,

the persistence of ancestral remembrance, and the value placed on education and

self-improvement are evidence of the resilience of the Confucian ethos among many

Chinese, and even East Asians in general. Some argue that the economic and industrial

progress of the “Four Dragons” of Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore
since the 1980s, and a similar development under way in China as well, might have

been brought about by the Confucian heritage in these East Asian countries.

At the same time, an emergent group of “New Confucians,” both inside and out-

side China, has been active as advocates for the revival of the Confucian teaching on

philosophical and religious grounds. This group finds a new relevance for the Confu-

cian tradition in the postmodern world on the ground that it expresses values of uni-
versal significance. These new defenders of the Confucian faith seek to rearticulate

Confucianism for our time in the same way Confucians of the past had rearticulated

it for theirs.

Equally notable is the new popularity enjoyed by Confucianism in China within

the last decade, in part endorsed by the Chinese government. Academies devoted to

the study of the Confucian tradition have been established, instruction on and the
memorization of the Analects for school-age children are widely promoted, and even

276 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

TV programs dedicated to the explanation of the relevance of Confucian teaching to
contemporary Chinese society are eagerly viewed by a growing audience. The Chinese

government also provides partial funding for the establishment of “Confucius Insti-

tutes” in European and North American universities to encourage interest in Chinese

and Confucian

studies.

The History of Daoism
As we learned in the section on teachings in this chapter, Laozi and Zhuangzi, tra-

ditionally recognized as early founders of the Daoist tradition, were shadowy figures

whose books bearing their names were actually anthologies containing divergent

strands of thought. At best they could only be considered proto-Daoists. Laozi, his-

torically believed to have been an older contemporary of Confucius, was a mysteri-
ous figure who was already an old man at the time of Confucius’s birth (hence his

name “Laozi,” which literally can mean “old baby”). Late in his life he reportedly left

China beyond her western borders, but not before he dictated to a follower what

came to be known as the Daodejing. Zhuangzi, whose historicity was more accepted,

was believed to have been a fourth-century B.C.E. figure whose wit and irreverence

made his comments on the Dao some of the most well-known and celebrated ones.
His dreaming of being a butterfly, and upon waking, his questioning of the validity

of his human identity was of course the most famous example of his relativistic

thinking. There were, as well, numerous other early commentators of the Dao who

contributed to the formation of a “Daoist school” or “Daoist tradition” no later than

the second century B.C.E.

The Deification of Laozi A crucial development that led to the rise of Daoism
as an organized religion was the divinization of Laozi. Sometime between the

second century B.C.E. and the second century c.E., Laozi was revered as a human in-

carnation of the Dao. Remarkably, a belief arose that the Dao could now intervene in

human affairs and directly and personally impart teaching to the faithful through its
human form. As the Dao incarnate, Laozi was the object of worship, thereby making

the Dao, for the first time, a human-like being that demanded and received religious

devotion. In a text entitled Laozi bianhua Jing (Scripture of the Transformations of

Laozi), compiled around the middle of the second century c.E., the various incarna-

tions of Laozi over time were recounted. One such incarnation was in the form of a

messianic figure dedicated to the salvation of the world, and the title Laozi assumed in
this case was Taishang Laojun, the Venerable Lord of the Most High.

Even more significantly, Laozi as Taishang Laojun could give instructions to se-

lected individuals on the esoteric secrets of the Dao as part of his scheme to save the

world. This deified and messianic Laozi thus turned the Daoist teaching into a divine

revelation on salvation, which has since become a major tenet of organized Daoism.

Once Laozi was venerated as the Dao incarnate, as well as a dispenser of redemptive
instructions, Daoism became a salvational faith. A whole pantheon of deities, both in

The History of Confucianism and Daoism 277

nature and within the human body, came to be worshiped as physical manifestations

of the Dao and as agents of deliverance.

Beginning in the middle of the second century C.E., Daoism became an organized

and large-scale movement among the common people. In the year 142 c .E., a man by
the name of Zhang Ling (or Zhang Daoling) allegedly had a fateful encounter with

the deified Laozi, who indicated to him that the world was in great trouble and that

he was the one who would be taught the right knowledge and proper practice to save
it. He was to adopt the title of Tianshi (Celestial Master; see the section on the teach-
ings of Daoism in this chapter), and the teaching he was to transmit would be called

Zhengyi (Orthodox Unity).

Zhang Ling later transferred the Tianshi title to his descendants down through the

ages until the present day (in Taiwan). The movement would be known variously as
“Celestial Master,” “Orthodox Unity,” or “Five Bushels of Rice,” the last derived from

the amount of contributions members were expected to make to the organization at

their initiation. During the second half of the second century C.E., the movement

acted as a theocratic shadow government, providing material aid and physical healing

services to its membership, in addition to offering a vague hope of messianic salvation.
A contemporary and parallel movement, alternatively known as “Great Peace” (Taiping)

and “Yellow Turbans” (more accurately, Yellow Kerchiefs) (Huangjin), took the messi-

anic message more seriously and rebelled against the Han court in an attempt to usher

in a new age. This movement was ruthlessly suppressed, even though the dream of taiping

would live on.

Later Daoist Historical Development The Celestial Masters made an arrange-
ment with the government in 215 C.E. whereby it abandoned its theocratic base in
southwestern China and migrated closer to the political center in the north. But soon

the Han Dynasty fell, and the subsequent short-lived regimes failed to maintain their

power in the face of devastating invasions by nomadic non-Chinese groups such as the

Huns, forcing the political and cultural elite to flee south toward the Yangzi River

basin. The Celestial Masters followed, and became popular there as well, setting up its
headquarters on the Dragon and Tiger Mountain in Jiangxi province in southeast

China. During the ensuing Period of Disunion, three centuries when China was po-

litically divided between north and south, Daoism entered a most creative period.

First, both the Daodejing and the Zhuangzi were given new philosophical inter-

pretations that downplayed, if not totally eliminated, the religious elements on medita-
tive transformations and magical physical transmutations in the two texts. Then someone

who was much more closely related to the Celestial M asters, a certain Ge Hong

(283-343 C.E.), who styled himself the “Master Who Embraces Simplicity” (Baopuzi),
vigorously asserted the possibility of attaining physical perfection in the form of im-

mortality through various techniques involving alchemy.

But the most significant development in Daoism was in the area of textual revela-
tions and ritual reforms. Responding both to the competition offered by a rapidly

278 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

expanding Buddhism and to the need to distinguish itself from the “uncouth” and

“coarse” practices of popular religion, D aoist leaders from aristocratic families created

new texts and devised new rituals that they claimed were revealed to them through

ecstatic encounters with an ever-growing number of Daoist deities.

In the south, the Shangqing (Highest Clarity) and the Lingbao (Numinous Treas-
ure) set of texts and rituals began to emerge almost simultaneously in the fourth cen-
tury C.E. While the former emphasized individual experiences of spiritual fulfillment

through meditation and mental visualization, the latter focused on ritual precision

and use of talismans for the purpose of universal salvation, though there was consid-

erable overlapping between the two as well. In the north, similarly intense and creative
activities also took place under the claim of new revelations from Taishang Laojun, the

deified Laozi. A Tuoba (a people outside of the Great Wall) ruler, Emperor Taiwu of
the Northern Wei Dynasty, was touted as the “Perfect Lord of Great Peace” (Taiping

zhenjun) and declared that the ideal world had arrived.

Common among the various Daoist groups of this period was the belief in and

anticipation of an impending cataclysmic disaster that would radically transform the

existing world. There was an anxious yet exciting expectation of the imminent arrival

of a savior-like figure who would protect the devout followers from harm and ensure

them a safe journey to the world to come-a perfect world populated by the faithful
alone. This eschatological (vision of the end of time) and apocalyptic (revelation of a

secret divine design) feature of the Daoist movement resembles many millennial tradi-

tions in other cultures.

Because of the proliferation of revelatory texts and the diverse array of rituals, the

Period of Disunion also witnessed the first attempts made to classify and standardize
them. The Lingbao master Lu Xiujing ( 406-477 C.E.) was the first to propose the notion
of the “three caverns” (sandong) to categorize the growing corpus of texts. This tripartite

principle of organization was a conscious imitation of the Tripitaka (Three Baskets), the

canonical corpus of Buddhist texts. Subsequent centuries and regimes would see the

organization of the texts become more elaborate with the addition of “four supple-
ments” (sifu) . This form of classification would constitute the framework of the entire

Daoist canon, known as the Daozang, the most complete and monumental version of
which was printed in 1445 C.E. in 480 sections, 1,120 titles, and over 5,300 volumes.

During China’s medieval period, lasting from the seventh to the fourteenth cen-

turies, organized Daoism enjoyed imperial patronage and became very much a part of

the cultural life of the elite. Along with a very popular Buddhism and the nominal
state ideology of Confucianism, it was one of the “three teachings” (sanjiao) of the

realm. Its emphasis on nature and a free spirit informed much of the art and literature

of the time. The breathtaking monochrome landscape paintings and cursive calli-

graphic art of the elite scholars reflected central Daoist values.

Several new orders also gained prominence during this time, the most influential

among them being the Quanzhen Sect (Complete Perfection). Founded by a man
named Wang Zhe (1113-1170 C.E.), this school of Daoism embraced elements from

The History of Confucianism and Daoism 279

both Confucianism and Buddhism. From Confucianism it took

moral values, and from Buddhism it adopted monasticism and

clerical celibacy. In addition to the Daodejing, the Confucian
Classic of Filial Piety and the Buddhist Heart Sutra were given
the highest prominence by this tradition. The Quanzhen Sect
was the most popular religious organization in Mongol Yuan
China (1279-1368 C.E.), even overshadowing Buddhism. It is
one of the only two Daoist groups that still exist today, the other

being the Celestial Masters.

During the late imperial period in Chinese history (four-

teenth to nineteenth centuries), Daoism was put on the defen-

sive by the triumphant Neo-Confucians. Its clergy was tightly
controlled by the state through the highly regulated issuance of

ordination certificates. Though individual emperors might have

supported Daoism, as evidenced by the printing of the complete

Daozang in 1445, as a religious tradition it was overshadowed by
Confucianism. Although the Confucian elite grudgingly ac-

knowledged the “philosophic” brilliance of the Daodejing and
the Zhuangzi, they regarded organized Daoist groups as nothing
more than a degenerated form of pristine, original Daoism.

Organized Daoism was marginalized as superstition, unworthy

of elite attention. This contempt for Daoism continued beyond the imperial period,

was intensified in the early twentieth century, and was adopted as official policy under

the Communist regime since 1949.

Daoism as a Pan-Asiatic Tradition Like its Confucian counterpart, Daoism is
not confined to the Chinese mainland. The proto-Daoist texts of Laozi and
Zhuangzi had certainly reached Korea no later than the Goryeo Period (918-1392),
even though Buddhism was the dominant faith of the time. By the ensuing Joseon
Dynasty (1392-1897), when Confucianism was the state orthodoxy, Daoism in the
form of shamanism, mountain worship, and immortality practices had become an

integral part of Korean folk religion. Even today, the national flag of South Korea

contains the Taegeuk symbol of yin-yang complementarity and four of the eight

divinatory trigrams. In Japan, similarly, Daoism was never a dominant, independent

tradition when compared with Confucianism and Buddhism. Rather, in its diffused
form, it has combined with certain Buddhist groups and indigenous Shinto cults to

form specific folk religious traditions since the Tokugawa period (1600-1868). Spe-
cifically, the Shugendo (shamanistic mountain ascetics) and the Koshin religious

practice of controlling the decaying agents of the human body to prevent them

from shortening human life span display unmistakable Daoist influences. In South-

east Asia as well, Daoism has found its way into the beliefs of the Xiantian Dao (Way
of Prior Heaven) of Malaysia and the Caodai (High Power) tradition in Vietnam.

This painting, Wind
among the Trees on the
Riverbank by Ni Zan
(1306-1374), is best
known for the quietude
and balance in nature it
expresses. China, Yuan
Dynasty (1271-1368),
dated 1363.

280 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

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Both are movements promising deliverance from the current age of decadence and

corruption.

Daoism Today Because of elite hostility and government neglect, if not active per-
secution, Daoism as a religious tradition has fared generally very poorly in the modern

period. Although the intellectuals still recognized the philosophical ideas in the Laozi

and the Zhuangzi as properly Daoist, they totally ignored the meditative exercises and

Confucianism and Daoism as Ways of Life 281

amazing magical powers of the Daoist seekers

of perfection discussed in the two texts, along

with the entire corpus of the Daozang, the Daoist
canon. Daoism was lumped with shamanic

popular religion and viewed with disdain. The

New Culture Movement of the 1910s and 1920s
regarded both Daoism and Confucianism as

unwelcome remnants of China’s feudal past. The

Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) that did so

much damage to Confucianism also proved dev-

astating to Daoism. Many historic Daoist shrines

and sites were destroyed or sacrilegiously defaced,
and all performances of Daoist rituals and litur-

gies were banned. For all intents and purposes,

Daoism as an organized religion ceased to exist

in mainland China. Yet the tradition survived

amidst China’s nebulous folk religion. It also

continued to exist, if only barely, outside China
among Chinese communities in Taiwan, Hong

Kong, and Southeast Asia. Since the late 1970s,

however, a Daoist revival of sorts has begun.

Daoist ceremonies are once again openly ob-

served in China, and a new generation of Daoist priests has been trained to carry

on the tradition and to rebuild the shrines. Academic study of Daoism, primarily by
Japanese and French scholars at the beginning, and now joined by Americans and

Chinese themselves, has created new understanding of the tradition both from the

point of view of doctrines and practices. Some of the scholars have actually become

ordained Daoist priests of either the Celestial Master or the Complete Perfection tradi-

tion to access more accurate and authoritative interpretations of Daoism. In recent

decades, qigong exercises (meditation and respiration techniques designed to enhance
the body’s vital energy), martial arts, and food therapy are popular both in China and

abroad. Though not strictly associated with organized Daoism, such phenomena are

nevertheless in part based on and inspired by Daoist views on nature and the human

body. Respective Daoist practices in breath circulation, gymnastics, and dietetics, dis-

cussed in more detail in the next section, attest to the continued relevance of Daoism
in the modern world.

CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM AS WAYS OF LIFE
The two Chinese religions discussed in this chapter are not just a collection of pre-

cepts and beliefs. More important, they are lived and practiced traditions. It is in
the living and practicing of the two traditions that their true meaning and value can

be gauged.

This painting of the poet
Li Bo (Li Bai, 701-762)
shows him as a Daoist
immortal.

Both Confucianism and
Daoism have been
embraced by political
authorities to legitimize
their rule and to impose
order on society. How
did they fare when
compared with other
major world religions?

282 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

Confucian Rituals
From the very beginning, the Confucian tradition has put great emphasis on ritual as

a crucial expression of humanity. As “moral behavior,” ritual teaches people to conduct

themselves with dignity and decorum, making them authentically human. As “holy

rites,” ritual enables them to communicate effectively with the spiritual powers and

interact harmoniously with one another. It is in the latter, more overtly religious sense
that Confucian ritual is addressed in this section.

In addition to the mundane rituals of familial and social interaction with other

human beings in accordance with the prescribed rules outlined in the classic texts, the

most important aspect of religious ritual in Confucianism in the premodern period

was the sacrifice (jisi), or the making of offerings to the spirits, including ancestors, in
the form of animals, other food and drink, even jade and silk. These sacrificial rituals

were performed at different levels-the state, the community, and the family. The

grandest of the rituals were, of course, conducted at the state level. And chief among

the state rituals were those connected with sacrifices to Tian and Di-and to Confu-
cius once his teaching was exalted to orthodoxy.

Sacrifice to Tian and Di Tian, it should be recalled , had been the source of legit-
imate political power since the Zhou Dynasty. As son of Tian (Tianzi), the Chinese

The Temple ofTian (Tiantan), where the Chinese emperor prayed to Tian
on behalf of his subjects and in his capacity as “Son of Tian,” is now a
popular park in Beijing .

The Hall of Praying for an Abundant Harvest (Oi’nian dian), Temple ofTian (Tiantan), Beijing. The whole complex was
built in 1420 under the emperor Yong le and restored in 1530 and 1751. Here the emperor celebrated the sacrifice to Tian
for a good harvest. The decorated ramp between the two stairways was reserved for the emperor’s palanquin.

Confucianism and Daoism as Ways of Life 283

VOICES: An Interview with Jason Ch’ui-hsiao Tseng

Jason Ch’ui-hsiao Tseng is a Taiwanese man in his fifties with a master’s degree
from an American university. He engages in educational exchange for Chinese
students wishing to study in the United States.

Do you consider yourself a Confucian or a Daoist?

I do not consider myself exclusively one or the other. Both have influenced me
deeply and I regard their teachings as equally valid and complementary.

How is that possible, as their teachings often conflict with each other?

They are not in conflict. They merely represent the polar opposite of the other.
They complete each other. For most Chinese, there is no necessity to choose one
or the other. We think of them as the two sides of a coin-without both there is
no coin. The two together constitute our native Chinese religious outlook. As a
matter of fact, we also consider Buddhist teaching a third way of guiding our reli-
gious life. These teachings are generally not jealous of one another. They do not
demand total exclusive devotion. They provide meaning to different aspects of
our lives. There is religious pluralism for most Chinese.

How is that so?

We do not believe that one teaching alone corners the market. As a respectful
son and an upright citizen, I embrace Confucian values. They teach me to put
family and society ahead of myself and to value education as the most important
undertaking to improve myself. In my views on how my body works, how my
health can be maintained, how different ingredients should be used to achieve
balance in my food , and how I can relate to the spirits in the invisible world ,
I follow the Daoist teaching. And Buddhism gives me hope for a good afterlife.
Together they make me a complete person.

ruler carried out Tian’s mandate (Tianming) to exercise his imperial prerogatives over
the entire realm under Tian (Tianxia). The worship of Tian thus became the ruler’s

exclusive privilege and obligation. Later, with C onfucianism imbued with yin-yang

cosmological ideas in the H an Dynasty, Tian, the yang element, was paired up with Di

(earth), the yin element, and worship of Di was added, though with much less pomp

and ostentation.

In late imperial China, the worship of Tian and Di took place annually. O n the
day of the summer solstice, the emperor made sacrifice to Tian at the Temple of Tian

(tiantan) located in the southern suburb of Beijing. Correspondingly, on the day of the

winter solstice, worship of Di was conducted at the Temple of Di (ditan) located at the

northern suburb of the capital. The rituals involved nine steps, including the purifica-

tion of the participants, the performance of dance and music, the reading of prayer

documents, and the offering of sacrifices.

Jason Ch’ui-hsiao
Tseng

284 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

Confucius serves as an
object of veneration and
commemoration. He is
the “Utmost Sage and
Late Teacher,” as the
tablet in front of his
statue declares.

A far more elaborate rite known as “Jeng and shan” has
only been performed a total of six times in all of Chinese

history.14 Feng, literally meaning “to seal,” was the rite of
worshipping Tian atop Mt. Tai, the “Sacred Eastern Peak”
located near Confucius’s native town of Qufu in modern

Shandong province. Shan, literally meaning “to yield”
or “to clear away,” was the ritual of sacrificing to Di at
the lesser peak of Liangfu at the foot of Mt. Tai. The

ultimate purpose of the Jeng rite was to seal a new coven-
ant between the ruler and the numinous Absolute that

gave him his legitimacy to rule. Similarly, the shan per-
formance was meant to establish a bond with the earth.
Because of the huge expenses and elaborate arrangements

involved, Jeng and shan were conducted consecutively on the same trip.

Sacrifice to Confucius The state cult of Confucius began in the Han Dynasty with
the designation of Confucianism as orthodoxy. The descendants of Confucius were

first given a hereditary fief, and later the Master himself was given increasingly lauda-
tory titles and ducal honors. Finally temples commemorating Confucius were ordered

to be built in every county and major city throughout the empire. In time, wooden

tablets commemorating some of his prominent students, as well as those of successive

generations of Confucian worthies such as Mencius and Zhu Xi, were installed in

these temples. Though the frequency and elaborateness of the sacrificial rites con-

ducted at these temples varied with time and locale, the traditional birthday of Con-
fucius (the twenty-seventh day of the ninth month) was generally observed. These rites

involved dance and music accompanied by drums and bells, proclamations and didac-

tic lectures given by local dignitaries and government officials, and offerings ofincense

and animals. It should be noted that Confucius’s divinity was never claimed at these

ceremonies, nor was his intervention sought in solving human problems. Rather, they

were expressions of veneration and respect for a human cultural hero who had helped
to define Chinese civilization.

The most magnificent Temple of Confucius, as can be expected, is located in his

native county of Qufu, not far from Mt. Tai. Built and maintained at state expense,

the Qufu Confucian Temple has a main building with a palatial design supported by

dragon-decorated pillars, all meant to accord the Master the highest honor compar-
able to that of a ruler. Stone steles are engraved with the calligraphy or essays of various

emperors in Chinese history, all lauding the moral and cultural accomplishments of

the sage. This Confucian Temple in Qufu was a pilgrimage site for generations of

scholars and aspiring literati and is still popular among tourists today.

Family Rituals Commemorating and honoring of ancestors in China goes back to
the very dawn of recorded Chinese history. But Confucianism lent further theoretical

Confucianism and Daoism as Ways of Life 285

support to the practice with its discussion of xiao (filial piety).
The Confucian teaching maintains that one’s filial obligation to

parents and ancestors is the core of one’s humanity. Thus while

the state monopolized the worship of Tian/Di and the educated

elites controlled the sacrifice to Confucius, all people could par-

ticipate in the family ritual of honoring parents and ancestors.
Sacrifice to ancestors, in particular, is important because it gives

the descendants a sense of belonging and continuity and thereby

a religious appreciation of the chain of life that links them to

their forebears.

In the Family Rituals Uiali), compiled by the Neo-Confucian
scholar Zhu Xi, detailed step-by-step liturgies are provided for
ceremonies associated with ancestor worship. Chapters describe

daily “looking in” on the ancestors; more elaborate semimonthly

“visits,” “reports” on major family events such as births, wed-

dings, and deaths; and formal “offerings” on festival days and

seasonal sacrifices. What follows is a summarized version of Zhu

Xi’s instructions for the rites of making seasonal offerings to the
ancestors. 15

In the preparatory phase, the date for the sacrifice is selected by divination per-

formed in front of the ancestral shrine in the preceding month. Then, three days

before the event, the designated leading man and woman will each lead family mem-

bers of their respective gender to perform purification rituals in their designated quar-
ters, men in the outer and women in the inner. The men also make the main hall

sparkling clean and arrange the place settings for each generation properly. The women
will set the incense burner and incense box, as well as prepare wine racks and contain-

ers, along with meat plates for the ancestors.

On the day of the event, when the sun is fully up, the wooden tablets containing

the names of the different generations of ancestors, separated by gender, are moved to

their proper places in the main hall. Then the spirits of the ancestors are greeted, and
food is offered to them three times. The ancestors are entreated to eat the food and are

given privacy to do so, with everyone from the presiding man on down exiting the

main hall, and the door is closed. After a suitable interval, the master of ceremony

coughs three times to announce his intention to reenter; then he opens the door, and

everyone else comes back in. Tea is offered to the ancestors to supposedly cleanse their
mouths. Then the presiding man receives the sacrificed food from the master of cere-

mony. With reverence the presiding man bows and prostrates himself to taste the food

and drink the wine. Then the entire group takes leave of the ancestral spirits, returns

their tablets back to their original locations, and clears away the offering tables. The

presiding man supervises the division of the sacrificial food to be consumed by all the

family members later that day. This brings an end to the ritual of the ancestral sacri-
fice. The intended effect of this ritual is apparent-to create familial cohesiveness and

Confucius’s tombstone
boldly declares that
he is the “Ultimate
Sage of Greatest
Accomplishment, King
of Manifest Culture.”

286 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

VISUAL GUIDE
Daoism and Confucianism

This is an iconic image of Confucius

as a learned scholar and an exem-

plar of human moral accomplish-

ment. Traditionally the Chinese did

not see religion as a separate realm

of activity, hence the pursuit of

scholarship and the enactment of

moral behavior within the family

and community were very much

part of their religious experience.

Though not strictly Confucian, this

yin-yang symbol surrounded by

the eight trigrams does reflect the

Chinese belief in the complemen-

tarity of opposites and the harmo-

nious unity of the cosmos. More

than any other visual symbol, it

represents Chinese religiousness.

Family cohesion and respect for

elders are central Confucian values.

A daughter and her husband pay a

visit to her parents on Chinese New

Year’s Day to renew her kinship tie

with her natal family.

Statue of Laozi carved out of a

huge rock in Fujian province,

China. This legendary founder of

Daoism symbolizes wisdom and

irreverence for conventional think-

ing. He is understood as the yin to

Confucius’s yang, and the image of

passive acceptance of what nature

has ordained to Confucius’s active

attempt at improving society.

(continued)

to recognize the unseverable bond between the

living and the deceased family members. You may

notice that the opening scene of qingming obser-

vance at the beginning of this chapter has similar
rituals.

Daoist Practices
As can be deduced from our discussion of Daoist

beliefs, Daoism is essentially lived, not merely be-
lieved. W hether it is the amazing feats of the im-

mortals and perfected beings in the Daodejing

and the Zhaungzi, or whether it is the physical-

spiritual regimens and alchemical techniques of

the later Daoists, there is always an understanding

and expectation that the beliefs need to be put
into practice to be truly meaningful. Returning to

the Dao, warding off physical deterioration, and

attaining actual immortality involve a whole spec-

trum of undertakings and practices.

Daoist Communal Festivals and Liturgies
To ordinary believers-those who have no hope of

going through the rigor and the expenses of pursu-

ing immortality-the Daoist religion as practiced

by the Celestial Master sect offers the promise of

health, long life, even collective salvation. Mem-

bership in these organized movements during the

tumultuous centuries after the collapse of the Han

D ynasty meant a special sense of belonging to a

select group destined to survive those trying times.

Noteworthy in their beliefs was the idea of chosen-

ness- that they constituted a special group of

people who, because of their embrace of an apoca-

lyptic ideology, were favored by the gods. Referred

to as zhongmin (seed people), they confirmed their
“elect” status through their participation in collec-

tive rituals called zhai (fasts). Lasting several days
each, these fasts involved abstinence from food,

public performance of penance for past moral

transgressions, submission of written memorials to

request pardon from the deities, and communal
prayers for the salvation of the faithful.

The Fast of Mud and Soot (tutan zhai) in
China’s medieval period reflected the general tenor

of zhai rituals. With hair disheveled and face

smeared with soot, believers prostrated themselves

like condemned criminals before a raised altar to

ask for forgiveness from the gods. Moved by their

emotions, many fell to the ground and rolled

about amidst loud wailings. Such public acts of

penance were performed to earn pardon and spir-

itual merit. Another liturgical ritual was the Fast

of the Yellow Register (Huanglu zhai), during

which the participants performed penitence for

their ancestors going back seven or nine genera-

tions. The names of deceased ancestors, entered in

registers, were read by the officiating priests and

were then considered to have gained postmortem

immortality. In this way the filial obligation of the
faithful was ritually expressed.

Another communal ceremony, the jiao (of-
fering), is popular even down to the present day.

It is a public liturgy performed usually by the

Daoist priests on behalf of the entire commu-

nity to petition the gods to bestow good fortune,

health, and prosperity on all. Sometimes labeled

as a rite of cosmic renewal, the jiao brings to-

Confucianism and Daoism as Ways of Life 287

VI s u AL Gu I DE (continued)
Daoism and Confucianism

Chinese taiji (tai chi) exercise is per-

haps the most representative expres-

sion of Daoist beliefs in the human

body as a microcosm of the universe.

Through harnessing the qi (ch’i) of

nature and bringing it into the body

for attaining balance and improving

health, the taiji master demonstrates

the intimate relationship between

humans and the cosmos.

Acupuncture is a good expression

of the Daoist belief in the circula-

tion of qi (ch’i) in the human body.

By inserting the needles into critical

nodal points in the qi circuitry, pain

can be diverted and the rejuvenat-

ing energy of the body can heal the

sick parts.

gether the community to participate collectively in a religious ritual that is loud,

colorful, and dramatic. Depending on the needs of the community, a jiao is con-

ducted at periodic intervals (ranging from once a year for the affiuent communities

to once every sixty years for the poor communities) or to give special thanks to the

deities for having successfully protected the entire community by, for example,

warding off an epidemic.

A jiao ceremony usually lasts several days. The dates are chosen for their astrologi-

cal auspiciousness. Daoist priests are contracted to perform the ritual with efficacy and

precision. Prior to the official dates of the ceremony, “memorials” are submitted by the

priests to the celestial bureaucracy of the gods to give notice of the scheduled jiao.

Then the location at which the liturgy takes place, usually both the inside and the

outside of the largest local temple or shrine, is marked off by hoisted lanterns to signal

the enclosure of the sacred space. Afterward the local deities are invited to take their

honored seats within the enclosure; their statues or wooden tablets are carried there by

community elders. The procession of the deities through the community is accom-

panied by lion or dragon dances, made even more boisterous with lots of firecrackers.

Then the ritual proper begins in earnest.

288 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

A group of Daoist
priests perform a ritual
service for a member of
the community.

Reenacting the beginning of the cosmos in a ritual called fendeng (spreading the
light), the chief Daoist priest, in full vestment, blows on a buffalo horn and rings his
“thunder” bell, to the accompaniment of an entire music ensemble, and repeats the

forty-second chapter of the Laozi by announcing that “the Dao gives birth to the One
[Being, Existence]; the One brings forth the Two [Yin and Yang]; the Two give rise to
the Three [Tian, Di, and Humans]; and the Three engender the Ten Thousand Things
[world of multiplicity and diversity].” Entering a meditation-induced trance, he trans-

forms his body into the body of the Dao. He takes prescribed steps that are dancelike,
spins on himself, and sanctifies the ritual enclosure by requesting the dispatch of heav-

enly troops to guard the place. At the same time, to placate the wandering ghosts in
the neighborhood and to warn them against intrusion into the sacred ground, he

provides a feast for them while lecturing them on the reasons for their suffering.

At some point during the ceremony, the names of every member of the com-

munity will be posted on a roster and read aloud by the priests to signal their fi-

nancial and spiritual support of this elaborate and expensive event, as well as to
ensure that they will receive their share of the benediction of the gods. There is

great interest among the community members in checking the posted name list to

make sure that the names are written accurately and that they have not been inad-

vertently left out.

The climax of the ceremony occurs when the highest of the Daoist deities, the

Three Purities and the Jade Emperor, are invited to take part in the ceremony. Piercing
prepared talismans with his sword, the chief Daoist priest burns them with great

dramatic effect to appeal to the august deities. Once the gods are properly seated, a
blanket pardon of every immoral act committed by every member of the community

between the last jiao and the present one is announced. In grateful response, the com-
munity performs a public charitable act of “releasing life”-setting cages of captured

birds free and returning to a stream a bucket full of live fish. On the last night of the

ceremony, a grand feast for all ghosts trapped in hell is hosted by the community.
Once again, the Daoist priests exhort the ghosts to behave themselves and to refrain

from wreaking havoc in the lives of the living. Balance is restored among the worlds of

humans, gods, and ghosts. The rite concludes with the sending off of the celestial gods

and the local deities and the distribution of food and buns to the spectators and the

performance of operas for the entertainment of all. 16

CONCLUSION
In this chapter we have invited you to explore the religious world of the Chinese

through a study of their two native religious traditions-Confucianism and Daoism.

We have highlighted the religious nature of both traditions. In the case of Confucian-
ism, we have established that it is not just a teaching of ethics and good government

but is in fact informed by a deep religious faith in a numinous Absolute-Tian. This
faith, moreover, mandates dedicated human effort to transform the individual and the

world. We have also documented the historical unfolding of this tradition over the

course of more than two thousand years. At the same time, we have also identified

the ritual dimensions of this tradition, from the ornate and solemn state observations

of the past to the simple familial ceremonies that are still practiced today.

As for Daoism, we have clarified that it is not confined to the metaphysical discus-
sions of the Daodejing and the Zhuangzi, but that it is richly informed by an elaborate
belief in the cosmological importance of the human body, a salvational message of

communal redemption, and an abiding yearning for physical transformation and per-

fection. Moreover, we have examined the historical progression of this tradition as it

meandered through the different periods in China. We have also documented the
colorful ritual performance of Daoism in the community.

Both Confucianism and Daoism (along with a Chinese version of Buddhism and

a syncretized amalgamation of the three teachings in the form of folk religion) have

contributed to the shaping of the Chinese religious mindset. Both have experienced

ups and downs in their respective history, at times being the dominant ideology of the

realm and at times being eclipsed by other traditions in influence. Nevertheless, both
have maintained their central importance to the Chinese people, at no time risking

irrelevance or extinction. Despite suffering a brutal critique and rejection in the twen-

tieth century by the modern Chinese intellectual elite in the name of rationalism and

egalitarianism, both have remained resilient among the common people. In fact, there

are signs of their revival and rejuvenation at the dawn of the twenty-first century.

Confucian values continue to inform Chinese familial ethics and social and political
behavior, and Daoist concerns for the well-being of the human body and harmonious

Conclusion 289

Confucianism and
Daoism have together
shaped personal
conduct and social
behavior in Ch ina. How
do the Chinese allow
themselves to be guided
by two very distinct
religious traditions in
their daily lives without
much sense of tension
and conflict?

290 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

relationship with the spiritual world shape contemporary Chinese attitudes toward
health, medicine, cuisine, and the environment.

Most important, we have attempted to justify the inclusion of both Confucianism

and Daoism in the study of world religions. Confucianism treats the fulfillment of the

human potential as an ultimate concern. The tenacity with which Confucianism ex-

horts people to strive for human perfection in our mundane lives as a form of divine
calling-thereby making the secular sacred-demonstrates an interesting type of re-

ligiosity. Its assertion of human coequality with the divine offers an intriguing con-

trast with other religious traditions as well. Daoism is similarly a significant world

religion. Its perception of the divine Absolute as a life-generating, feminine entity; its

call for a harmonious coexistence between humans and nature; its emphasis on healthy

improvement of the human body as a religious mission; and its promotion of commu-
nal cohesiveness through ritual participation make it all the more relevant in a postin-

dustrial world.

SEEKING ANSWERS
What Is Ultimate Reality?

Confucianism and Daoism share the same cosmological myth, inherited from ancient

China. The natural world is not in a fallen state. There is no almighty creator, nor is there a

demonic counterpart. There is no definite beginning of the world, and there is no predicted

end. Instead, the world unfolds cyclically and operates like a pendulum, arcing between two

extremes and alternating between two polar but complementing opposites. Human beings
are not caught in a tug of war between good and evil, and the side they choose does not

result in a permanent fate in paradise or hell. Emphasis is placed on balance, coexistence,

and harmony. For the Confucians, ultimate reality is Tian (Nee-Confucians sometimes use
the term Taiji, Supreme Ultimate). Tian is the procreator of the cosmos and all the myriad
things in it. Moreover, Tian has a special relationship with humans and communicates with
chosen individuals its grand design for humanity. This communication does not occur

through dramatic and ecstatic encounters such as that between god and the prophets in

Abrahamic traditions. Instead, Tian’s message is discerned by perceptive and insightful
human representatives through their keen observation of nature and diligent study of

human affairs as recorded in history and enacted in the present. It is in this sense that Con-

fucianism is not a revelatory religion in the conventional sense. In contrast, Daoism, in its
organized form, is a revelatory religion. Its ultimate reality is the Dao, the “mother of the

universe.” Originally formless and undifferentiated, it later takes on human and divine

forms, giving instructions and revealing texts to the faithful. Daoism can also be salvational

in its message, complete with prescriptions for repentance and thanksgiving.

(continued)

Conclusion 291

SEEKING ANSWERS (continued)

How Should We Live in This World?

Both Confucianism and Daoism inherit the ancient Chinese religious view regarding the

human condition: human beings are, like everything else in the cosmos, the product of the
interaction between yin and yang. They have a corporeal aspect (the body) and an incorpo-
real aspect (the “soul”), consisting of hun and po. There is no notion of any alienation from
or disobedience of an almighty god, thus a total absence of sin. However, this does not

mean that human beings are already perfect and need no improvement from their current
state. There is still a yawning gap between human beings as they are and human beings as

they should or can become. For the Confucians, the right way to live is to live ethically, in

accordance with the moral dictates of Tian. Humans alone have the responsibility to model
and exemplify Tian’s moral imperative, thereby making themselves partners in creating
harmony and prosperity throughout the cosmos. In concentric circles extending outward

from the individual, moral behavior will transform the family, the community, and the world
at large. “Do not do unto others what you do not want done to you” is the minimal moral
guide for correct living in Confucianism. For the Daoists, the right way to live is to live

healthily. To be sure, ethical behavior is part of desirable living, but Daoists also emphasize

the human body as a microcosm reflecting perfectly the macrocosm of the cosmos. Thus

taking care of one’s body through both internal and external “alchemical” means is a way of

living life properly in accord with the Dao. Similarly focusing on the intimate connection
between the individual, the community, and the cosmos, Daoists prescribe diet, exercise,

and preservation of health and energy as a way of approaching the holy.

What Is Our Ultimate Purpose?

Confucians and Daoists differ in their answers to this question. For the Confucians, humans

are potentially perfect and inclined toward the good. Yet this potentiality and inclination

need to be rigorously nurtured and developed through scholastic learning, moral introspec-

tion, and ethical behavior. Learning to be authentically human, to enact the “way” of Tian,
is the way to improve the human condition and to perfect it. The highest achievement of
human endeavor is to become the coequal of the divine ultimate-Tian.

Daoists regard humans on the same level as all the myriad things-they are all concrete
expressions of the Dao, the numinous Absolute. Through their ignorance or negligence,
however, humans dissipate their primordial endowment of the vital energy, the qi, resulting
in their vulnerability to disease and death. Consequently, the Daoist prescription for im-

proving the human condition is to engage in exercises and rituals designed to replenish the

body and the spirit, making it once again as immortal as the Dao. Confucians and Daoists
also diverge in their beliefs about what happens after we leave this life. Confucius himself

(continued)

292 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

SEEKING ANSWERS (continued)

famously brushed aside a student’s inquiry on death. He just did not consider it an issue
worthy of exploration. His priority was to pay exclusive attention to life and how to improve
it. This “prejudice” has affected all subsequent Confucians, none of whom showed any
strong interest in addressing death or its religious meaning. Even the Confucian practice of
ancestor worship and respecting the dead can be explained as a way of bypassing the issue,
as dead ancestors are treated very much as living members of the lineage and the family.
Daoists, on the other hand, confront the topic of mortality by emphasizing the possibility
and the desirability of immortality. Even with the appearance of death as inevitable, Daoists
explain it as a stage of transformation to a higher plane of existence, a way of attaining true
immortality. Thus the deeper meaning of death is equally ignored by Daoists.

REVIEW QUESTIONS

For Review
,. Why should the term “Confucianism” be

used with caution? In what way may it be
a misnomer?

2. How do Confucianism and Daoism
define such terms as Tian, Dao, and
de differently?

3. Why is Daoism more than the teachings
of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi?

4. Why is Confucianism a religious tradition
despite its lack of concern for the afterlife?

GLOSSARY

dantian (dahn’-tee’.m) “Fields for the refinement of
the immortal pill”; major nodal points in the
human body where the “pill” of immortality can
be refined through alchemical means.

dao (dow) A fundamental concept in Chinese reli-
gion, literally meaning the “path” or the “way.” In
Confucianism, it specifically refers to the entire
ideal human order ordained by the numinous

For Further Reflection
,. In what ways do Confucianism and Daoism

complement each other, and in what ways
do they oppose each other?

2. Compare and contrast the Confucian notion
of Tian with the Christian concept of God.

3. Compare and contrast the Daoist notion of
Dao with the Hindu concept of Brahman.

4. Having examined Confucianism and
Daoism, have you arrived at any conclusion
regarding Chinese religiosity? How does it
differ from that of other religious traditions?

Absolute, Tian. In Daoism, it is the primary
source of the cosmos, the very ground of all
beings.

Daodejing (dow’-duh-jing) Basic D aoist scripture,
lit. “The Scripture of the Way and Its Potent
Manifestation”; also known as the Book of Laozi,
the name of its purported author.

(continued)

GLOSSARY (continued)

Daozang (dow’ zahng) Literally “Treasury of the
Dao,” this is the Daoist Canon that contains the
entire corpus of Daoist texts. The most complete
version, still in use today, was first published
in 1445.

de (duh) Another fundamental concept in Chinese
religions, meaning “virtue” or “potency.” In Con-
fucianism, it is the charismatic power of the ruler
or the man of virtue, while in Daoism it means
the concrete manifestation of the dao.

fangshi (fahng-shar) “Magicians” who allegedly
possessed the recipe for immortality.

Five Classics The five canonical works of Confu-
cianism designated in the Han Dynasty. They are
Book of Odes, Book of History, Book of Changes,
Record of Rites, and Spring and Autumn Annals.

Four Books The four texts identified by the N eo-
Confucian Zhu Xi as fundamental in under-
standing the Confucian teaching. Between 1313
and 1905, they made up the curriculum for the
civil service examination. They are Analects,
Mencius, Great Learning, and Doctrine of the
Mean.

gui (gwei) Ghosts and demons, malevolent spirits.

jiao (jee’au) Daoist communal sacrificial offerings
to signal cosmic renewal and collective cohesion.

junzi (ju’un zee) The personality ideal in Confu-
cianism; the noble person.

Ii (lee) Etiquette and proper manners; rituals and holy
rites.

ming (see Tianming)

neidan (nay’-dahn) Daoist “internal” alchemy de-
signed to attain immortality through meditation,
breath control, gymnastics, diet, and massage.

neisheng waiwang (nay’-sheng’ wi’-wahng) Neo-
Confucian ideal of” inner sagely moral perfection
and outer political skills.”

qi (chee) Breath, force, power, material energy.

ren (ran) Human-heartedness, benevolence; the
unique moral inclination of humans.

Glossary 293

ru (roo) Scribes and ritual performers of the Zhou
period; later used exclusively to refer to
Confucians.

Shangdi (shahng’ -dee) The August Lord on High of
the Shang period.

shen (shan) Gods and deities; benevolent spirits.

shengren (shang ran) (or sheng) The Confucian
sage, the epitome of humanity.

shi (shar) Men of service; lower-ranking civil and
military officials in the Zhou period.

Tian (tee’an) The transcendent, numinous entity in
ancient Chinese religion; the conscious Will that
regulates the cosmos and intervenes in human af-
fairs; conventionally translated as “Heaven.”

Tianming The mandate or command of Tian that
confers political legitimacy to the ruler; also
understood by Confucians as the calling to mor-
ally improve oneself and to transform the world.

Tianshi (tee’an shar) “Celestial Master”; reference
to a Daoist salvational figure, as well as an organ-
ized movement.

waidan (wi dahn) Daoist “external” alchemy in-
volving refining of”pills” with herbs and minerals
for ingestion so that immortality can be
attained.

wuwei (woo way) Daoist notion of action without
intention; actionless action.

wuxing (woo shing) The five elemental phases of
metal, wood, water, fire, and soil that mutually
support and overcome one another.

xian (shee’an) Daoist immortals and perfected
individuals.

xiao (shee’au) Filial piety; respect and care for par-
ents and ancestors.

xinzhai (shin ji) “Fasting of the Mind” in theZhuangzi.

yang (young) Lit. the south-facing side of a moun-
tain, representing the energy that is bright, warm,
dry, and masculine.

(continued)

294 Chapter 8 CHINESE RELIGIONS: CONFUCIANISM AND DAOISM

GLOSSARY (continued)

yangsheng (young sh;mg) Daoist techniques of
nourishing life and attaining immortality.

yin Lit. the north-facing side of a mountain, repre-
senting the energy that is dark, cold, wet, and
feminine.

zhai (ji) Daoist “fasts” designed to seek redemption
of transgressions by the gods.

ziran (zee’-rahn) Daoist notion of natural
spontaneity.

zuowang (zoh’-wahng) “Sitting and Forgetting” in
the Zhuangzi.

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

de Bary, William Theodore. The Trouble with Confu-

cianism. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1991. A thought-provoking discussion of

the “prophetic voice” in Confucianism.

Fingarette, Herbert. Confucius: The Secular as Sacred.
New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1972. A creative

interpretation of the Confucian notion of li as

holy rites.
Gardner, Daniel K., trans. The Four Books: The Basic

Teachings of the Later Confucian Tradition.

Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing, 2007. A

handy translation of important excerpts from

the scriptural corpus of Confucianism.

Gardner, Daniel K. Confucianism: A Very Short
Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press,
2014. A pocket-size introduction to the Confu-

cian tradition for beginners.

Kirkland, Russell. Taoism: The Enduring Tradition.

London: Routledge, 2004. An impassioned

monograph by a specialist to correct many of

the misconceptions regarding Daoism and its
history.

Kohn, Livia, ed. Dao ism Handbook. Leiden, Nether-

lands: Brill, 2000. A magisterial and encyclopedic
collection of essays on various aspects of Dao ism,

ranging from history to schools to texts.

Sun, Anna. Confucianism as a World Religion. Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013. An au-

thoritative monograph on the issue of Confu-

cianism’s religious content and labeling.

Schipper, Kristofer. The Taoist Body. Berkeley: Uni-
versity of California Press, 1993. An authorita-

tive discourse by an ordained Daoist priest on

the rituals and practices of Dao ism as they relate

to the texts and teachings.

Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious Dimensions of Confu-
cianism. Albany: State University of New York
Press, 1986. A convenient collection of mostly

previously published essays by the author to

argue for the religiousness of Confucianism.

Yao, Xinzhong. An Introduction to Confucianism.

Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,

2000. An authoritative basic text on the entire
Confucian tradition.

ONLINE RESOURCES

Research Centre for Confucian Studies
cuhk.edu.hk/rih/confucian

This useful website for Confucian studies is main-

tained by the Research Center for Confucian

Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong. It
contains a rich resource guide for Confucian

studies.

The Daoist Foundation
daoistfoundation.org

The Daoist Foundation was created by two

American academics who, having studied and

Online Resources 295

practiced Daoism for many years, “are commit-

ted to fostering the flourishing of authentic and

tradition-based Daoist practice, community,

and culture with attentiveness to the needs and

concerns of Western students.”

Center for Daoist Studies

daoistcenter.org

This useful website is the education and research

branch of the Daoist Foundation.