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John Rolfe

Letter

Letter of John Rolfe, 1614

The marriage of Pocahontas
to John Rolfe.

The coppie of the Gentle-mans letters to Sir Thomas Dale, that after married Powhatans daughter, containing the reasons moving him thereunto.

Honourable Sir, and most worthy Governor:

When your leasure shall best serve you to peruse these lines, I trust in God, the beginning will not strike you into a greater admiration, then the end will give you good content. It is a matter of no small moment, concerning my own particular, which here I impart unto you, and which toucheth mee so neerely, as the tendernesse of my salvation. Howbeit I freely subject my selfe to your grave and mature judgement, deliberation, approbation, and determination; assuring my selfe of your zealous admonitions, and godly comforts, either perswading me to desist, or incouraging me to persist therin, with a religious and godly care, for which (from the very instant, that this began to roote it selfe within the secret bosome of my brest) my daily and earnest praiers have bin, still are, and ever shall be produced forth with as sincere a godly zeale as I possibly may to be directed, aided and governed in all my thoughts, words, and deedes, to the glory of God, and for my eternal consolation. To persevere wherein I never had more neede, nor (till now) could ever imagine to have bin moved with the like occasion.

But (my case standing as it doth) what better worldly refuge can I here seeke, then to shelter my selfe under the safety of your favourable protection? And did not my ease proceede from an unspotted conscience, I should not dare to offer to your view and approved judgement, these passions of my troubled soule, so full of feare and trembling in hypocrisie and dissimulation. But knowing my owne innocency and godly fervor, in the whole prosecution hereof, I doubt not of your benigne acceptance, and clement construction. As for malicious depravers, and turbulent spirits, to whom nothing is tastful7 but what pleaseth their unsavory paalat, I passe not for them being well assured in my perswasion (by the often trial and proving of my selfe, in my holiest meditations and praiers) that I am called hereunto by the spirit of God; and it shall be sufficient for me to be protected by your selfe in all vertuous and pious indevours. And for my more happie proceeding herein, my daily oblations shall ever be addressed to bring to passe so good effects, that your selfe, and all the world may truely say: This is the worke of God, and it is marvelous in our eies.

But to avoid tedious preambles, and to come neerer the matter: first suffer me with your patence, to sweepe and make cleane the way wherein I walke, from all suspicions and doubts, which may be covered therein, and faithfully to reveale unto you, what should move me hereunto.

Let therefore this my well advised protestation, which here I make betweene God and my own conscience, be a sufficient witnesse, at the dreadfull day of judgement (when the secret of all mens harts shall be opened) to condemne me herein, if my chiefest intent and purpose be not, to strive with all my power of body and minde, in the undertaking of so mightie a matter, no way led (so farre forth as mans weakenesse may permit) with the unbridled desire of carnall affection: but for the good of this plantation, for the honour of our countrie, for the glory of God, for my owne salvation, and for the converting to the true knowledge of God and Jesus Christ, an unbeleeving creature, namely Pokahuntas. To whom my hartie and best thoughts are, and have a long time bin so intagled, and inthralled in so intricate a laborinth, that I was even awearied to unwinde my selfe thereout. But almighty God, who never faileth his, that truly invocate his holy name hath opened the gate, and led me by the hand that I might plainely see and discerne the safe paths wherein to treade.

To you therefore (most noble Sir) the patron and Father of us in this countrey doe I utter the effects of this setled and long continued affection (which hath made a mightie warre in my mediations) and here I doe truely relate, to what issue this dangerous combate is come unto, wherein I have not onely examined, but throughly tried and pared my thoughts even to the quick, before I could Snde and fit wholesome and apt applications to cure so daungerous an ulcer. I never failed to offer my daily and faithfull praiers to God, for his sacred and holy assistance. I forgot not to set before mine eies the frailty of mankinde, his prones to evill, his indulgencie of wicked thoughts, with many other imperfections wherein man is daily insnared, and oftentimes overthrowne, and them compared to my present estate. Nor was I ignorant of the heavie displeasure which almightie God conceived against the sonnes of Levie and Israel for marrying strange wives, nor of the inconveniences which may thereby arise, with other the like good motions which made me looke about warily and with good circumspection, into the grounds and principall agitations, which thus should provoke me to be in love with one whose education hath bin rude, her manners barbarous, her generation accursed, and so discrepant in all nurtriture frome my selfe, that oftentimes with feare and trembling, I have ended my private controversie with this: surely these are wicked instigations, hatched by him who seeketh and delighteth in mans destruction; and so with fervent praiers to be ever preserved from such diabolical assaults (as I tooke those to be) I have taken some rest.

Thus-when I had thought I had obtained my peace and quitnesse, beholde another, but more gracious tentation hath made breaches into my holiest and strongest meditations; with which I have bin put to a new traill, in a straighter manner then the former: for besides the many passions and sufferings which I have daily, hourely, yea and in my sleepe indured, even awaking mee to astonishment, taxing mee with remisnesse, and carlesnesse, refusing and neglecting to performe the duetie of a good Christian, pulling me by the eare, and crying: why dost not thou indevour to make her a Christian? And these have happened to my greater wonder, ven when she hath bin furthest seperated from me, which in common reason (were it not an undoubted worke of God) might breede forgetfulnesse of a farre more worthie creature. Besides, I say the holy spirit of God often demaunded of me, why I was created?

If not for transitory pleasures and worldly vanities, but to labour in the Lords vineyard, there to sow and plant, to nourish and increase the fruites thereof, daily adding witt the good husband in the Gospell, somewhat to the tallent, that in the end the fruites may be reaped, to the comfort of the laborer in this life, and his salvation in the world to come? And if this be, as undoubtedly this is, the service Jesus Christ requireth of his best servant: wo unto him that hath these instruments of pietie put into his hands and wilfillly despiseth to worke with them. Likewise, adding hereunto her great apparance of love to me, her desire to be taught and instructed in the knowledge of God, her capablenesse of understanding, her aptnesse and willingnesse to receive anie good impression, and also the spirituall, besides her owne incitements stirring me up hereunto.

What should I doe? Shall I be of so untoward a disposition, as to refuse to leade the blind into the right way? Shall I be so unnaturall, as not to give bread to the hungrie? or uncharitable, as not to cover the naked? Shall I despise to actuatethese pious dueties of a Christian? Shall the base feare of displeasing the world, overpower and with holde mee from revealing unto man these spirituall workes of the Lord, which in my meditations and praiers, I have daily made knowne unto him? God forbid. I assuredly trust hee hath thus delt with me for my eternall felicitie, and for his glorie: and I hope so to be guided by his heavenly graice, that in the end by my faithfilll paines, and christianlike labour, I shall attaine to that blessed promise, Pronounced by that holy Prophet Daniell unto the righteous that bring many unto the knowledge of God. Namely, that they shall shine like the starres forever and ever. A sweeter comfort cannot be to a true Christian, nor a greater incouragement for him to labour all the daies of his life, in the performance thereof, nor a greater gaine of consolation, to be desired at the hower of death, and in the day of judgement.

Againe by my reading, and conference with honest and religious persons, have I received no small encouragement, besides serena mea conscientia, the cleerenesse of my conscience, clean from the filth of impurity, quoe est instar muri ahenei, which is unto me, as a brasen wall. If I should set down at large, the perhioations and godly motions, which have striven within mee, I should but make a tedious and unnecessary volume. But I doubt not these shall be sufficient both to certifie you of my tru intents, in discharging of my dutie to God, and to your selfe, to whose gracious providence I humbly submit my selfe, for his glory, your honour, our Countreys good, the benefit of this Plantation, and for the converting of one unregenerate, to regeneration; which I beseech God to graunt, for his deere Sonne Christ Jesus his sake.

Now if the vulgar sort, who square all mens actions by the base rule of their owne filthinesse, shall taxe or taunt me in this my godly labour: let them know, it is not any hungry appetite, to gorge my selfe with incontinency; sure (if I would, and were so sensually inclined) I might satisfie such desire, though not without a seared conscience, yet with Christians more pleasing to the eie, and lesse fearefull in the offence unlawfully committed. Nor am I in so desperate an estate, that I regard not what becommeth of mee; nor am I out of hope but one day to see my Country, nor so void of friends, nor mean in birth, but there to obtain a mach to my great content: nor have I ignorantly passed over my hopes there, or regardlesly seek to loose the love of my- friends, by taking this course: I know them all, and have not rashly overslipped any.

But shal it please God thus to dispose of me (which I earnestly desire to fulfill my ends before sette down) I will heartely accept of it as a godly taxe appointed me, and I will never cease, (God assisting me) untill I have accomplished, and brought to perfection so holy a worke, in which I will daily pray God to blesse me, to mine, and her eternall happines. And thus desiring no longer to live, to enjoy the blessings of God, then this my resolution doth tend to such godly ends, as are by me before declared: not doubting of your favourable acceptance, I take my leave, beseeching Almighty God to raine downe upon you, such plenitude of his heavenly graces, as your heart can wish and desire, and so I rest,

At your command most willing to be disposed off

John Rolfe

Smith 1608

First Hand Accounts of Virginia, 1575-1705
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A True Relation of Such Occurrences and Accidents of Note as Hath Hapned in Virginia Since the First Planting of that Colony, which is now resident in the South part thereof, till the last returne from thence.

Written by Captaine Smith one of the said Collony, to a worshipfull friend of his in England

John Smith
LONDON
Printed for John Tappe, and are to bee solde at the Greyhound in Paules-Church yard, by W.W.
1608

To the Courteous Reader

      Courteous, Kind & indifferent Readers, whose willingnesse to reade & heare this following discourse, doth explaine to the world your hearty affection, to the prosecuting and furtherance of so worthy an action: so as it is, that like to an unskilfull actor, who having by misconstruction of his right Cue, over-slipt himselfe, in beginning of a country part, and fearing the hatefull hisse of the captious multitude, with a modest blush retires himself in private; as doubting the reprehension of his whole audience in publicke, and yet again upon further deliberation, thinking it better to know their censures at the first, and upon submission to reape pardon, then by seeking to smother it, to incurre the danger of a secret scandall: Imboldening himselfe upon the curteous kindnesse of the best, and not greatly respecting the worst, comes fourth againe, makes an Apollogie for himselfe, shewes the cause of his error, craves pardon for his rashnes, and in fine, receives a generall applauditie of the whole assemblie: so I gentle Readers, happening upon this relation by chance (as I take it, at the second or third hand) induced thereunto by divers well willers of the action, and none wishing better towards it then my selfe, so farre foorth as my poore abilitie can or may stretch too, I thought good to publish it: but the Author being absent from the presse, it cannot be doubted but that some faults have escaped in the printing, especially in the names of Countries, Townes, and People, which are somewhat strange unto us: but most of all, and which is the chiefe error, (for want of knowledge of the Writer some of the bookes were printed under the name of Thomas Watson, by whose occasion I know not, unlesse it were the overe rashnesse, or mistaking of the workemen, but since having learned that the saide discourse was written by Captaine Smith, who is one of the Counsell there in Virginia: I thought good to make the Appologie, by shewing the true Author so farre as myselfe could learne, not doubting, but that the wise noting it as an error of ignorance, will passe it over with patience, and if worthy an applauditie, to reserve it to the Author, whose paines in my judgement deserveth commendations; som: what was more by him written, which being as I thought (fit to be private) I would not adventure to make it publicke what more may be expected concerning the scituation of the Country, the nature, of the clime, number of our people there resident, the manner of their government, and living, the commodities to be produced, & the end & effect it may come too, I can say nothing more then is here written, only what I have learned and gathered from the generall consent of all (that I have conversed withall) as-well marriners as others, which have had imployment that way; is that the Country is excellent & pleasant, the clime temperate and health full, the ground fertill and good, the commodities to be expected (if well followed) many, for our people, the worst being already past, these former having indured the heate of the day, whereby those that shall succeede, may at ease labour for their profit, in the most sweete, cool, and temperate shade: the action most honorable, and the end to the high glory of God, to the erecting of true religion among Infidells, to the overthrow of superstition and idolatrie, to the winning of many thousands of wandring sheepe, unto Christs fold, who now, and till now, have strayed in the unknowne paths of Paganisme, Idolatrie, and superstition: yea, I say the Action being well followed, as by the grave Senators, and worthy adventurors, it hath beene worthily begunne: will tend to the everlasting renowne of our Nation, and to the exceeding good and benefit of our Weale publicke in general; whose Counsells, labours, godly and industrious endevours, I beseech the mightie Jehovah to blesse, prosper, and further, with his heavenly ayde, and holy assistance.

      Farewell, I.H.

A TRUE RELATION OF SUCH OCCURRENCES AND ACCIDENTS OF NOTE, AS HATH HAPNEDIN VIRGINIA, SINCE THE FIRST PLANTING OF THAT COLLONY, WHICH IS NOW RESIDENT IN THE SOUTH PART THEREOF, TILL THE LAST RETURNE.

       Kinde Sir, commendations remembred &c. You shall understand that after many crosses in the downes by tempests, wee arrived safely uppon the Southwest part of the great Canaries: within four or five daies after we set sail for Dominica, the 26. Of Aprill: the first land we made, wee fell with Cape Henry, the verie mouth of the Bay of Chissapiacke, which at that present we little expected, having by a cruell storme bene put to the Northward:

      Anchoring in this Bay, twentie or thirtie went a shore with the Captain, and in coming aboard, they were assalted with certaine Indians, which charged them within Pistoll shot: in which conflict, Captaine Archer and Mathew Morton were shot: whereupon, Captaine Newport seconding them, made a shot at them, which the Indians little respected, but having spent their arrowes retyred without harme, and in that place was the Box opened, wherin the Counsell for Virginia was nominated: and arriving at the place where wee are now seated, the Counsell was sworne, the President elected, which for that yeare was Maister Edm. Maria Wingfield, where was made choice for our scituation a verie fit place for the erecting of a great cittie, about which some contention passed betwixt Capatain Wingfield and Captaine Gosnold, notwithstanding all our provision was brought a shore, and with as much speede as might bee wee went about our fortification.

      The two and twenty day of Aprill, Captain Newport and my selfe with divers others, to the other number of twenty two persons, set forward to discover the River, some fiftie or sixtie miles, finding it in some places broader, & in some narrower, the Countrie (for the moste part) on each side plaine high ground, with many fresh Springes, the people in all places kindely intreating us, daunsing and feasting us with strawberries, Mulberries, Bread, Fish, and other their Countrie provisions wherof we had plenty: for which Captaine Newport kindely requited their least favours with Bels, Pinnes, Needles, beades, or Glassas, which so contented them that his liberallities made them follow us from place to place, ever kindely to respect us. In the midway staying to refresh our selves in little Ile foure or five savages came unto us which described unto us the course of the River, and after in our journey, they often met us, trading with us for such provision as wee had, and ariving at Arsatecke, hee whom we supposed to bee the chiefe King of all the rest, moste kindely entertained us, giving us in a guide to go with us up the River to Powhatan, of which place their great Emperor taketh his name, where he that they honored for King used us kindely. But to finish this discoverie, we passed on further, where within an ile we were intercepted with great craggy stones in the midst of the river, where the water falleth so rudely, and with such a violence, as not any boat can possibly passe, and so broad disperseth the streame, as there is not past five or sixe Foote at a low water, and to the shore scarce passage with a barge, the water floweth foure foote, and the freshes by reason of the Rockes have left markes of the inundation 8. or 9. foote: The south side high mountaines, the rockes being of gravelly nature, interlaced with many vains of glistrling spangles.

       That night we returned to Powhatan: the next day (being Whitsunday after dinner) we returned to the fals, leaving a mariner in pawn with the Indians for a guide of theirs, hee that they honoured for King followe us by the river (further he would not goe) so there we erected a crosse, and that night taking our man at Powhatans, Captaine Newport congratulated his kindenes with a Gown and a Hatchet: returning to Arsetecke, and stayed there the next day to observe the height therof, & so with many signes of love we departed.

      The next day the Queene of Agamatack kindely intreated us, her people being no lesse contented then the rest, and from thence we went to another place, (the name wherof I doe not remember) where the people shewed us the manner of their diving of Mussels, in which they finde Pearles.

       That night passing by Weanock some twentie miles from our Fort, they according to their former churlish condition, seemed little to affect us, but as wee departed and lodged at the point of Weanocke, the people the next morning seemed kindely to content us, yet we might perceive many signs of a more Jealousie in them then before, and also the Hinde that the King of Arseteck had given us, altered his resolution in going to our Fort, and with many kinde circumstances left us there. This gave us some occasion to doubt some mischiefe at the Fort, yet Captaine Newport intended to have visited Paspahegh and Tappahanocke, but the instant change of the winde being faire for our return we repaired to the fort withall speed, where the first we heard was that 400. Indians the day before assalted the fort, & surprised it, had not God (beyond al their expectations) by meanes of the shippes at whom they shot with their Ordinances and Muskets), caused them to retire, they had entred the fort with our own men, which were then busied in setting Corne, their armes beeing then in driefats & few ready but certain Gentlemen of their own, in which conflict, most of the Counsel was hurt, a boy slaine in the Pinnas, and thirteene or fourteene more hurt[.] With all speede we pallisadoed our Fort: (each other day) for sixe or seaven daies we had alarums by ambuscadoes, and foure or five cruelly wounded by being abroad: the Indians losse wee know not, but as they report three were slain and divers hurt.

       Captaine Newport having set things in order, set saile for England the 22 of June, leaving provision for 13. or 14 weeks. The day before the Ships departure, the king of Pamaunke [i.e., Opechancanough]sent the Indian that had met us before in our discoverie, to assure us peace, our fort being then pallisadoed round, and all our men in good health and comfort, albeit, that throgh some discontented humors, it did not so long continue, for the President and Captaine Gosnold, with the rest of the Counsell being for the moste part discontented with one another, in so much, that things were neither carried with that discretion nor any busines effected in such good sort as wisdome would, nor our owne good and safetie required thereby, and through the hard dealings of our President, the rest of the counsell being diverslie affected through his audacious commaund, and for Captaine Martin, (albeit verie honest) and wishing the best good, yet so sicke and weake, and my selfe disgrac’d through others mallice, through which disorder God (being angrie with us) plagued us with such famin and sicknes, that the living were scarce able to bury the dead: our want of sufficiene and good victualls, with continuall watching foure or five each night at three Bulwarkes, being the chiefe cause: onely of Sturgion wee had great store, whereon our men would so greedily surfet, as it cost manye their lives: the Sack, Aquatie, and other preservatives for our health, being kept onely in the Presidents hands, for his owne diet, and his few associates.

      Shortly after Captaine Gosnold fell sicke, and within three weeks died, Captaine Ratcliffe being then also verie sicke and weake, and my selfe having also tasted of the extremitie therof, but by Gods assistance being well recovered. Kendall about this time, for divers reasens deposed from being of the Councell: and shortly after it pleased God (in our extremity) to move the Indians to bring us Corne, ere it was halfe ripe, to refresh us, when we rather expected when they would destroy us:

      About the tenth of September there was about 46. of our men dead, at which time Captaine Wingefield having ordred the affaires in such sort that he was generally hated of all, in which respect with one consent he was deposed from his presidencie, and Captaine Ratcliffe according to his course was elected.

      Our provision now being within twentie dayes spent, the Indians brought us great store both of Corne and bread ready made: and also there came such aboundance of Fowles into the Rivers, as greatly refreshed our weake estates, where uppon many of our weake men were presently able to goe abroad.

      As yet we had no houses to cover us, our tents were rotten and our Cabbins worse than nought: our best commodities was Yron which we made into little chissels.

      The president, and Captaine Martins sicknes, me to be Cape Marchant, and yet to spare no paines in making houses for the company, who notwithstanding our misery, little ceased their mallice, grudging and muttering.

      As at this time were most of our chiefest men either sicke or discontented, the rest being in such dispaire, as they would rather starve and rot with idleness, then be persuaded to do any thing for their owne reliefe without constraint: our victualles being now within eighteene dayes spent, and the Indians trade decreasing, I was sent to the mouth of the river to Kegquohtan an Indian Towne, to trade for Corne, and try the river for Fish, but our fishing we could not effect by reason of the stormy weather. The Indians thinking us neare famished, with carelesse kindnes, offered us little pieces of bread and small handfulls of beanes or wheat, for a hatchet or a piece of copper: In like maner I entertained their kindnes, and in like scorne offered them like commodities, but the Children, or any that shewe extraordinary kundnes, I liberally confronted with free gifte such trifles as wel contented them.

      Finding this colde comfort, I anchored before the Town, and the next day returned to trade, but God (the absolute disposer of all heartes) altered their conceits, for now they were no lesse desirous of our commodities then we of their Corne, and force, to houses: which weell understanding with foure shot I visited them. With fish, oysters, bread, and deere, they kindly traded with me and my men, being no lesse in doubt of my intent, then I of theirs; for well I might with twentie man have fraighted a Shippe with Corne: The Towne conteineth eighteene houses, pleasantly seated upon three acres of ground, uppon a plaine, halfe invironed with a great Bay of the great River, the other parte with a Baye of the other River falling into the great Baye, with a little Ile fit for a Castle in the mouth thereof, the Towne adjoyning to the maine by a necke of Land of sixtie yardes.

      With sixteene bushells of Corne I returned towards our Forte: by the way I encountred with two Canowes of Indians, who came aboord me, being the inhabitants of waroskoyack, a kingdome on the south side of the river, which is in breadth 5 miles and 20 mile or neare from the mouth: With these I traded, who having but their hunting provision, requested me to returne to their Towne, where I should load my boat with corne: and with near thirtie bushells I returned to the fort, the very name wherof gave great comfort to our desparing company:

      Time thus passing away, and having not aboue 14 daies victuals left, some motions were made about our presidents and Captaine Archers going for England, to procure a supply: in which meane time we had reasonably fitted us with houses. And our President and Captaine Martin being able to walk abroad, with much adoe it was concluded, that the pinnace and barge should goe towards Powhatan, to trade for corne:

       Lotts were cast who should go in her, the chance was mine; and while she was a rigging, I made a voiage to Topohanack, where arriving, there was but certain women and children who fled from their houses, yet at last I drew them to draw neere; truck they durst not, corne they had plenty, and to spoile I had no commission:

      In my returne Paspahegh, I traded with that churlish and trecherous nation: having loaded 10 or 12 bushels of corne, they offred to take our pieces and swords, yet by stelth, but seeming to dislike it, they were ready to assault us: yet standing upon our guard, in coasting the shore divers out of the woods would meet with us with corn and trade. But least we should be constrained, either to indure overmuch wrong or directly fal to revenge, seeing them dog us from place to place, it being night, and our necessitie not fit for warres, we tooke occasion to returne with 10 bushells of corne:

       Captaine Martinafter made 2 journies to that nation of Paspahegh, but eache time returned with 8 or 10 bushells.

      All things being now ready for my journey to Powhatan, for the performance thereof, I had 8 men and my selfe for the barge, as well for discoverie as trading; the Pinnac, 5 Marriners, and 2 landmen to take in our landings at convenient places.

      The 9 of November I set forward for the discovery of the country of Chikhamania, leaving the pinnace the next tid to followe, and stay for my coming at Point weanock 20 miles from our fort: the mouth of this river falleth into the great river at Paspahegh, 8 miles above our fort:

      That afternoone I stayed the eb in the bay of Paspahegh with the Indians: towards the evening certaine Indians haled me, one of them being of Chikahamania, offred to conduct me to his country, the Paspahegheans grudged therat: along we went by moonelight; at midnight he brought us before his Towne, desiring one of our men to go up with him, whom he kindely intertained, and returned back to the barge:

      The next morning I went up to the towne, and shewed them what copper and hatchets they shold have for corne, each family seeking to give me most content: so long they caused me to stay that 100 at least was expecting my homecoming by the river, with corne. What I liked, I bought; and least they should perceive my too great want, I went higher up the river:

      This place is called Manosquosick, a quarter of a mile from the river, conteining thirtie or fortie houses, uppon an exceeding high land: at the foote of the hill towards the river, is a plaine wood, watered with many springes, which fall twentie yards right downe into the river. Right against the same is a great marsh, of 4 or 5 miles circuit devided in 2 Ilands, by the parting of the river, abounding with fish and foule of all sorts:

      A mile from thence is a Towne called Oraniocke. I further discovered the Townes of Mansa, Apanaock, Werawahone, and Mamanahunt, at eche place kindely used: especially at the last, being the hart of the Country; where were assembled 200 people with such aboundance of corne, as having laded our barge, as also I might have landed a ship.

      I returned to Paspahegh, and considering the want of Corne at our Fort, it being night, with the ebb, by midnight I arived at our fort, where I found Pinn is run aground:

      The next morning I unladed seaven hogsheads into our store.

      The next morning I returned againe: the second day I arived at Mamanahunt, wher the people having heard of my coming, were ready with 3 or 400 baskets litle and great, of which having laded my barge, with many signes of great kindnes I returned:

      At my departure they requested me to hear our pieces, being in the midst of the river; which in regard of the eccho seemed a peale of ordnance. Many birds and fowles they see us dayly kil that much feared them. So desirous of trade wer they, that they would follow me with their canowes; and for any thing, give it me, rather then returne it back. So I unladed again 7 or 8 hogsheads at our fort.

      Having thus by Gods assistance gotten good store of corne, notwithstanding some bad spirits not content with Gods providence, still grew mutinous; in so much, that our president having occasion to chide the smith for his misdemeanour, he not only gave him bad language, but also offred to strike him with some of his tooles. For which rebellious act, the smith was by a Jury condemned to be hanged, but being uppon the ladder, continuing very obstinate as hoping upon a rescue, when he saw no other way but death with him, he became penitent, and declared a dangerous conspiracy: for which, Captaine Kendall, as principal, was by a Jury condemned, and shot to death.

      This conspiracy appeased, I set forward for the discovery of the River Checka Hamania. This third time I discovered the Townes of Matapamient, Morinogh, Asacap, moysenock, Righkahauck, Nechanichock, Mattalunt, Attamuspincke, and divers others: their plenty of corne I found decreased, yet lading the barge, I returned to our fort.

      Our store being now indifferently wel provided with corne, there was much adoe for to have the pinace goe for England, against which Captain Martin and my selfe stood chiefly against it: and in fine after many debatings pro et contra, it was resolved to stay a further resolution:

      This matter also quieted, I set forward to finish this discovery, which as yet I had neglected in regard of the necessitie we had to take in provision whilst it was to be had. 40 miles I passed up the river, which for the most part is a quarter of a mile broad, and 3 fatham and a half deep, exceedy osey, many great low marshes, and many high lands, especially about the midst at a place called Moysonicke, a Peninsule of 4 miles cicuit, betwixt two rivers joined to the main by the neck of 40 or 50 yards from the high water marke: On both sides on the very necke of the maine, are high hills and dales, yet much inhabited, the Ile declining in a plaine fertile corne field, the lower end a lowe marsh. More plentie of swannes, cranes, geese, duckes, and mallards, and divers sorts of fowles, none would desire: more plaine fertile planted ground, in such great proportions as there, I had not seene; of a light blacke sandy mould, the cliffes commonly red, white, and yellowe coloured sand, and under, red and white clay; fish great plenty, and people in aboundance: the most of their inhabitants, in view of the neck of Land, where a better seat for a towne cannot be desired:

      At the end of forty miles, this river invironeth many low Ilands at each high water drowned, for a mile, where it uniteth it selfe at a place called Apokant, the highest Towne inhabited.

      10 miles higher, I discovered with the barge: in the mid way, a greate tree hindered my pasage, which I cut in two. Heere the river became narrower, 8 9 or 10 foote at a high water, and 6 or 7 at a lowe: the streame exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channell: the ground, most part a low plaine, sandy soyle. This occasioned me to suppose it might issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not be far to the head, but rathere then I would endanger the barge. Yet to have beene able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge the imputation of malicious tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not, for so long delaying: some of the company as desirous as myself, we resolved to hier a Canow, and returne with the barge to Apocant, there to leave the barge secure, and put our selves upon the adventure: the country onely a vast and wilde wilderness, and but onely that Towne:

      Within three or foure mile, we hired a Canow, and 2 Indians to row us the next day a fowling. Having made such provision for the barge as was needfull, I left her there to ride, with expresse charge not any to go ashore til my returne.

      Though some wise men may condemn this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion, yet if they well consider the friendship of the Indians in conducting me, the desolateness of the country, the probabilitie of some lacke , and the malicious judges of my actions at home, as also to have some matters of worth to incourage our adventurers in england, might well have caused any honest minde to have done the like, as well for his own discharge as for the publike good:

      Having 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, I set forward, leaving 7 in the barge:

      Having discovered 20 miles further in the desart, the river still kept his depth and bredth, but much more combred with trees:

      Here we went ashore (being some 12 miles higher then the barge had bene) to refresh our selves, during the boyling of our vituals: One of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the nature of the soile, and to cross the boughts of the river: the other Indian I left with Maister Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their matches light. And order to discharge a peece, for my retreat, at the first sight of any Indian.

      But within a quarter of an houre I heard a loud cry, and a hollowing of Indians, but no warning peece. Supposing them surprised, and that the Indians had betraid us, presently I seazed him and bound his arme fast to my hand in a garter, with my pistoll ready bent to be revenged on him: he advised me to fly, and seemed ignorant of what was done.

       But as we went discoursing, I was struck with an arrow on the right thigh, but without harme: upon this occasion I espied 2 Indians drawing their bowes, which I prevented in discharging a french pistoll:

       By that I had charged againe, 3 or 4 more did the like: for the first fell downe and fled: At my discharge, they did the like. My hinde I made my barricado, who offered not to strive. 20 or 30 arrowes were shot at me but short. 3 or 4 times I had discharged my pistoll ere the king of Pamaunck called Opekenkenough with 200 men invironed me, eache drawing their bowe: which done they laid them upon the ground, yet without shot:

      My hinde teated betwixt them and me of conditions of peace; he discovered me to be the Captaine: my request was to retire to the boate: they demaunded my armes, the rest they saide were slaine, onely me they would reserve:

      The Indian importuned me not to shoot. In retiring being in the midst of a low quagmire, and minding them more then my steps, I stept fast into the quagmire, and also the Indian in drawing me forth:

      Thus surprised, I resolved to trie their mercies: my armes I caste from me, till which none durst approach me.

      Being ceazed on me, they drew me out and led me to the King. I presented him with a compasse diall, describing by my best meanes the use therof: whereat he so amazedly admired, as he suffered me to proceed in a discourse of the roundness of the earth, the course of the sunne, moone, starres and plannets.

      With kinde speeches and bread he requited me, conducting me where the Canow lay and John Robbinson slaine, with 20 or 30 arrowes in him. Emry I saw not.

      I perceived by the aboundance of fires all over the woods. At each place I expected when they would execute me, yet they used me with what kindness they could:

      Approaching their Towne , which was within 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbours and covered with mats, which they remove as occasion requires: all the women and children, being advertised of this accident, came foorth to meet them, the King well guarded with 20 bowmen 5 flanck and rear, and each flanck before him a sword and a peece, and after him the like, then a bowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the rest in file in the reare, which reare led foorth amongst the trees in a bishion, eache his bowe and a handfull of arrowes, a quiver at his back grimly painted: on eache flanck a sargeant, the one running alwaies towards the front, the other towards the reare, each a true pace and in exceeding good order.

      This being a good time continued they caste themselves in a ring with a dance, and so eache man departed to his lodging.

      The Captain conducting me to his lodging, a quarter of Venison and some ten pound of bread I had for supper: what I left was reserved for me, and sent with me to my lodging:

      Each morning 3 women presented me three great platters of fine bread, more venison then ten men could devour I had: my gowne, points and garters, my compass and my tablet they gave me again. Though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what they could devise to content me: and still our longer acquaintance increased our better affection.

      Much they threatened to assault our forte, as they were solicited by the King of Paspahegh who shewed at our fort great signs of sorrow for this mischance. The King tooke great delight in understanding the manner of our ships, sayling the seas, the earth and skies, and of our God: what he knew of the dominions he spared not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan, cloathed like me: the course of our river, and that within 4 or 5 daies journey of the falles, was a great turning of salt water:

      I desired he would send a messenger to Paspahegh [the district in which James Town was situated], with a letter I would write, by which they shold understand how kindly they used me, and that I was well, least they should revenge my death. This he granted and sent three men, in such weather as in reason were unpossible by any naked to be indured. Their cruell mindes towards the fort I had deserted, in describing the ordinance and the mines in the fields, as also the revenge Captain Newport and would take of them at his returne. Their intent, I incerted the fort, the people of Ocanahonum and the back sea: this report they after found divers Indians that confirmed:

      The next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodging. With his sword, to have slaine me: but being by my guard intercepted, with a bowe and arrow he offred to have effected his purpose: the cause I knew not, till the King understanding thereof came and told me of a man a dying, wounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of another I had slayne, yet the most concealed they had any hurte: This was the father of him I had slayne, whose fury to prevent, the King presently conducted me to another Kingdome, upon the top of the next northerly river called Youghtanan.

      Having feasted me, he further led me to another branch of the river, called Mattapament; to two other hunting townes they led me: and to each of these Countries, a house of the great Emperour of Pewhakan, whom as yet I supposed to bee at the Fals; to him I tolde him I must goe, and so returne to Paspahegh.

      After this foure of five days marsh , we returned to Rasawrack, the first towne they brought me too: where binding the Mats in bundels, they marched two dayes journey, and crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was as broad as Thames: so conducting me to a place called Menapacuts in Pamaunke, where the King inhabited.

      The next day another King of that nation called Kekataugh, having received some kindnes of me at the Fort, kindly invited me to a feast at his house, the people from all places flocked to see me, each shewing to content me.

      By this, the great King hath foure or five houses, each containing fourescore or an hundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon an high sandy hill, from whence you may see westerly a goodly low Country, the river before the which his crooked course causeth many great Marshes of exceeding good ground. An hundred houses, and many large plaines are here togither inhabited. More abundance of fish and fowle, and a pleasanter seat cannot be imagined. The King with fortie Bowmen to guard me, intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, which they there presented me, with a mark at six score to strike therwith: but to spoil the practise, I broke the cocke, whereat they were much discontented, though a chaunce supposed.

      From hence, this kind king conducted mee to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another River northward: The cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe had beene in the River of Pamaunke, who having beene kindly entertained by Powhatan their Empourer, they returned thence, and discovered the River of Topahanocke: where being received with like kindnesse, yet he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were hee. But the people reported him a great man that was Captaine, and using me kindly, the next day we departed.

      This River of Topahanock seemeth in breadth no much lesse then that we dwell upon. At the mouth of the River is a Countrey called Cuttata women: upwards is Marraugh tacum, Tapohanock, Appamatuck, and Nantaugs tacum: at Topmanahocks, the head issuing from many Mountaines.

      The next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatams, and the next day arrived at Waranacomoco upon the river of Pamauncke, where the great king is resident. By the way we passed by the top of another little river, which is betwixt the two, called Payankatank. The most of this Country though Desert, yet exceeding fertil; good timber, most hils and dales, in each valley a cristall spring.

      Arriving at Weramocomoco [? On or about 5 January 1608], their Emperour proudly lying uppon a Bedstead a foote high, upon tenne or twelves Mattes, richly hung with Manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and covered with a great Covering of Rahaughcums. At heade sat a woman, at his feete another; on each side sitting uppon a Matte uppon the ground, were raunged his chiefe men on each side of the fire, tenne in a ranke, and behinde them as many young women, each a great Chaine of white Beaddes over their shoulders, their heades painted in redde: and with such a grave and Majesticall countenance, as draue me into admiration to see such state in a naked Salvage.

       Hee kindly welcomed me with such good wordes, and great Platters of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, and my libertie within foure days. Hee much delighted in Opechan Comoughs relation of what I had described to him, and oft examined me upon the same.

       Hee asked me the cause of our coming.

      I tolde him being in fight with Spaniards our enemie, being overpowred, neare put to retreat, and by extreame weather put to this shore: where landing at Chesipiack, the people shot us, but Kequoughtan they kindly used us: we by signes demaunded fresh water, they described us up the River was all fresh water: at Paspahegh also they kindly used us: our Pinnsse being leake, we were inforced to stay to mend her, till Captaine Newport my father came to conduct us away.

      He demaunde why we went further with our Boate. I tolde him, in that I would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea, that on the other side the maine, where was salt water. My father had a childe slaine, whiche we supposed Monocan his enemie : whose death we intended to revenge.

      After good deliberation, hee began to describe mee the Countreys beyonde the Falles, with many of the rest; confirming what not onely Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which had beene prisoner to Pewhatan had before tolde mee: but some called it five dayes, some sixe, some eight, where the sayde water dashed amongst many stones and rockes, each storm; which caused oft tymes the heade of the River to bee brackish:

      Anchanachuck he described to bee the people that had slaine my brother: whose death hee would revenge. Hee described also upon the same Sea, a mighty Nation called Pocoughtronack, a fierce Nation that did eate men, and warred with the people of Moyaoncer and Pataromerke, Nations upon the toppe of the heade of the Bay, under his territories: where the yeare before they had slain an hundred. He signified their crownes were shaven, long haire in the necke, tied on a knot, Swords like Pollaxes.

      Beyond them, he described people with short Coates, and Sleeves to the Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. Many Kingdomes hee described mee, to the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie River issuing from mightie Mountaines betwixt the two Seas: The people cloathed at Ocamahowan, he also confirmed; and the Southerly Countries also, as the rest that reported us to be within a day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6 from Roonock, to the south part of the backe sea: He described a countrie called Anone, where they have abundance of Brasse, and houses walled as ours.

      I requited his discourse (seeing what pride hee had in his great and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee knewe were under his Territories) in describing to him, the territories of Europe, which was subject to our great King whose subject I was, the innumerable multitude of his ships, I gave him to understand the noyse of Trumpets, and terrible manner of fighting were under captain Newport my father: whom I intituled the Meworames, which they call the King of all the waters. At his greatnesse, he admired: and not a little feared. He desired mee to forsake Paspahegh, and to live with him upon his River, a Countrie called Capa Howasicke. Hee promised to give me Corne, Venison, or what I wanted to feede us: Hatchets and Copper wee should make him, and none should disturbe us.

      This request I promised to performe: and thus, having with all the kindnes hee could devise, sought to content me, hee sent me home, with 4 men: one that usually carried my Gowne and Knapsacke after me, two other loded with bread, and one to accompanie me.

      This River of Pamaunke is not past twelve mile from that we dwell on, his course northwest and westerly as the other. Weraocomoco is upon salt water in bredth two myles, and so keepeth his course without any tarrying some twenty miles; where at the parting of the fresh water and the salt, it divideth it selfe into two partes, the one part to Goughland, as broad as Thames, and navigable with a Boate threescore or fourscore miles, and with a Shippe fiftie: exceeding crooked, and manie low grounds and marishes, but inhabited with aboundance of warlike and tall people. The Countrey of Youghtoman, of no lesse worth, onely it is lower; but all the soyle, a fatte, fertill, sandie ground. Above Manapacumter, many high sandie mountaines. By the River is many Rockes, seeming, if not, of severall Mines.

      The other branch a little lesse in breadth, yet extendeth not neare so farre, nor so well inhabited, somewhat lower, and a white sandie, and a white clay soyle: here is their best Terra Sigillata. The mouth of the River, as I see in the discoverie therof with captain Newport, is halfe a mile broad, and within foure miles not above a Musket shot: the channell exceeding good and deepe, the River straight to the devisions. Kiskirk the nearest Nation to the entrances.

      Their religion and ceremony I observed was thus: Three or foure dayes after my taking, seven of them in the house where I lay, each with a rattle, began at ten a clocke in the morning to sing about the fire, which they invironed with a Circle of meale, and after a foote or two from that, at the end of each song, layde downe two or three more Circles in like manner, a hand bredth from other. That done, at each song, they put betwixt everie three, two, or five graines, a little sticke; so counting as an old woman her Pater noster.

      One disguised with a great Skinne, his head hung round with little Skinnes of Weasels and other vermine, with a Crownet of feathers on his head, painted as ugly as the divell, at the end of each song will make many signes and demonstrations with strange and vehement actions. Great cakes of Deere suet, Deare, and Tobacco he casteth in the fire: till sixe a clocke in the Evening, their howling would continue ere they would depart.

      Each morning in the coldest frost, the principall, to the number of twentie or thirtie, assembled themselves in a round circle, a good distance from the towne: where they told me they there consulted where to hunt the next day:

      So fat they fed mee, that I much doubted they intended to have sacrificed mee to the Quiyoughquosicke, which is a superiour power they worship: a more uglier thing cannot be described. One they have for chief sacrifices, which is a superiour power they worship: a more uglier thing cannot be described. One they have for chief sacrifices, which also they call Quiyoughquiosick. To cure the sick, a man, with a Rattle, and extreame howling, showting, singing, and such violent gestures and Anticke actions over the patient, will sucke out blood and flegme from the patient, out of their unable stomacke, or any diseased place, as no labour will more tire them.

      Tobacco, they offer the water in passing in fowle weather. The death of any they lament with great sorrow and weeping. Their Kings they burie betwixt two mattes within their houses, with all his beads, jewels, hatchets, and copper: the other in graves like ours. They acknowledge no resurrection.

      Powhatan hath three brethren, and two sisters, each of his brethren succeeded other. For the Crowne, their heyres inherite not, but the first heyres of the Sisters, and so successively the weomens heires. For the Kings have as many weomen as they will, his Subjects two, and most but one.

      From Weramocomoco is but 12 miles, yet the Indians trifled away that day, and would not goe to our Forte by any persuasions: but in certaine olde hunting houses of Paspahegh we lodged all night.

      The next morning ere Sunne rise, we set forward to our Fort, where we arrived within an houre: where each man with the truest signes of joy they could expresse welcommed me, except Maister Archer, and some 2 or 3 of his, who was then in my absence sworne Counsellor, though not with the consent of Captaine Martin:

      Great blame and imputation was laide upon mee by them, for the losse of our two men which the Indians slew: insomuch that they purposed to depose me. But in the midst of my miseries, it pleased God to send Captaine Nuport: who arriving there the same night, so tripled our joy as for a while these plots against me were deferred; though with much malice against me, which captain Newport in short time did plainly see. Now was maister Scrivener, captaine Martin, and my selfe, called Counsellers.

      Within five or sixe days after the arrivall of the Ship, by a mischaunce our Fort was burned, and the most of our apparell, lodging and private provision. Many of our old men diseased, and of our new for want of lodging perished.

      The Empereur Powhatan, each weeke once or twice, sent me many presents of Deare, bread Raugroughcuns; halfe alwayes for my father whom he much desired to see, and halfe for me: and so continually importuned by messengers and presents, that I would come to fetch the corne, and take the Countrie their King had given me, as at last Captaine Newport resolved to go see him.

      Such acquaintance I had amongst the Indians, and such confidence they had in me, as neare the Fort they would not come till I came to them; every of them calling me by my name, would not sell any thing till I had first received their presents, and what they had that I liked, they deferred to my discretion: but after acquaintance, they usually came into the Fort at their pleasure: The President and the rest of the Councell, they knewe not; But Captaine Newports greatnesse I had so described, as they conceyved him the chiefe, the rest his children, Officers, and servants.

      We had agreed with the king of Paspahegh, to conduct two of our men to a place called Panawicke beyond Roonok, where he reported many men to be apparelled. Wee landed him at Warraskoyack, where playing the villaine, and deluding us for rewards, returned within three or foure dayes after, without going further.

       Captaine Newport, maister Scrivener, and my selfe, found the mouth of Pamauncks river, some 25 or 30 miles north ward from Cape Henrick, the channell good as before expressed.

      Arriving at Weramocomoca being jealous of the intent of this politick salvage; to discover his intent the better, I with 20 shot armed in Jacks, went a shore. The Bay where he dwelleth hath in it 3 cricks, and a mile and a halfe from the chanel all os. Being conducted to the towne, I found my selfe mistaken in the creeke, for they al there were within lesse then a mile: the Emperors sonne called Naukaquawis, the captaine that tooke me, and diverse others of his chiefe men, conducted me to their kings habitation. But in the mid way I was intercepted by a great creek over which they had made a bridge of grained stakes and railes. The king of Kiskieck, and Namontack, who all the journey, the king had sent to guide us, had conducted us this passage, which caused me to suspect some mischiefe: the barge I had sent to meet me at the right landing, when I found my selfe first deceyved. And knowing by experience the most of their courages to proceede from others feare, though fewe lyked the pasage, I intermingled the Kings sonne, our conductors, and his chiefe men amongst ours, and led forward, leaving halfe at the one ende to make a guard for the passage of the Front. The Indians seeing the weakenesse of the Bridge, came with a Canow, and tooke me in of the middest, with foure or five more: being landed, wee made a guard for the rest till all were passed.

      Two in a ranke we marched to the Emperors house. Before his house stood fortie or fiftie great Platters of fine bread. Being entred the house, with loude tunes they all made signes of great joy. This proud salvage, having his finest women, and the principall of his chiefe men assembled, sate in rankes as before is expressed: himself as upon a Throne at the upper ende of the house, with such a Majestie as I cannot expresse, nor yet have often seene, either in Pagan or Christian. With a kinde countenance hee bad mee welcome, and caused a place to bee made by himselfe to sit.

      I presented him a sute of red cloath , a white Greyhound, and a Hatte: as Jewels he esteemed them, and with a great Oration made by three of his Nobles, if there be any amongst Salvages, kindly accepted them, with a publicke confirmation of a perpetuall league and friendship.

      After that, he commanded the Queene of Apamatuc, a comely yong Salvage, to give me water, a Turkie cocke, and breade to eate:

      Being thus feasted, hee began his discourse to this purpose. Your kinde visitation doth much content mee, but where is your father whom I much desire to see, is he not with you.

      I told him, he remained aboord, but the next day he would come unto him.

      With a merrie countenance he asked me for certaine peeces which I promise him, when I went to Paspahegh.

      I told, according to my promise, that I proferred the man that went with me foure Demy Culverings, in that he so desired a great Gunne: but they refused to take them.

      Whereat with a lowde laughter, he desired to give him some of lesse burden: as for the other I gave him them, being sure that none could carrie them. But where are these men you promised to come with you.

      I told him, without. Who thereupon gave order to have them brought in, two after two, ever maintaining the guard without. And as they presented themselves, ever with thankes he would salute me: and caused each of them to have foure or five pound of bread given them.

      This done, I asked him for the corne and ground he promised me.

      He told me I should have I: but he expected to have all these men lay their armes at his feet, as did his subjects.

      I tolde him that was a ceremonie our enemies desired, but never our Friends, as we presented ourselves unto him; yet that he should not doubt of our friendship. The next day my father would give him a child of his, in full assurance of our loves, and not only that, but when he should thinke it convenient, wee would deliver under his subjection in the Country of Manacam and Pocoughtaonack his enemies.

      This so contented him, as immediately with attentive silence, with a lowd oration he proclaimed me Awerowanes of Powhaton, and that all his subjects should so esteeme us, and no man account us strangers nor Paspahegans, but Powhatans, and that the Corne, weomen and Country, should be to us as to his owne people. This proffered kindnes for many reasons we contemned not, but with the best Languages and signes of thankes I could expresse, I tooke my leave.

      The King rising from his seat, conducted me foorth, and caused each of my men to have as much more bread as hee could beare: giving me come in a basket, and as much he sent a board for a present to my Father. Victuals you must know is all there wealth, and the greatest kindnes they could shew us.

      Arriving at the River, the Barge was fallen so low with the ebbe, though I had given order and oft sent to prevent the same, yet the messengers deceived me. The Skies being very thicke and rainie, the King understanding this mischance, sent his Sonne and Mamontacke, to conduct mee to a great house sufficient to lodge mee: where entring I saw it hung round with bowes and arrowes.

      The Indians used all diligence to make us fires, and give us content: the kings Orators presently entertained us with a kinde oration, with expresse charge that not any ahould steale, or take our bowes or arrowes, or offer any injury.

      Presently after he sent me a quarter of Venizon to stay my stomacke:

      In the evening hee sent for me to come onely with two shot with me. The company I gave order to stand upon their guard, and to maintaine two sentries at the ports all night.

      To my supper he set before me meate for twenty men, and seeing I could not eate, hee caused it to be given to my men: for this is a generall custome, that what they give, not to take againe, but you must either eate it, give it away, or carry it with you. Two or three houres we spent in our aunent discourses; which done, I was with a fire stick lighted to my lodging.

      The next day the King conducted mee to the River, shewwe me his Canowes, and described unto me how hee sent them over the Baye, for tribute Beades: and also what Countries paid him Beads, Copper, or Skins.

      But seeing Captaine Nuport, and Maister Scrivener, comming a shore , the King returned to his house, and I went to meete him. With a trumpet before him, wee marched to the King: who after his old manner kindly received him, especially a Boy of thirteen yeares old, called Thomas Salvage, whom he gave him as his Sonne. He requited this kindnes with each of us a great basket of Beanes. And entertaining him with the former discourse, we passed away that day, and agreed to bargaine the next day, and so returned to our Pinnis.

      The next day coming a shore in like order, the King having kindly entertained us with a breakfast, questioned us in this manner: Why we came armed in that sort, seeing hee was our friend, and had neither bowes nor arrowes; what did wee doubt?

      I told him it was the custome of our Country, not doubting of his kindnes any waies: wherewith though hee seemed satisfied, yet Captaine Nuport caused all our men to retire to the water side, which was some thirtie score [yards] from thence.

      But to prevent the worst, Maister Scrivener or I were either the one or the other by the Barge: experience had well taught me to beleeve his friendship till convenient opportunity suffred him to betray us. But quickly this polititian had perceived my absence, and cunningly sent for me; I sent for Maister Scrivener to supply my place: the King would demand for him, I would againe releeve him. And they sought to satisfie our suspition with kind Language: and not being agreed to trade for corne, hee desired to see all our Hatchets and Copper together, for which he would give us corne. With that auncient tricke the Chickahamaniens had oft acquainted me: his offer I refused, offering first to see what hee would give for one piece. Hee seeming to despise the nature of a Merchant, did scorne to sell: but we freely should give him, and he liberally would requite us.

      Captain Nuport would not with lesse then twelve great Coppers try his kindnes, which he liberally requited with as much corne as at Chickahamania, I had for one of lesse proportion. Our Hatchets hee would also have at his owne rate: for which kindnes hee much seemed to affect Captaine Nuport. Some few bunches of blew Beades I had, which he much desired, and seeing so few, he offred me a basket of two pecks, and that I drew to be three pecks at the least, and yet seemed contented and desired more. I agreed with him, the next day, for two bushells: for the ebbe now constrained us to returne to our Boate, although he earnestly desired us to stay dinner which was a providing; and being ready he sent aboard after us, which was bread and venizon sufficient for fiftie or sixtie persons.

      The next day hee sent his Sonne in the morning, not to bring a shore with us any pieces, least his weomen and children should feare. Captaine Nuports good beliefe would have satisfied that request. Yet twentie or twentie five short we got a shore: the King importuning mee to leave my armes a board, much misliking my sword pistol and target. I told him the men that slew my Brother with the like tearmes had persuaded me, and being unarmed shot at us, and so betraide us.

      He oft entreated Captaine Nuport that his men might leave their armes: which still hee commanded to the water side.

      This day we spent in trading for blew Beads: and having neare fraighted our Barge, Captaine Nuport returned with them that came abord, leaving me and Maister Scrivener a shore, to follow in Canowes. Into one I got with sixe of our men, which beeing lanched, a stones cast from the shore stuck fast in the Ose.

      Master Scrivener seeing this example, with seven or eight more passed the dreadfull bridge, thinking to have found deeper water on the other creeke: but they were inforced to stay, with such entertainment as a salvage being forced ashore with wind and raine, having in his Canow, as commonly they have, his house and houshold, instantly set up a house of mats, which succoured them from the storme.

      The Indians seeing me pestred in the Ose, called to me: six or seven of the Kings chiefe men threw off their skins, and to the middle in Ose, came to bear me out on their heads. Their importunacie caused me better to like the Canow than their curtesie, excusing my deniall for feare to fall into the Ose: desiring them to bring me some wood, fire, and mats to cover me, and I would content them. Each presently gave his helpe to satisfie my request, which paines a horse would scarce have indured: yet a couple of bells richly contented them.

      The Emperor sent his Seaman Mantiuas in the evening with bread and victuall for me and my men: he no more scrupulous then the rest seemed to take a pride in shewing how little he regarded that miserable cold and durty passage, though a dogge would scarce have indured it. This kindnes I found, when I litle expected lesse then a mischiefe: but the blacke night parting our companies, ere midnight the flood served to carry us aboard.

      The next day we came ashore, the King with a solemne discourse, causing all to depart but his principall men: and this was the effect.

      When as hee perceived that we had a desire to invade Monacum, against whom he was no professed enemmy: yet thus farre he would assist us in his enterprise.

      First hee would send his spies, perfectly to understand their strength and abilitie to fight, with which he would acquaint us himselfe. Captaine Nuport would not be seene in it himselfe, being great Werowances. They would stay at home: but I, Maister Scrivener, and two of his Sonnes, and Opechankanough the King of Pamaunke should have 100 of his men to goe before as though they were hunting; they giving us notise where was the advantage, we should kill them: the weomen and young children he wished we would spare, and bring them to him. Only 100 or 150 of our men he held sufficient for this exploit. Our boats should stay at the falls, where we might hew timber, which we might convey, each man a piece, till we were past the stones; and there joyne them to passe our men by water. If any were shot, his men should bring them backe to our boats.

      This faire tale had almost made Captaine Nuport undertake by this meanses to discover the South sea: which will not be without trecherie, if wee ground our intent upon his constancie.

      This day we spent in trading, dancing, and much mirth. The King of Pamaunke sent his messenger (as yet not knowing Captaine Nuport) to come unto him: who had long expected mee, desiring also my Father to visite him. The messenger stayed to conduct us: but Powhatan understanding that we had Hatchets lately come from Paspahegh,desired the next day to trade with us, and not to go further. This new tricke he cunningly put upon him, but onely to have what he listed, and not to try whether we would go or stay.

      Opechankenoughs messenger returned, that wee would not come.

      The next day his Daughter came to entreat me, shewing her Father had hurt his legge, and much sorrowed he could not see me.

       Captaine Nuport being not to bee persuaded to goe, in that Powhatan had desired us to stay: sent her away with the like answer.

      Yet the next day, upon better consideration, inteatie prevailed; and wee anchored at Cinquoateck, the first twaine above the parting of the river, where dwelled two Kings of Pamaunke, Brothers to Powhatan; the one called Opichtapam the other Katatough. To these I went a shore, who kindly intreated mee and Maister Scrivener, sending some presents aboard to Captaine Nuport whilst we were trucking with these Kings.

       Opechankanough his wife, weomen, and children came to meete me: with a naturall kind affection hee seemed to rejoyce to see me.

       Captaine Nuport came a shore, with many kind discourses wee passed that forenoone: and after dinner, Captaine Nuport went about with the Pinnis to Menapacant, which is twenty miles by water, and not one by land. Opechankanough conducted me and Maister Scrivener by land: where having built a feasting house a purpose to entertaine us, with a kind Oration, after their manner, and his best provision, kindly welcomed us. That day he would not trucke, but did his best to delight us with content:

       Captaine Nuport arrived towards evening; whom the King presented with sixe great platters of fine bread, and Pansarowmana.

      The next day till noone wee traded: the King feasted all the company; and the afternoone was spent in playing, dauncing and delight. By no meanes hee would have us depart till, the next day, he had feasted us with venizon; for which he had sent, having spent his first and second provision in expecting our coming:

      The next day, he performed his promise, giving more to us three, then would have sufficed 30 and in that we carried not away what we left, hee sent it after us to the Pinnis. With what words or signes of love he could expresse we departed.

       Captaine Nuport in the Pinnis, leaving mee in the Barge to digge a rocke, where wee supposed a Mine, at Cinquaoteck: which done, ere midnight, I arrived at Weracomoco, where our Pinnis anchored, being 20 miles from Cinquaotecke.

      The next day, we tooke leave of Powhatan: who , in regard of his kindness, gave him an Indian. He well affected to goe with him for England in steed of his Sonne : the cause, I assure me, was to know our strength and Countries condition.

      The next day we arrived at Kiskiack. The people so scornefully entertained us, as with what signes of scorne and discontent we could, we departed: and returned to our Fort with 250 bushells of Corne .

      Our president, being not wholly recovered of his sicknes, in discharging his Piece, brake and split his hand off, which he is not yet well recovered.

      At Captaine Nuports arrival, wee were victualled for twelve weeks: and having furnishe him of what hee thought good, hee set saile for England the tenth of April. Master Scrivener and my selfe, with our shallop, accompanied him to Cape Hendrick: Powhatan having for a farrewell, sent him five or six mens loadings, with Turkeys for swords which hee sent him in our return to the fort:

      We discovered the river of Nausam, a proud warlike Nation, as well we may testifie, at our first arrivall at Chesiapiack: but that injury Captaine Nuport well revenged at his returne. Where some of them intising him to their Ambuscadoes by a daunce, hee perceiving their intent, with a volly of musket, shot, slew one, and shot one or two more, as themselves confesse.

      The King at our arivall sent for me to come unto him. I sent him word what commodities I had to exchange for wheat, and if he would, as had the rest of his Neighbours, conclude a Peace, we were contented.

      At last he came downe before the Boate which rid at anchor some fortie yards from the shore. He signified to me to come a shore, and sent a Canow with foure or five of his men: two whereof I desired to come aboard and to stay, and I would send two to talke with their King a shore. To this hee agreed. The King wee presented with a piece of Copper, which he kindly excepted, and sent for victualls to entertaine the messengers.

       Maister Scrivener and my selfe also, after that, went a shore. The King kindly feasted us, requesting us to stay to trade till the next day. Which having done, we returned to the Fort.

       This river is a musket shot broad, each side being should bayes; a narrow channell, but three fadom: his course for eighteene miles, almost directly South, and by West where beginneth the first inhabitants: for a mile it turneth directly East, towards the West, a great bay, and a white chaukie Iland convenient for a Fort: his next course South, where within a quarter of a mile, the river divideth in two, the neck a plaine high Corne field, the wester brought a highe plaine likewise, the Northeast answerable in all respects. In these plaines are planted aboundance of houses and people; they may containe 1000 Acres of most excellent fertill ground: so sweete, so pleasant, so beautifull, and so strong a prospect, for an invincible strong City, with so many commodities, that I know as yet I have not seene.

      This is within on daies journey of Chawwonocke, the river falleth into the Kings river, within twelve miles of Cape-hendicke.

      At our Fort, the tooles we had, were so ordinarily stolen by the Indians, as necessity inforced us to correct their braving the everie: for he that stole to day, durst come againe the next day. One amongst the rest, having stolen two swords, I got the Counsels consent to set in the bilboes. The next day, with three more, he came, with their woodden swordes, in the midst of our men to steale. Their custome is to take and thing they can ceaze off: onely the people of Pamaunke wee have not found stealing, but what others can steale, their King receiveth. I bad them depart, but flourishing their swords, they seemed to defend what they could catch but one of our hands: his pride urged me to turne him from amongst us, whereat he offred to strike me with his sword; which I prevented, striking him first. The rest offring to revenge the blow, received such an incounter, and fled. The better to afright them, I pursued them with five or sixe shot, and so chased them out of the Iland.

      The beginner of this broyle, litle expecting by his carriage, we durst have resisted, having, even till that present, not beene contradicted, especially them of Paspahegh: these Indians within one houre, having by other Salvages then in the Fort, understood that I threatened to be revenged, came presently of themselves, and fell to working upon our wears which were then in hand by other Salvages: who seeing their pride so incountred, were so submissive, and willing to doe any thing as might be. And with trembling feare desired to be friends, within three daies after.

      From Nawsamond, which is 30 miles from us, the King sent us a Hatchet which they had stollen from us at our being there: the messenger, as is the custome, alse wee well rewarded and contented.

      The twenty of Aprill. Being at worke, in hewing downe Trees, and setting Corne, an alarum caused us with all speede to take our armes, each expecting a new assault of the Salvages: but understanding it a Boate under saile, our doubts were presently satisfied with the happy sight of Maister Nelson, his many perrills of extreame stormes and tempests, his ship well as his company could testifie, his care in sparing our provision was well: but the providence thereof, as also of our stones, Hatchets and other tooles (onely ours excepted) which of all the rest was most necessary: which might inforce us to thinke either a seditious traitor to our action, or a most unconscionable deceiver of our treasures.

      This happy arrivall of Maister Nelson in the Phenix, having beene then about three monethes missing after Captaine Nuports arrivall, being to all our expectations lost: albeit that now at the last, having beene long crossed with tempestuous weather and contrary winds, his so unexpected coming did so ravish us with exceeding joy, that now we thought our selves as well fitted as our harts could wish, both with a competent number of men, as also for all other needfull provisions, till a further supply should come unto us.

      Whereupon the first thing that was concluded was that my selfe and Maister Scrivener, should with 70 men goe with the best meanes we could provide, to discover beyond the Falls, as in our judgements conveniently we might. Six or seaven daies we spent only in trayning our men to march, fight, and scirmish in the woods. Their willing minds to this action so quickned their understanding in this exercise as, in all judgements, wee were better able to fight with Powhatans whole force, in our order of battle amongst the Trees (for Thicks there is few) then the Fort was to repulse 400 at the first assault, with some tenne or twenty shot not knowing what to doe, nor how to use a Piece.

      Our warrant being sealed, Maister Nelson refused to assiste us with the voluntary Marriners and himself, as he promised, unlesse we would stand bound to pay the hire for shippe and Marriners, for the time they stayed. And further there was some controversie, through the diversitie of Contrary opinions: some alleadging that how profitable, and to what good purpose soever our journey should portend, yet our commission commanding no certaine designe, we should be taxed for the most indiscreete men in the world, besides the wrong we should doe to Captaine Nuport, to whom only all discoveries did belong, and to no other:

      The meanes for guides, besides the uncertaine courses of the river from which we could not erre much, each night would fortifie us in two houres better then that they first called the Fort, their Townes upon the river each within one dayes journey of other, besides our ordinary provision might well be supposed to adde reliefe: for truck and dealing only, but in love and peace, as with the rest. If they assalted us, their Townes they cannot defend, nor their luggage so convey that we should not share: but admit the worst, 16 daies provision we had of Cheese Oatmeale and bisket; besides our randevous we could, and might, have hid in the ground. With sixe men, Captaine Martin would have undertaken it himselfe, leaving the rest to defend the Fort and plant our Corne.

      Yet no reason could be reason to proceede forward, though we were going aboard to set saile. These discontents caused so many doubts to some, and discouragement to others, as our journey ended. Yet some of us procured petitions to set us forward, only with hope of our owne confusion.

      Our next course was to turne husbandmen, to fell Trees and set Corne. Fiftie of our men we imployed in this service; the rest kept the Fort, to doe the command of the president and Captaine Martin.

      30 dayes the ship lay expecting the triall of certain matters which for some cause I keep private.

      The next exploit was an Indian having stolen an Axe, was so pursued by Maister Scrivener and them next him, as he threw it downe: and flying, drew his bow at any that durst incounter him.

      Within foure or five dayes after, Maister Scrivener and I, being a litle from the Fort, among the Corne, two Indians, each with a cudgell, and all newly painted with Terrasigillata, came circling about me as though they would have clubed me like a hare. I knew their faining love is towards me not without a deadly hatred: but to prevent the worst, I calling maister Scrivener retired to the Fort.

      The Indians seeing me suspect them, with good tearmes, asked me for some of their men whom they would beate; and went with me into our Fort. Finding one that lay ordinarily with us, only for a spie; they offered to beat him. I in perswading them to forbeare, they offered to beginne with me; being now foure: for two other arrayed in like manner, came in on the other side of the Fort.

      Whereupon I caused to shut the Ports, and apprehend them.

      The president and Counsell, being presently acquainted, remembring at the first assault, they came in like manner, and never else but against some villainie, concluded to commit them to prison, and expect the event. Eight more we ceazed at that present.

      An hour after came three or foure other strangers extraordinarily fitted with arrowes, skinnes, and shooting gloves: their jealousie and feare bewrayed their bad intent, as also their suspitious departure.

      The next day, came first an Indian, then another, as Embassadors for their men. They desired to speake with me. Our discourse was, that what Spades, Shovells, swords, or tooles they had stolne to bring home: if not, the next day, they should hang.

      The next newes was, they had taken two of our men ranging in the woods (which mischiefe no punishment will prevent but hanging): and these they would, should redeeme their own 16 or 18; thus braving us to our doores.

      We desired the president, and Captaine Martin, that afternoone to sally upon them, that they might but know what we durst do: and at night, mand our Barge, and burnt their townes, and spoiled and destroyed what we could.

      But they brought our men, and freely delivered them. The president released one. The rest we brought well guarded, to Morning and Evening prayers. Our men all in armes, their trembling feare then caused them to much sorrow, which till then scoffed and scornes at what we durst doe.

      The Counsell concluded, that I should terrifie them with some torture, to know if I could know their intent.

      The next day, I bound one in hold to the maine Mast: and presenting sixe Muskets with match in the cockes, forced him to desire life. To answere me demaunds he could not: but one of his Comouodos was of the counsell of Paspahegh, that could satisfie me:

      I releasing him out of sight, I affrighted the other, first with the rack, then with Muskets; which seeing, he desired me to stay, and hee would confesse to this execution.

       Maister Scrivener came, his discourse was to this effect.

      That Paspahegh, the Chickahamaniar, Youghtanum, Pamaunka, Mattapanient, and Kiskiack: these Nations were al together a hunting that tooke me. Paspahegh and Chicahamanya had entended to surprise us at worke, to have had our tools. Powhatan and al his would seeme friends, till Captaine Nuports returne, that he had againe his man, which he called Namontack: where, with a great feast, hee would so enamor Captain Nuport and his men, as they should ceaze on him. And the like traps would be laied for the rest.

      This trap for our tooles, we suspected the chiefe occasion that foure daies before Powhatan had sent the boy, he had to us, with many Turkies to Maister Scrivener and me: understanding I would go up unto his Countries to destroy them; and he doubted it the more, in that I so oft practised my men, whose shooting he heard to his owne lodging, that much feared his wives and children.

      We sent him word, we entended no such thing, but only to goe to Powhatan, to seeke stones to make Hatchets; except his men shot at us, as Paspahegh had told us they would: which if they did shoote but one arrowe, we would destroy them. And, least this mischiefe might happen, sent the boy to acquaint him this much; and request him to send us Weanock, one of his subjects for a guide.

      The boy he returned backe with his Chest and apparell, which then we had given him: desiring another for him. The cause was, he was practising with the Chikahamanias, as the boy suspected some villanie, by their extraordinary resort and secret conference, from whence they would send him. The boy we keepe. Now we would send him many messengers and presents, the guide we desired he sent us: and withall requested us to returne him, either the boy or some other. But none he could have. And that day these Indians were apprehended, his sonne with others that had loaded at our Fort, returned, and being out of the Fort, rayled on me, to divers of our men, to be enemies to him, and to the Chika[ha]manias.

      Not long after, Weanock that had bin with us for our guide, whom wee kept to have conducte us in another journy, wih a false excuse returned: and secretly after him, Amocis the Paspaheyan, who alwaies they kept amongst us for a spie, whom, the better to avoide suspition, presently after they came to beate away:

      These presumptions induced me to take any occasion, not onely to try the honesty of Amocis the spie, but also the meaning of these cunning trickes of their Emperour of Powhatan; whose true meaning Captaine Martin most confidently pleaded.

      The confession of Macanoe, which was the counseller of Paspahegh: first I, then Maister Scrivener, upon their severall examinations, found by them all confirmed, that Paspahegh: first I, then Maister Scrivener, upon their severall examinations, found by them all confirmed, found by them all confirmed, that Paspahegh and Chickahammania did hate us, and intended some mischiefe: and who they were that tooke me; the names of them that stole our tooles and swords, and that Powhatan received them they all agreed. Certaine vollies of shot we caused to be discharged, which caused wach other to think that their fellowes had beene slaine.

      Powhatan understanding we detaine certaine Salvages, sent his Daughter, a child of tenne years old: which, not only for feature, countenance, and proportion, much exceedeth any of the rest of his people: but for wit and spirit, the only Nonpareil of his Country. This hee sent by his most trustie messenger, called Rawhunt, as much exceeding in deformitie of person; but of a subtill wit and crafty understanding.

      He, with a long circumstance, told mee, how well Powhatan loved and respected mee; and in that I should not doubt any way of his kindnesse, he had sent his child, which he most esteemed, to see me; a Deare and bread besides, for a present: desiring me that the Boy might come againe, which he loved exceedingly. His litle Daughter hee had taught this lesson also, not taking notice at all of the Indeans that had beene prisoners three daies, till that morning that she saw their fathers and friends come quietly, and in good tearmes to entreate their libertie.

      Opechankanough sent also unto us, that for his sake, we would release two that were his friends: and for a token, sent me his shooting Glove and Bracer, which the day our men was taken upon; separating himselfe from the rest a long time, intreated to speake with me, where in token of peace, he had preferred me the same. Now all of them having found their peremptorie conditions but to increase our malice; which they seeing us begin to threaten to destroy them, as familiarly as before, without suspition or feare, came amongst us, to begge libertie for their men.

      In the afternoone, they being gone, we guarded them as before to the Church; and after prayer, gave them to Pocahantas, the Kings Daughter, in regard of her fathers kindnesse in sending her. After having well fed them, as all the time of their imprisonment, we gave them their bowes, arrowes, or what else they had; and with much content, sent them packing. Pocahuntas also we requited with such trifles as contented her, to tel that we had used the Paspaheyans very kindly in so releasing them.

      The next day, we had a suspition of some other practise for an Ambuscado; but perfectly wee could not discover it.

      Two daies after, a Paspaheyan came to shew us a glistering Minerall stone, and with signes demonstrating it to be in great aboundance like unto Rockes: with some dozen more, I was sent to seeke to digge some quantitie, and the Indean to conduct me. But suspecting this some trick to delude us, for to get some Copper of us; or with some ambuscado to betray us, seeing him falter in his tale, being two miles on our way, led him ashore: where abusing us from place to place, and so seeking either to have drawne us with him into the woods, or to have given us the slippe; I shewed him Copper, which I promised to have given him, if he had performed his promise. But for his scoffing and abusing us, I gave him twentie lashes with a Rope; and his bowes and arrowes, bidding him shoote if he durst: and so let him goe.

      In all this time, our men being all or the most part well recovered, and not willing to trifle away more time then necessitie enforced us into: we thought good, for the better content of the adventurers, in some reasonable sort of fraight home Maister Nelson, with Cedar wood. About which, our men going with willing minds, was in very good time effected, and the ship sent for England. Wee now remaining being in good health, all our men wel contented, free from mutinies, in love one with another, and as we hope in a continuall peace with the Indians: where we doubt not but by Gods gracious assistance, and the adventurers willing minds and speedie furtherance to so honorable an action, in after times to see our Nation to enjoy a Country, not onely exceeding pleasant habitation, but also very profitable for comerce in generall; no doubt pleasing to almightie God, honourable to our gracious Soveraigne, and commodious generally to the whole Kingdome.

In this final topic in the “Settler Colonialism and the Logic of Elimination” module, you will examine the case study of Pocahontas. Every school child in America has, at one time or another, heard the story of how a young “Indian” woman, daughter of a chief, begged for the life of an early settler/explorer, John Smith. It is a romantic tale; a love story. It is also a tale of mediation and understanding between two different cultures.

In the article, “Pocahontas Perplex” you’ll read about the enduring appeal of the story. Questions are raised about whether there is any historical basis for the myth. You will then turn to two primary documents. What is a primary document? Can we take primary documents at their face value as truth? One document is from John Smith, the male protagonist of the myth. Skim this reading to get a sense of Smith as a storyteller. The second document is a letter written by John Rolfe, who married Pocahontas.

The power of the story of Pocahontas over time is made clear through the success of Disney’s animated version released in 1995.

Is there any resemblance between the myth and historical fact? If not, how might this relate to what you’ve learned about settler colonialism and the logic of elimination?

READ

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/true-story-pocahontas-180962649/

Green_The Pocahontas Perplex

First Hand Accounts of Virginia ((Skim the entire document, but pay attention to highlighted sections)

Primary documents: Letter of John Rolfe

Watch

Pocahontas. Produced by Jim Pentecost, Disney, 1995.

Assigment

In this paper, you must draw from the case study of Pocahontas to discuss how the historical facts of her life and the popular culture representations about her differ.  What does this tell you about the story of Pocahontas?  What is its power?  How might this story be an example of the settler logic of elimination.  Draw from at least two of the readings and the film.

The response paper should make a strong claim, supported by evidence, and make a conclusion in 3 pages.

The Massachusetts Review, Inc.

The Pocahontas Perplex: The Image of Indian Women in American Culture
Author(s): Rayna Green
Source: The Massachusetts Review, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Autumn, 1975), pp. 698-714
Published by: The Massachusetts Review, Inc.
Stable URL:

http://www.jstor.org

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Retrospect & Prospect

only to the Great Spirit of the savages and to his own good
deeds” (p. 439). But the Indian’s use of the providential the

ory is intended to exonerate the white settlers, not to inform

us of his religious beliefs. And in the construct of historical

foreordination the end was already appointed from the begin

ning of time, so that the means to the end will appear as noth

ing when compared with the force of God’s will.

By explaining his own and his nation’s extinction with
a

providential interpretation of history, “Chingachgook” relieves

the settlers (and presumably the nineteenth-century reader) of

moral responsibility. He offers the fiction that he is not the

victim of evil deeds, and that the settlers are not the perpe
trators of high crimes. Rather, both are the tools of historical

necessity.
As “Chingachgook” nears death, Leatherstocking leaps out

of nowhere to lead his young friends, Oliver and Elizabeth,
to safety. In a significant act, Natty then lifts the dying Indian

to his back, making graphic the psychological theme that has

undergirded the novel?the Indian is the white man’s burden

(p. 432). “Chingachgook” and all that he embodies dies, mak

ing it possible for the settlers to permit “John Mohegan”
to

live on. But pathetically, time is already working upon memory,
for in engraving the Indian’s tombstone the names “Chingach

gook” and “Mohican”
are misspelled, leaving to history only

“John Mohegan,” “Indian John” (p. 472).

The Pocahontas Perplex: the Image of

Indian Women in American Culture

by Rayna Green

In

one of the best known old Scottish ballads, “Young Bei
chan” or “Lord Bateman and the Turkish King’s Daughter”

as it is often known in America, a young English adventurer

travels to a strange, foreign land. The natives are of a darker

698

Green ^r Pocahontas Perplex

color than he, and they practice a pagan religion. The
man is

captured by the King (Pasha, Moor, Sultan) and thrown in
a

dungeon to await death. Before he is executed, however, the

pasha’s beautiful daughter?smitten with the elegant and

wealthy visitor?rescues him and sends him homeward. But

she pines away for love of the
now remote stranger who has

gone home, apparently forgotten her, and contracted
a mar

riage with a “noble” “lady” of his own kind. In all the versions,
she follows him to his own land, and in most, she arrives on

his wedding day whereupon he throws over his bride-to-be for

the darker but more beautiful Princess. In most versions, she

becomes a Christian, and she and Lord Beichan live happily
ever after.

In an article called “The Mother of Us All,” Philip Young

suggests the parallel between the ballad story and the Poco

hontas-John Smith rescue tale.1 With the exception of Poco

hontas’ marriage to John Rolfe (still, after all, a Christian

stranger), the tale should indeed sound familiar to most Ameri

cans nurtured on Smith’s salvation by the Indian Princess.

Actually, Europeans were familiar with the motif before John
Smith offered his particular variant in the Generall Historie of

Virginie (1624).
Francis James Child, the famous ballad collector, tells us in

his English and Scottish Popular Ballads that “Young Beichan”

(Child #40) matches the tale of Gilbert Beket, St. Thomas

Aquinas’ father, as well as a legend recounted in the Gesta

Romanorum, one of the oldest collections of popular tales. So

the frame story was printed before 1300 and was, no doubt,
well distributed in oral tradition before then. Whether or not

our rakish adventurer-hero, John Smith, had heard the stories

or the ballad, we cannot say, but we must admire how life

mirrors art since his story follows the outlines of the traditional

tale most admirably. What we do know is that the ele

ments of the tale appealed to Europeans long before Ameri

cans had the opportunity to attach their affection for it onto

iaThe Mother of Us All,” Kenyan Review 24 (Summer, 1962), 391
441.

699

Retrospect & Prospect

Pocahontas. Whether or not we believe Smith’s tale?and there

are many reasons not to?we cannot ignore the impact the story
has had on the American imagination.

“The Mother of Us All” became our first aristocrat, and

perhaps our first saint, as Young implies. Certainly, the image
of her body flung over the endangered head of our hero con

stitutes a major scene in national myth (fig. 1). Many paint

ings and drawings of this scene exist, and it appears in popular
art on everything from wooden fire engine side panels to cal

endars. Some renderings betray such ignorance about the Pow

hatan Indians of Virginia?often portraying them in Plains

dress?that one quickly comes to understand that it is the

mythical scene, not the accuracy of detail that moved artists.

The most famous portrait of Pocahontas, the only
one said to

be done from life (at John Rolfe’s request), shows the Princess

in Elizabethan dress, complete with ruff and velvet hat?the

Christian, English lady the ballad expects her to become and
the lady she indeed became for her English husband and her
faithful audience for all time. The earliest literary efforts in

America, intended to give us American rather than European

topics, featured Pocahontas in plenty. Poems and plays?like

James Nelson Barber’s The Indian Princess; or, La Belle

Sauvage (1808) and George Washington Custis’ The Settlers

of Virginia (1827), as well as contemporary American novels,
discussed by Leslie Fiedler in The Return of the Vanishing
American?dealt with her presence, or sang her praises from

the pages of literary magazines and from the stages of popular

playhouses throughout the east.2 Traditional American ballads

like “Jonathan Smith” retold the thrilling story; schoolbook
histories included it in the first pages of every text; nineteenth

century commercial products like cigars, perfume and even flour

used Pocahontas’ name as come-on (fig. 2); and she appeared
as the figurehead for American warships and clippers. Whether

or not she saved John Smith, her actions as recounted by Smith

set up one kind of model for Indian-White relations that per

2
See Jay B. Hubbell, “The Smith-Pocahontas Story in Literature,” The

Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 65 (July 1957), 275-300.

700

Green ^ Pocahontas Perplex

sists?long after most Indians and Anglos ceased to have face

to-face relationships. Moreover,
as a model for the national

understanding of Indian women, her significance is undeniable.

With her darker, negatively viewed sister, the Squaw?or, the

anti-Pocahontas, as Fiedler calls her?the Princess intrudes on

the national consciousness, and a potential cult waits to be resur

rected when our anxieties about who we are make us recall her

from her woodland retreat.3

Americans had a Pocahontas Perplex even before the teen

age Princess offered us a real figure to hang the iconography
on. The powerfully symbolic Indian woman, as Queen and

Princess, has been with us since 1575 when she appeared to

stand for the New World. Artists, explorers, writers and politi
cal leaders found the Indian as they cast about for some symbol

with which to identify this earthly, frightening, and beautiful

paradise; E. McClung Fleming has given one of the most com

plete explications of these images.4 The misnamed Indian was

the native dweller, who fit conveniently into the various tradi

tional folkloric, philosophical and literary patterns character

istic of European thought at the time.5 Europeans easily adopt
ed the Indian as the iconographic representative of the

Americas. At first, Caribbean and Brazilian (Tupinamba) Indi

ans, portrayed amidst exotic flora and fauna, stood for the New

World’s promises and dangers. The famous and much-repro

3
The many models, stereotypes and images operative for the Indian in

Anglo-American vernacular culture are discussed in my dissertation, “The

Only Good Indian: The Image of the Indian in Vernacular American Cul

ture,” Indiana University, 1973.

4E. McClung Fleming, “Symbols of the United States; From Indian

Queen to Uncle Sam,” in Ray B. Browne
et al., eds. The Frontiers of Ameri

can Culture (Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, 1967), pp. 1?

24; “The American Image as Indian Princess, 1765-1783,” Winterthur

Portfolio 2 (1968), pp. 65-81.
5

For a summary of the philosophical backgrounds of the “Noble Savage”

complex of beliefs and ideas,
see

Roy Harvey Pearce. Savagism and Civiliza

tion: A Study of the Indian and the American Mind (rpt. 1953, Baltimore:

Johns Hopkins University Press, 1967). For references to folk motifs in

Indo-European tradition, see Stith Thompson. The Motif Index of Folk
Literature. 6 vols. (rpt. 1932?36, Bloomington,

Indiana: Indiana
University

Press, 1955-58).

701

Retrospect & Prospect

duced “Four Continents” illustrations (circa, early 16th cen

tury) executed by artists who had seen Indians and ones who

had not, ordinarily pictured a male and female pair in America’s

place.6 But the paired symbol apparently did not satisfy the
need for a personified figure, and the Indian Queen began to

appear as the sole representation for the Americas in 1575. And

until 1765 or thereabouts, the bare-breasted, Amazonian Native

American Queen reigned (fig. 3). Draped in leaves, feathers,
and animal skins as well as in heavy Caribbean jewelry, she

appeared aggressive, militant, and armed with spears and

arrows. Often, she rode on an armadillo, and stood with her

foot on the slain body of an animal or human enemy. She was

the familiar Mother-Goddess figure?full-bodied, powerful,

nurturing but dangerous?embodying the opulence and peril
of the New World. Her environment was rich and colorful,
and that, with the allusions to Classical Europe through the

Renaissance portrayal of her large, naked body, attached her

to Old World History as well as to New World virtue.
Her daughter, the Princess, enters the scene when the colonies

begin to move toward independence, and she becomes
more

“American” and less Latin than her mother. She seems less

barbarous than the Queen ; the rattlesnake (Jones’ “Dont Tread

On Me” sign) defends her, and her enemies are defeated by
male warriors rather than by her own armed hand. She is Bri

tannia’s daughter as well as that of the Carib Queen, and she

wears the triangular Phrygian cap and holds the liberty pole
of her later, metamorphosed sister, Miss Liberty (the figure
on the Statue of Liberty and the Liberty dime). She is young,
leaner in the Romanesque rather than Greek mode, and dis

tinctly Caucasian, though her skin remains slightly tinted in

some renderings. She wears the loose, flowing gowns of classi

cal statuary rather than animal skins, and Roman sandals grace
her feet. She is armed, usually with a spear, but she also carries

6
See Clare de Corbellier, “Miss America and Her Sisters: Personification

of the Four Parts of the World.” Bulletin of the Metropolitan
Museum of

Art 19 (1961), pp. 209-223; James Hazen Hyde, Vlconografhie des quatre
forties du monde dans les tapis series de

Gazette des Beaux Arts (Paris: Beaux

Arts, 1924).

702

Green & Pocahontas Perplex

a peace pipe, a flag, or the starred and striped shield of Colonial

America. She often stands with The Sons of Liberty, or later,
with George Washington (fig. 4).

Thus, the Indian woman began her symbolic, many-faceted
life as a Mother figure?exotic, powerful, dangerous, and beau

tiful?and as a representative of American liberty and Euro

pean classical virtue translated into New World terms. She

represented, even defended America. But when real Indian

women?Pocahontas and her sisters?intruded into the needs

bound up in symbols and the desires inherent in daily life, the

responses to the symbol became more complex, and the Poca

hontas perplex emerged as a controlling metaphor in the Ameri

can experience. The Indian woman, along with her male coun

terparts, continued to stand for the New World and for rude

native nobility, but the image of the savage remained as well.

The dark side of the Mother-Queen figure is the savage Squaw,
and even Pocahontas, as John Barth suggests in The Sotweed

Factor, is motivated by lust.

Both her nobility as a Princess and her savagery as a Squaw
are defined in terms of her relationships with male figures. If

she wishes to be called a Princess, she must save or give aid to

white men. The only good Indian?male or female, Squanto,

Pocahontas, Sacagawea, Cochise, the Little Mohee or the Indi

an Doctor?rescues and helps white men. But the Indian woman

is even more burdened by this narrow definition of a “good

Indian,” for it is she, not the males, whom white men desire

sexually. Because her image is so tied up with abstract virtue?

indeed, with America?she must remain the Mother Goddess

Queen. But acting as a real female, she must be a partner and

lover of Indian men, a mother to Indian children, and an ob

ject of lust for white men. To be Mother, Queen and lover is,
as Oedipus’ mother, Jocasta, discovered, difficult and perhaps
impossible. The paradox so often noted in Latin/Catholic coun

tries where men revere their mothers and sisters, but use prosti
tutes so that their “good” women can stay pure is to the point
here. Both race conflict and national identity, however, make

this particular Virgin-Whore paradox more complicated than

703

Retrospect & Prospect

others. The Indian woman finds herself burdened with an

image that can only be understood as dysfunctional, even

though the Pocahontas perplex affects
us all. Some examina

tion of the complicated dimensions of that image might help
us move toward change.

In songs like “Jonathan Smith,” “Chipeta’s Ride” and others

sung in oral tradition, the Indian woman saves white men.7 In

“Chipeta’s Ride,” she even saves a white woman from lust

enraged Indian males. Ordinarily, however, she rescues her

white lover or an anonymous male captive. Always called a

Princess (or Chieftain’s Daughter), she, like Pocahontas, has

to violate the wishes and customs of her own “barbarous” peo

ple to make good the rescue, saving the man out of love and

often out of “Christian sympathy.” Nearly all the “good” Prin

cess figures are converts, and they cannot bear to see their fel

low Christians slain by “savages.” The Princess is “civilized” j
to illustrate her native nobility, most pictures portray her as

white, darker than the Europeans, but more Caucasian than her

fellow natives (see fig. 1).
If unable to make the grand gesture of saving her captive

lover or if thwarted from marrying him by her cruel father,
the Chieftain, the Princess is allowed the even grander gesture
of committing suicide when her lover is slain or fails to return

to her after she rescues him. In the hundreds of “Lover’s Leap”

legends which abound throughout the country, and in tradi

tional songs like “The Indian Bride’s Lament,” our heroine

leaps over
a

precipice, unable to live without her loved
one.

In this movement from political symbolism (where the Indian
woman defends America) to psychosexual symbolism (where
she defends or dies for white lovers), we can see part of the

Indian woman’s dilemma. To be “good,” she must defy her

own people, exile herself from them, become white, and per

haps suffer death.

7
Austin Fife and Francesca Redden. “The Pseudo-Indian Folksongs of

the Anglo-Americans and French-Canadians,” The Journal of American Folk

lore 67, no. 266 (1954), 381; Olive Wooley Burt. American Murder Ballads
and Their Stories (rpt. 1958, New York: Citadel Press, 1964), pp. 146-49.

704

/. Pocahontas Saving Captain John Smith. Anonymous painting. Private Collection.

CI:’
” *

.
//^’bj”

–

2. Pocahontas. Tobacco Label. Library of Congress.

5. Personification of America. Engraving,
ca. 1595, by Adrien Collaert II after

Martin de Vos. Winterthur Museum.

j :
?m.M!,-i *k*t**.*t a?f v?iiiiii? ujifi;,

‘
I’M

r*ii?iji. ? * JsuwrrAjr citonx rjuura? ma^T i?,K |UI . 1.ST i?lJ?J T15 TlEKKJiAiKllSE. II

4. Holland Recognizes American Inde

pendence. Engraving, 1782, by G.

Brouwer after A. Borghers and P.

Wagenaar. F. D. Roosevelt Library.

5. Louden & Co.’s Cherokee Liniment. Advertisement. Library of Congress.

6. Poster advertisement. Smithsonian Institution.

7. Tobacco advertisement. Library of Congress.

^M lfc& 1
*
* I^Bi

^^ b: ;,;.: ,;|
– MHf

HBs K -1:( ‘.’; I IMF

tf. Princess. Cigar Store Figure, ca. 1865.

National

Gallery of Art.

P. Squaw. Cigar Store Figure. National

Gallery of Art.

Green ik Pocahontas Perplex

Those who did not leap for love continued to fall in love

with white men by the scores, and here the sacrifices are several.

The women in songs like “The Little Mohee,” “Little Red

Wing,” and “Juanita, the Sachem’s Daughter” fall in love

with white travellers, often inviting them to share their bliss

ful, idyllic, woodland paradise. If their lovers leave them, they
often pine away, die of grief, or leap off

a cliff, but in a num

ber of songs, the white man remains with the maiden, prefer

ring her life to his own, “civilized” way. “The Little Mohee”

is a prime example of such a song.

As I went out walking for pleasure one day,
In the sweet recollection, to dwell time away.

As I sat amusing myself on the grass, _

Oh, who should I spy but a fair Indian lass.

She walked up behind me, taking hold of my hand,
She said, “You are a stranger and in a strange land,
But if you will follow, you’re welcome to come

And dwell in my cottage that I call my home.”

My Mohea was gentle, my Mohea was kind.

She took me when a stranger and clothed me when cold.

She learned me the language of the lass of Mohea.

“I’m going to leave you, so farewell my dear.

The ship’s sails are spreading and home I must steer.”

The last time I saw her she was standing on the strand,
And as my boat passed her she waved me her hand.

Saying “when you have landed and with the one you love,
Think of pretty Mohea in the coconut grove.”

I am home but no one comes near me nor none do I see,
That would equal compare with the lass of Mohea.

Oh, the girl that I loved proved untrue to me.

I’ll turn my course backward far over the sea.

I’ll turn my course backward, from this land I’ll go free,
And go spend my days with the little Mohea.

Such songs add to the exotic and sexual, yet maternal and con

709

Retrospect & Prospect

tradictorily virginal image of the Indian Princess, and
are

reminiscent of the contemporary white soldier’s attachments to

“submissive,” “sacrificial,” “exotic” Asian women.

As long as Indian women keep their exotic distance
or die

(even occasionally for love of Indian men), they are permitted
to remain on the positive side of the image. They

can help,
stand by, sacrifice for, and aid white

men. They can, like their

native brothers, heal white men, and the Indian reputation
as

healer dominated the nineteenth century patent medicine busi

ness. In the ads for such medicines, the Indian woman appears
either as a helpmate to her “doctor” husband or partner

or as

a healer herself (fig. 5). In several ads (and the little dime
novels often accompanying the patent medicine products), she

is the mysterious witch-healer. Thus, she shares in the Cauca

sian or European female’s reputation for potential evil. The

references here to power, knowledge, and sexuality remain
on

the good side of the image. In this incarnation, the Princess

offers help in the form of medicine rather than love (fig. 6).
The tobacco industry also capitalized on the Princess’ image,

and the cigar-store figures and ads associated with the tobacco

business replicate the Princess figures to sell its products (fig.

7). Cigar-store Princesses smile and beckon men into tobacco

shops. They hold a rose,
a bundle of cigars, or some tobacco

leaves (a sign of welcome in the colonial days), and they smile

invitingly with their Caucasian lips. They also sell the product
from tobacco packages, and here, like some of the figures in

front of the shops, Diana-like or more militant Minerva

(Wonder-Woman)-like heroines offer the comforts of the

“Indian weed.” They have either the rounded, infantile, semi

naked (indicating innocence) bodies of Renaissance angels
or

the bodies and clothes of classical heroines (fig. 8). The
Mother Goddess and Miss Liberty peddle their more abstract

wares, as Indian Princesses, along with those of the manufac

turer. Once again, the Princess comforts white men, and while

she promises much, she remains aloof.

But who becomes the white man’s sexual partner? Who

710

Green i% Pocahontas Perplex

forms liaisons with him? It cannot be the Princess, for she is

sacrosanct. Her sexuality can be hinted at but never realized.

The Princess’ darker twin, the Squaw, must serve this side of

the image, and again, relationships with males determine what

the image will be. In the case of the Squaw, the presence of

overt and realized sexuality converts the image from positive
to negative. White men cannot share sex with the Princess, but

once they do so with a real Indian woman, she cannot follow

the required love-and-rescue pattern. She does what white men

want for money or lust. In the traditional songs, stories, ob

scene jokes, contemporary literary works and popular and pic
torializations of the Squaw, no heroines are allowed. Squaws
share in the same vices attributed to Indian men?drunkenness,

stupidity, thievery, venality of every kind?and they live in

shacks on the edge of town rather than in a woodland paradise.

Here, Squaws are shamed for their relationships with white

men, and the males who share their beds?the “squaw men”?

or “bucks,” if they are Indian?share their shame. When they
live with Indian males, Squaws work for their lazy bucks and

bear large numbers of fat “papooses.” In one joke, a white

visitor to a reservation sees an overburdened squaw with ten

children hanging on her skirts. “Where’s your husband?” the

visitor demands. “He ought to be hung!” “Ugh,” says the

squaw, “pretty well-hung!” They too are fat, and unlike their

Princess sisters, dark and possessed of cruder, more “Indian”

features. When stories and songs describe relationships with

white men, Squaws are understood as mere economic and sexual

conveniences for the men who?unlike John Smith or a “brave”
?are tainted by association with her. Tale after tale describes

the Indian whores, their alcoholic and sexual excesses with white

trappers and hunters. A parody of the beautiful-maiden song,
“Little Red Wing,” speaks of her lewd sister who “lays on her
back in a cowboy shack, and lets cowboys poke her in the crack.”

The result of this cowboy-squaw liaison is a “brat in a cowboy
hat with his asshole between his eyes.” This Squaw is dark, and

squat, and even the cigar-store Indians show the changes in

conception. No Roman sandals grace their feet, and their fea

711

Retrospect & Prospect

tures are more “Indian” and “primitive” than even their male

counterparts. The cigar-store squaws often had papooses on

their backs, and some had corrugated places
on their hips to

light the store patrons’ matches. When realities intrude on

mythos, even Princesses can become Squaws as the text of the

ragtime song, “On An Indian Reservation,” illustrates.

On an Indian reservation, far from home and civilization,
Where the foot of Whiteman seldom trod.

Whiteman went to fish one summer,
Met an Indian maid?a hummer,

Daughter of Big-Chief-Spare-the-rod.
Whiteman threw some loving glances, took this maid to

Indian dances,
Smoked his pipe of peace, took chances living in a

teepee made of fur.

Rode with her on Indian ponies, bought her diamond

rings, all phonies,
And he sang these loving words to her:

Chorus:

You’re my pretty little Indian Napanee.
Won’t you take a chance and marry me.

Your Daddy Chief, ’tis my belief,
To a very merry wedding will agree.

True, you’re a dark little Indian maid,
But I’ll sunburn to a darker shade,
I’ll wear feathers on my head,

Paint my skin an Indian red,
If you will be my Napanee.

With his contact soon he caught her,
Soon he married this big chief’s daughter,

Happiest couple that you ever saw.

But his dreams of love soon faded,

Napanee looked old and jaded,
Just about like any other squaw.
Soon there came papoose in numbers, redskin yells

disturbed his slumbers,

712

Green iV Pocahontas Perplex

Whiteman wonders at his blunders?now the feathers

drop upon his head.

Sorry to say it, but he’s a-wishing, that he’d

never gone a-fishing,
Or had met this Indian maid and said:

Chorus:

The Indian woman is between a rock and a hard place. Like

that of her male counterpart, her image is freighted with such

ambivalence that she has little room to move. He, however,
has many more modes in which to participate though he is still

severely handicapped by the prevailing stereotypes. They are

both tied to definition by relationships with white men, but she
is especially burdened by the narrowness of that definition.

Obviously, her image is one that is troublesome to all women,

but, tied as it is to a national mythos, its complexity has a spe
cial piquance. As Vine Deloria points out in Custer Died For

Your Sins, many whites claim kinship with some distant Indian

Princess grandmother, and thus try to resolve their “Indian

problem” with such sincere affirmations of relationship.8
Such claims make it impossible for the Indian woman to be

seen as real. She does not have the power to evoke feeling as a

real mother figure, like the black woman, even though that

image has a burdensome negative side. American children play
with no red mammy dolls. She cannot even evoke the terror

the “castrating (white) bitch” inspires. Only the male, with

upraised tomahawk, does that. The many expressions which

treat of her image remove her from consideration as more than
an image. As some abstract, noble Princess tied to “America”

and to sacrificial zeal, she has power as a symbol. As the Squaw,
a

depersonalized object of scornful convenience, she is power
less. Like her male relatives she may be easily destroyed with

out reference to her humanity. (When asked why he killed
women and children at Sand Creek, the commanding general of

the U.S. Cavalry was said to have replied, “nits make lice.”)

8
Vine Deloria. Custer Died For Your Sins (N.Y.: Avon Books, 1968), p.

11.

713

Retrospect ?f Prospect

As the Squaw, her physical removal or destruction can be
un

derstood as necessary to the progress of civilization even though
her abstracted sister, the Princess, stands for that very civiliza

tion. Perhaps the Princess had to be removed from her power
ful symbolic place, and replaced with the male Uncle Sam
because she confronted America with too many contradictions.

As symbol and reality, the Indian woman suffers from our

needs, and by both race and sex stands damned.

Since the Indian so much represents America’s attachment

to a romantic past and to a far distant nobility, it is predictable
but horrible that the Indian woman should symbolize the

paradoxical entity once embodied for the European in the Prin

cess in the tower and the old crone in the cave. It is time that

the Princess herself is rescued and the Squaw relieved of her

obligatory service. The Native American woman, like all

women, needs a definition that stands apart from that of males,
red or white. Certainly, the Native woman needs to be defined

as Indian, in Indian terms. Delightful and interesting as Poca

hontas’ story may be, she offers an intolerable metaphor for the

Indian-White experience. She and the Squaw offer unendurable

metaphors for the lives of Indian women. Perhaps if we give

up the need for John Smith’s fantasy and the trappers’ harsher

realities, we will find, for each of us, an image that does not

haunt and perplex us. Perhaps if we explore the meaning of

Native American lives outside the boundaries of the stories,

songs, and pictures given us in tradition, we will find a more

humane truth.

ft

714

• Article Contents

p. 698
p. 699
p. 700
p. 701
p. 702
p. 703
p. 704
p. [705]
p. [706]
p. [707]
p. [708]
p. 709
p. 710
p. 711
p. 712
p. 713
p. 714

• Issue Table of Contents

The Massachusetts Review, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Autumn, 1975), pp. 605-832
Volume Information
Front Matter
Where Is the USA Going? [pp. 607-623]
Permanence [p. 624-624]
A Quietness [p. 624-624]
What Grief [p. 625-625]
Recollection [p. 626-626]
My Friend [pp. 626-627]
Tomorrow [p. 627-627]
To Make You Well [p. 628-628]
The Moving Finger [pp. 629-636]
Kaballah in the Connecticut River Valley: A Fragment [pp. 637-644]
Papyrus #1212 [pp. 645-646]
The Independent Woman and “Free” Love [pp. 647-664]
Retrospect and Prospect: Bicentennial Gathering II
The Metaphysics of Empire-Building: American Imperialism in the Age of Jefferson and Monroe [pp. 666-688]
What’s in a Name?: The Presence of the Victim in the Pioneers [pp. 688-698]
The Pocahontas Perplex: The Image of Indian Women in American Culture [pp. 698-714]
The Century after “A Century of Dishonor:” American Conscience and Consciousness [pp. 715-731]
Uncle Tom & the Avant-Garde [pp. 732-745]
The 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Black Infantry as a Subject for American Artists [pp. 745-759]
From the Civil War Diary & Letters of Corporal E. W. Stone, 21st Massachusetts [pp. 759-780]
Troubadours and Minnesanger [pp. 781-788]
The Years of Shame [pp. 789-797]
The Ventnor Waterworks [p. 798-798]
Alain Resnais’ Stavisky: The Beginning of the End [pp. 799-806]
Bernardo Bertolucci, or Nostalgia for the Present [pp. 807-828]