8 paragraph due asap
Take a few moments to research the contextual elements surrounding President Kennedy’s inauguration in 1961 and then critically examine this speech:
“Inaugural Address,” by John F. KennedyLinks to an external site.<
https://urldefense.com/v3/__https://nam01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https*3A*2F*2Furldefense.com*2Fv3*2F__https*3A*2F*2Fwww.jfklibrary.org*2FAsset-Viewer*2FBqXIEM9F4024ntFl7SVAjA.aspx__*3B!!ACPuPu0!nRyVaN_vHAO7VokwK2jIluLRE3Rbgg_zTzlKs2LU0jy7JJDLOQzoLng5O9kq8Ar2xqOxu6ASoTCCAw*24&data=02*7C01*7Cs3521396*40students.fscj.edu*7C3dbff0e6302e40df260508d83ebef2dd*7C4258f8b94f8d44abb87f21ab35a63470*7C0*7C0*7C637328337145689500&sdata=rjSnrpQbmBtBYheBjJTh*2B57JapV8a8uLTbS*2BwaXQFps*3D&reserved=0__;JSUlJSUlJSUlJSUlJSUlJSUlJSUlJSU!!ACPuPu0!lzlmNESbzfxzfV0D2RFZGvC0P4JM5SVIIXnoztdLO3J83rBb44XpTJOZcRrT89Wp_du_$
> is made available by the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum. It is in the public domain.
In a short rhetorical analysis (minimum of four paragraphs in length), please answer all of the questions below. Your work should include an introduction, a body of supporting evidence, and a conclusion. Please take some time to edit your writing for punctuation, usage, and clarity prior to submission.
Questions for Analysis
1. Which important historical and social realities had an impact on this speech in 1961, and how do these contextual elements figure in President Kennedy’s organization of this speech?
2. What is President Kennedy saying about the nature of human progress (science and technology) and the challenges that we must navigate as a global community? Are these challenges unique to 1961, or relative throughout human history?
3. What are the goals of this speech? Isolate at least three aims of President Kennedy’s address, identify his strategy for supporting these goals, and critique their efficacy. Is this an effective speech? Where applicable, please include a quotation or two from the speech.
In a rhetorical analysis (minimum of eight paragraphs in length), please answer all of the questions below. Your work should include an introduction, a body of supporting evidence, and a conclusion. Please take some time to edit your writing for punctuation, usage, and clarity prior to submission.
Questions for Analysis
1. How does Jefferson organize this important document? How many subdivisions does it have, how do they operate, and how does his approach to organization impact the document’s efficacy?
2. Using at least one citation from the text, analyze Jefferson’s approach to style, voice, and tone. How does he create a sense of urgency in moving toward the conclusion of the work?
3. The complexities of this document’s reach are immense. How many different audiences was Jefferson writing to, and what were the needs of those different groups?
4. In terms of the approaches to formal rhetoric that we studied in the first learning module, which does The Declaration of Independence most closely resemble? Explain your reasoning.
5. Why does this document maintain relevance in modern rhetorical studies? What are its rhetorical features that render it a “founding document” for the United State of America?
Transcript of President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address
January 20, 1961
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice
President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an
end as well as a beginning—signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn
before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a
century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish
all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary
beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe—the belief that
the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go
forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a
new generation of Americans—born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a
hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage—and unwilling to witness or permit
the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed,
and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear
any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival
and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge—and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of
faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.
Divided there is little we can do—for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and
split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that
one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far
more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we
shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom—and to remember
that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended
up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of
mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever
period is required—not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek
their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it
cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge—to convert our
good words into good deeds—in a new alliance for progress—to assist free men and free
governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope
cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join
with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every
other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an
age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew
our pledge of support—to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective—to
strengthen its shield of the new and the weak—and to enlarge the area in which its writ
may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a
pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark
powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental
self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond
doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present
course—both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed
by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of
terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.
So let us begin anew—remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness,
and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us
never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems
which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the
inspection and control of arms—and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations
under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us
explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and
encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah–to “undo
the heavy burdens . . . (and) let the oppressed go free.”
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides
join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law,
where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the
first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our
lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of
our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been
summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who
answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need—
not as a call to battle, though embattled we are—but a call to bear the burden of a long
twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”—a
struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East
and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that
historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of
defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this
responsibility—I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with
any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we
bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that
fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you
can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together
we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the
same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good
conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth
to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth
God’s work must truly be our own.
TheDeclaration of Independence
In Congress, July 4, 1776.
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America, When in the Course
of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands
which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth,
the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle
them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the
causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life,
Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.–That to secure these rights, Governments are
instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, —
That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the
Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its
foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that
Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and
accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while
evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are
accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the
same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it
is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future
security.–Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the
necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The
history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and
usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over
these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public
good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance,
unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so
suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people,
unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a
right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant
from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into
compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness
his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected;
whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at
large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of
invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose
obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to
encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of
Lands.
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for
establishing Judiciary powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the
amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass
our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our
legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution,
and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended
Legislation:
For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they
should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing
therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once
an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering
fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to
legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War
against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives
of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works
of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy
scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a
civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms
against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall
themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the
inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare,
is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble
terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince
whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the
ruler of a free people.
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them
from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction
over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement
here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured
them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would
inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the
voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity,
which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies
in War, in Peace Friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress,
Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our
intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies,
solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be
Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British
Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is
and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full
Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do
all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support
of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we
mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
Georgia
Button Gwinnett
Lyman Hall
George Walton
North Carolina
William Hooper
Joseph Hewes
John Penn
South Carolina
Edward Rutledge
Thomas Heyward, Jr.
Thomas Lynch, Jr.
Arthur Middleton
Massachusetts
John Hancock
Maryland
Samuel Chase
William Paca
Thomas Stone
Charles Carroll of Carrollton
Virginia
George Wythe
Richard Henry Lee
Thomas Jefferson
Benjamin Harrison
Thomas Nelson, Jr.
Francis Lightfoot Lee
Carter Braxton
Pennsylvania
Robert Morris
Benjamin Rush
Benjamin Franklin
John Morton
George Clymer
James Smith
George Taylor
James Wilson
George Ross
Delaware
Caesar Rodney
George Read
Thomas McKean
New York
William Floyd
Philip Livingston
Francis Lewis
Lewis Morris
New Jersey
Richard Stockton
John Witherspoon
Francis Hopkinson
John Hart
Abraham Clark
New Hampshire
Josiah Bartlett
William Whipple
Massachusetts
Samuel Adams
John Adams
Robert Treat Paine
Elbridge Gerry
Rhode Island
Stephen Hopkins
William Ellery
Connecticut
Roger Sherman
Samuel Huntington
William Williams
Oliver Wolcott
New Hampshire
Matthew Thornton