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Purpose: The purpose of this assignment is to synthesize family literacy policies, current programs, and evaluations in the Netherlands & Germany.
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- Create a PowerPoint Presentation to summarize the key points as they relate to how the Netherlands & Germany deal with family literacy programs.
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Nele McElvany, Roel Van Steensel, Karin Guill, Cathy Van Tuijl, & Stephanie Herppich
X. Family literacy programs in the Netherlands and in Germany: Policies, current
programs, and evaluation studies
This chapter discusses current family literacy policies, programs, and evaluation studies in the
Netherlands and in Germany. Following a short introduction providing the common context
of both countries and their populations, the chapter is structured in two subchapters, each
focussing in-depth on one country. First, in each subchapter we will describe the early
beginnings and policy concerned with family literacy, pointing out that family literacy as a
central, organized, and structured system of interventions in Germany is still in its infancy,
while the Netherlands can look back on a more comprehensive history in this area (Emmelot,
Van Schooten, Timman, Verhallen, & Verhallen, 2001; Nickel, 2007). This is followed by a
description of different programs. Research on the effectiveness of the programs is presented
for both countries in the subchapters, including a discussion of how the programs respond to
family and cultural factors, and where efforts are going in both countries. The chapter closes
with an overall discussion of similarities and differences of the current and future
developments in the Netherlands and
Germany.
X.1 Context: The Netherlands and Germany
We begin by providing the reader with some contextual information regarding the family
literacy situation in the two countries discussed in this chapter. The Netherlands are situated
in the north of Western Europe and have 16,405,399 inhabitants. 3,215,416 people (19.60%)
with a foreign background (at least one parent born abroad) live in the Netherlands (Statistics
Netherlands, 2010). The official languages are Dutch and in some regions Friesian. Germany
is a federal state located in Central Europe. Of its 82,135,000 inhabitants 18.95% (15,566,000
people) have a migrant background (Statistisches Bundesamt Deutschland, 2010). The official
language is German.
When taking a look at recent large-scale international student comparison studies, the reading
literacy situation in the Netherlands and Germany can be put into an international perspective:
The OECD mean reading achievement of 15-year-old students was 492 points in PISA 200
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(Programme for International Student Assessment). In the Netherlands the students achieved
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an average of 507 points (SD = 97), a statistically significantly higher score than the OECD
average. The students in Germany scored on average 495 points (SD = 112), which was not
statistically significantly different from the international average (Drechsel & Artelt, 2007).
For younger students in grade 4 of elementary school, PIRLS 2006 (Progress in International
Reading Literacy Study) with an international achievement scale average of 500 scores
provides some insights: Both country-averages are statistically significantly higher than the
PIRLS scale average, with young students in the Netherlands achieving on average 547 and in
Germany 548 points (Mullis, Martin, Kennedy, & Foy, 2007).
PIRLS 2006 also provides us with some data on family literacy activities across countries
such as expression-games in the family or library visitations with the family. The average
family literacy index score in Germany is with 296 (SD = 53) points marginally but
statistically significantly below the international average of 300 points. The situation in the
Netherlands with 298 (SD = 52) points is nearly the same. The index of family literacy
explains 6.3% of the variance in reading literacy in Germany, and 5.5% in the Netherlands
(international average: 5.9%). The higher the value of explained variance, the stronger the
role of family literacy for reading literacy in a country, while lower values suggest that a
member state might be more successful in balancing different family conditions of reading
literacy in school (Stubbe, Buddeberg, Hornberg, & McElvany, 2007).
Taking these results together, the average reading literacy competence in the two countries is
on (Germany) or above (Netherlands) the international average for older students at the end of
compulsory schooling. For younger students the international comparison yields more
favorable results with substantial above-average results for both countries. The results also
indicate that the extent of family literacy activities in the Netherlands and in Germany is
comparable to the international average with higher (Germany) resp. lower (Netherlands)
explanatory value for students’ reading literacy. Despite the overall acceptable mean scores in
both countries, the substantial number of students performing significantly below average in
both countries needs to be considered. Children from immigrant or socially deprived family
backgrounds are overrepresented in the weak performing subgroups. These students and their
families are prime target groups of family literacy activities in both countries.
X.2 The Netherlands
X.2.1 Introduction
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Family literacy programs in the Netherlands came to rise in the context of the country’s policy
on educational disadvantage, which was initiated in the 1970s in response to concerns about
significant disparities between groups of children in key areas of school success and the
arrival of undereducated labor migrants and their families from countries such as Turkey and
Morocco (Van Kampen, Kloprogge, Rutten, & Schonewille, 2005). The policy regulated the
allocation of additional resources to children at risk of school failure (i.e., children of low SES
and nonwestern, immigrant parents). During the 1990s, early childhood education (ECE)
became one of the pillars of the governments’ activities to improve these children’s position
in education. In this period policymakers focused on home-based intervention (Van Kampen
et al., 2005): Following examples in the U.S. and Israel, steps were taken to develop programs
aiming to contribute to more stimulating home environments. The first program to be
introduced was Opstap, an adaptation of the Israeli HIPPY program (Lombard, 1994). Opstap
is still in use and undoubtedly the most elaborately evaluated program to date. We will
describe the program and the outcomes of a large-scale longitudinal effect study in Section
2.1. Subsequently, a variety of family (literacy) programs were developed (Van Kampen et
al., 2005). Some were adaptations of the Opstap framework for other age groups (see 2.2).
Another nationwide program is Boekenpret (see 2.3). There are also a variety of local
projects, none of which will be discussed here.
The late 1990s saw a shift in focus (Van Kampen et al., 2005). In 1998 the policy on
educational disadvantage was decentralized to the level of municipalities. Additionally, there
was an increasing interest of policymakers in center-based approaches to ECE focusing on
preschool playgroups and kindergartens as contexts of implementation. Using intervention
models developed in the U.S. (Success for All, High Scope), experimental center-based
programs were designed, tested and found to be effective for at-risk children (Schonewille,
Kloprogge, & Van der Leij, 2000). These positive experiences lead to the introduction of a
specific ECE regulation by the Ministry of Education, Culture, and Science (ECS) in 2000,
which stated that financial means could only be used for ECE programs if these were offered
in center-based settings. Naturally, this weakened the status of home-based programs
(Kalthoff & Pennings, 2007). Although legislation has changed, the situation of home-based
programs is more or less the same today: Resources are limited, makeing the position of these
programs vulnerable (Kalthoff & Pennings, 2007; Smit, Driessen, Van Kuijk, & De Wit,
2008). This has lead to a substantial decrease in the number of municipalities offering such
programs (Beekhoven, Jepma, Kooiman, & Van der Vegt,
2009).
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X.2.2 Programs
X.2.2.1 Opstap
The current Opstap program is a new version of the original adaptation of the HIPPY program
(see Section 1); the original program was revised because research had failed to show effects
(Eldering & Vedder, 1992; 1999). Opstap is characterized by a focus on parents as instructors,
the use of paraprofessionals from the parents’ own community, and the combination of group
meetings and home visits for instructing and supporting parents. The major difference with
the earlier program is the curriculum. The developers of the new program specified age-
appropriate and developmentally sequenced proximal goals for several skill domains, forming
a time by domain matrix filled with meaningful and attractive activities (Van Tuijl, Leseman,
& Rispens, 2001).
Opstap targets the basic mechanism of development and learning: co-construction in
emotionally supportive parent-child interactions. Using a structured curriculum the program
addresses several domains of child development, including emergent literacy, but also other
types of (nonliteracy) abilities, such as emergent numeracy and problem solving skills. The
curriculum comprises playful educational activities to be carried out by parent and child five
days a week for about 20 minutes each day and 30 weeks per year, two years in total. In the
program emergent literacy activities focus on aspects that are most influenced by the (home)
environment, such as extension and enrichment of vocabulary, development of textual skills,
experiences with written materials, and metalinguistic skills. The paraprofessionals are
experienced mothers who speak the language of the parents and belong to the same
communities. They receive an introductory course and are trained during the implementation
of the program by professional supervisors. Paraprofessionals also receive a two-year course
on child development issues. The program’s target population consists of undereducated
parents of four- to six-year-old children. Since many families are from ethnic minorities, the
program was made available in Dutch as well as Turkish, Moroccan, and Papiamentu.
Effects of Opstap were evaluated in a quasi-experimental longitudinal study with a pretest-
posttest design with Turkish and Moroccan immigrant families. The Moroccan group
consisted of Berber and Moroccan-Arabic families: Berber parents come from rural areas in
Morocco with very limited access to formal education. Most Berber mothers were illiterate.
The evaluation study included 200 program families from 22 locations. At the schools of the
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program children more than 100 control families were recruited. Families in both conditions
were comparable in home languages and parents’ educational and vocational level. Children
were followed from their first kindergarten year (mean age 4.7 years) until the end of primary
school eight years later. Note that the program ran parallel to kindergarten.
The short-term evaluation study (Van Tuijl et al., 2001) revealed a small, but statistically
significant effect for Turkish children on Turkish productive vocabulary; additionally, the
program had an effect on nonliteracy-related abilities in Dutch (i.e., mathematical concept
development). For the Moroccan group as a whole there were no significant short-term
effects, although separate analyses for the two subgroups revealed significant medium-sized
effects on mathematical concept development for the Moroccan-Arabic group. The short-term
follow-up, half a year later, no longer showed differences in achievement but did reveal
significantly lower grade retention rates for both Turkish and Moroccan program children
than for control children (32 vs 49% and 28 vs 52%, respectively).
In interviews program supervisors of the participating sites reported several short-term effects
on parents: at the end of the program mothers had more conversations with their children, had
more comprehensive beliefs about child-rearing (“child-rearing is more than feeding: it is
knowing what your child likes and thinks”), and felt greater partnership with teachers (Van
Tuijl & Siebes, 2006).
On the basis of an observation study the mediating effect of changes in mother-child
interaction on achievement was investigated (Van Tuijl & Leseman, 2004). This study was
restricted to Turkish families because of clear effects of the program found in Turkish
children (see before) and because in Moroccan groups the home visits and videotaping were
expected to give rise to high nonresponse. Randomly, 80 Turkish families were asked to
participate of which 38% responded. At the start and the end of the program thirty (1
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program; 13 control) Turkish mothers and children were videotaped at home during a sorting
task. The results showed that program participation improved mothers’ socio-emotional
support behavior but not their cognitive distancing behavior. For Turkish vocabulary scores
about half of the program effect was mediated by mothers’ support, whereas for
premathematical skills two-thirds of the program effect was mediated by mothers’ support.
A follow-up two years later, in which two-thirds of the original sample participated, showed
no effects on test scores but it did show lasting effects of Opstap on grade retention; 35% of
the Turkish program children had been retained vs 51% of the control group. For the
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Moroccan group, the difference in retention was almost significant (retention program vs
control group: 44% vs 59%; Van Tuijl & Siebes, 2006).
In a long-term follow-up (end of primary school) 77% of the original sample participated. The
attrition was nonselective. Program children showed significantly less grade retention than
control children but no differences on a nationally administered test of language, arithmetic
and general problem-solving skills (Van Tuijl & Siebes, 2006).
X.2.2.2 Other Stap-programs
In the wake of the Opstap program a series of comparable (partially) home-based
interventions were developed for different age groups: Instapje (toddlers), Opstapje
(preschoolers), and Overstap (first graders).1 Since all programs were based on the Opstap
model they have several features in common: They largely target the same populations
(children from low SES and immigrant families), they acknowledge the role home languages
play in child development in non-native families (most program materials are available in the
languages spoken by the largest immigrant communities), and they consist fully or for a
substantial part of literacy-related activities.
There are also differences. First of all, as a consequence of the range of targeted age groups,
the programs vary in developmental focus. In Instapje the accent is on parenting behavior
(Ince, 2007a; Riksen-Walraven & Meij, 1994): The program aims to contribute to the quality
of parent-child interactions by encouraging parents – on the basis of activities around books,
songs, and fantasy/object play – to be sensitive and responsive, provide autonomy support, set
boundaries, and transfer skills and knowledge. In Opstapje there is a stronger connection with
children’s start in school: The program comprises activities that aim to further children’s
language and literacy skills, and their cognitive, senso-motor, and socio-emotional abilities
(Ince, 2007b; Bekkers, Van Embricqs, & Van Loggem, 1995) and it offers activities in
preschool playgroups to make (immigrant) children become acquainted with a Dutch school-
like environment (Ince, 2007b). Overstap explicitly targets academic development: Parents
and children engage in (shared) reading activities that are directly related to the Grade 1
curriculum. The program’s main aim is to promote children’s vocabulary knowledge, and
their decoding and reading comprehension skills (Ince, 2009).
A second difference concerns the delivery of parent training. Like Opstap, both Instapje and
Opstapje use home visitors from the same ethnic communities and speak the same language
as the families they support (Bekkers, Van Embricqs, & Van Loggem, 1995; Ince, 2007a,
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2007b; Riksen-Walraven & Meij, 1994). Similar to Opstap, the home visits in Opstapje are
complemented by group meetings (Ince, 2007b). Overstap, on the other hand, only provides
group meetings (Ince, 2009).
Finally, the programs vary in duration and intensity of parent training. Instapje lasts for 26
weeks and parents are visited every week. Opstapje lasts for two years and offers 30 meetings
per year (home visits and group meetings). And, Overstap lasts for one year during which
parents are invited to ten group meetings.
All three programs were the subject of effect studies. Instapje was evaluated in a quasi-
experimental, posttest-only study involving Surinamese families, one of the program’s
original target groups (Riksen-Walraven, 1994; Riksen-Walraven, Meij, Hubbard, &
Zevalvink, 1996). The researchers compared an experimental group of 37 mother-child dyads
with a control group of 38. They found indications for a program effect on parental support
during parent-child interactions: Using video data the researchers observed significant
differences in favor of the experimental group regarding three of the targeted quality variables
(sensitivity/responsiveness, autonomy support, boundary setting). Additionally, they found
Instapje children to have substantially higher scores on a cognitive skills measure.
Opstapje was the subject of two studies. Kohnstamm, Meesters, and Simons (1997) conducted
a quasi-experimental, posttest-only study with two measurements. In the first, immediate
posttest, a program group of 46 children was compared with a group of 51 nonparticipants;
both consisted of Turkish immigrant children only. The researchers found no significant
differences on two vocabulary measures and an emergent literacy test. The second
measurement examined possible long-term effects by comparing 33 Opstapje children from
the first measurement with a group of 18 Turkish classmates on receptive vocabulary, RAN,
working memory, and IQ. Once again, there were no significant differences between the
groups. Tellegen, Winkel, Wijnberg-Williams, and Laros (1998) conducted a posttest-only
study in which they compared the scores on a nonverbal intelligence test of 90 (Surinamese,
Moroccan, and Turkish) immigrant children that had participated in either Opstapje or Opstap
with those of 83 children from the same ethnic background that had taken part in a validation
study of the test. The researchers found a significant difference of 12.5 points in favor of the
Opstap(je) group.
Overstap was evaluated by Kook (1996). Using a pretest-posttest design with matched
experimental and control groups (in both cases, N = 104), consisting of native and immigrant
children, she examined program effects on the three targeted abilities (decoding skills, reading
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comprehension, oral language). Immediately after program termination the author established
effects on word reading of unisyllabic words and on receptive vocabulary. She also found a
positive program effect on parents’ attitudes toward reading. Six months after the program
Kook conducted a follow-up study using the same measures. The effects observed in the
immediate posttest were maintained, and, interestingly, additional effects were established for
word reading of polysyllabic words and reading comprehension.
X.2.2.3 Boekenpret
Boekenpret is a reading promotion program for children from birth to age six. It focuses on
(native/immigrant) low SES families and combines home-based activities with activities in
institutions such as preschool playgroups, child care centers, schools, libraries, and child
health centers (Ince, 2006; Vereniging van Openbare Bibliotheken [VOB], 2006). Parent
involvement is organized via the latter institutions: They approach parents for participation,
provide materials, organize parent meetings, and/or supply paraprofessional home visitors.
The focal activity in Boekenpret is shared story book reading (Ince, 2006; VOB, 2006): The
goal is to build shared book reading routines, both at home and in centers/schools, and to
promote interactive shared reading by encouraging parents and educators to stimulate children
to take on an active (verbal) role in the interaction.
There have been several effect studies on Boekenpret. In a qualitative treatment group-only
study, Bos (2002) conducted observations and interviews in 15 Boekenpret families before,
during, and after program participation. The researcher found significant positive differences
between measurements before and after the program in children’s emergent literacy behavior,
mothers’ literacy attitudes, the presence of reading materials, library membership, and the
frequency of shared reading and other literacy-related activities, as well as in the observed
interaction quality during shared reading. In a larger treatment group-only study, based on
self-reports of 153 families, Osinga and Lub (1997) investigated the effects of Boekenpret on
participating children and parents. They examined whether the duration of participation in
Boekenpret was related to higher scores on two emergent literacy scales and a shared reading
engagement scale (measuring children’s emergent literacy behavior and their active
involvement in shared reading activities, respectively). For preschoolers the authors found
significant differences on one emergent literacy scale and the engagement scale in favor of the
children who had participated in all program components (i.e., both the baby/toddler and the
preschool component). For kindergarteners they only found significant differences on single
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items. Additionally, Osinga and Lub examined whether prolonged participation resulted in
richer home literacy environments in terms of parental attitudes, their literacy activities and
their strategic behavior during shared reading. For parents of preschoolers the researchers
found significant duration effects on the literacy activities and strategic behavior scales. For
parents of kindergarteners they found significant effects on reading attitudes and on some of
the items in the strategic behavior scale.
X.2.3 Concluding remarks
A variety of family literacy programs are offered in the Netherlands. For most programs
discussed here the outcomes of effect studies indicated positive effects on children’s literacy
abilities, general school success measures (e.g., grade retention), parental attitudes and
behaviors, and the quality of (literacy-related) interactions, even on the long term. However,
we have also seen that the quality of effect studies varies, which has likely affected the
validity of the findings: In several cases the conclusion that a program is effective is merely
tentative.
As the current focus is on center-/school-based early childhood education, the future of
exclusively home-based family literacy programs in the Netherlands is insecure. At the same
time, however, there seems to be a rising interest in parent involvement in center-/school-
based programs. In 2008, for instance, a report was published on the request of the Ministry of
ECS (Smit et al., 2008), in which various models were outlined for enhancing parents’
participation in center-based ECE activities. Even more recently a program was brought on
the market—VVE Thuis (“ECE at home”; Kalthoff, 2009)—in which home-based activities
are offered that are complementary to the most-used center-/school-based ECE programs in
the Netherlands. Whether these initiatives lead to success still remains a matter of speculation.
X.3 Germany
X.3.1 Early beginnings and policy
Family Literacy as a central, organized, and structured system of interventions is still in its
infancy in Germany (Nickel, 2007). This results in comparatively few German family literacy
programs, and even fewer studies on the effectiveness of family literacy programs in
Germany. There are at least three reasons for this. First, despite school law which provides
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parents with many rights for involvement in their child’s schooling, educational and
intellectual advancement is seen as an institutional task in the public opinion, first and
foremost a task of the schools (Textor, 2007). This opinion still holds true in the face of
paradigm shifts in the scientific community and seems to have influenced educational policy
for a long time. Only recently have families gained attention in the educational field –
following widely recognized evidence from the PISA 2000 study showing the strong
correlation between educational, socioeconomic, and immigrant family background with
children’s performance in schools. Currently, pedagogical debates on how to involve families
in their child’s school and schooling have also picked up in the context of the great reform
changing many schools from half-day to full-day schools (BMFSFJ, 2005). Nevertheless,
research on parent engagement in schools is still scarce in Germany, and particularly absent
are empirical, longitudinal studies investigating forms and conditions of parental engagement.
Second, compared to other countries there is no strong tradition within informal educational
institutions of involving families in the educational and intellectual advancement of children.
In Germany different public, private and parochial institutions offer family support activities.
In a broad sense, the measures offered are meant to help parents with raising and advancing
their children. As defined by German law (§ 16 family education resp. § 28 family
consultation SGB VIII, Child- and Youth Services Act) these measures, however, mainly
focus on marriage support, general parenting and overall family support, and less on the
educational and intellectual advancement of children (Textor, 2007). Therefore, there is no
tradition of family literacy programs integrated in the existing structures of family
enrichment. As a consequence only few programs have been started by family support
providers during the last twenty years. The programs implemented were often adopted from
other countries and regionally bounded. The idea behind these programs has mainly been to
help children from educationally disadvantaged families and families with immigrant
backgrounds with measures of family literacy.
Third, early childhood education has not been perceived as an important issue until recently
in Germany. Kindergarten and pre-kindergarten years were almost unquestionably accepted
as purely a time to play, with a clean cut at the age of six with the beginning of elementary
school, where academic learning supposedly started. Only in the 1980s did (literacy)
researchers in Germany begin to assume that children do not start school as a blank slate, but
rather develop certain (pre-)literacy skills beforehand (Hurrelmann, 2004; Nickel, 2007).
However, it was not before the early 1990s that a political debate about the importance of
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early childhood education was started. As research increasingly documented the importance
of early childhood education for the overall capacity of the educational system (see
internationally among others Heckman, 2008), early childhood education was placed on the
political agenda (Fthenakis, 2007). This development was supported by the aftermath of the
disappointing performance results of German students in the international comparison study
PISA 2000. As one of the seven action points within the mutual paper from all 16 German
education ministers, the improvement of early childhood education was demanded.
Beginning in the early 2000s, formal educational curricula (“Bildungspläne”) were developed
and implemented. However, these first formal curricula focused primarily on institutional
early childhood education and did not cross the borders to other formal and informal areas of
education. They scarcely included the family as an important source and place of education
(Nickel, 2007; Textor, 2007). It is only recently that a new generation of formal curricula has
been developed and implemented, where informal educational institutions – including the
family – are increasingly seen as important contributors in an educational network (Fthenakis,
2007). The situation described is also mirrored in research: Empirical research focusing on
early childhood education is a fairly recent topic in Germany, with research on early literacy
in the ages from 0 to 3 being next to non-existent, and universities now starting to put
increasing effort into professorships within the area of early education.
To sum up, family literacy is a topic with increasing attention in Germany following a long
phase of limited activity and awareness in this area. The next paragraph gives an overview of
current literacy programs in Germany and research on their effectiveness.
X.3.2 Current family literacy programs in Germany
Different groups of family literacy programs can be distinguished in Germany. One (major)
group of programs is home visiting programs. Frequently used programs are HIPPY (Kniefl
& Pettinger, 1997; http://hippy-deutschland.de), and the Dutch “Opstapje” (Sann & Thrum,
2005; http://opstapje.de), deduced from HIPPY. HIPPY and Opstapje are both rather broad
family education programs and address socially or educationally disadvantaged families and
families with immigration backgrounds in Germany (for further program descriptions see the
Netherlands section above). In contrast to the Dutch programs the program materials of the
German adaptations exist only in German.
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In one evaluation study of HIPPY (Bierschock, Dürnberger & Rupp, 2009) about 90% of the
parents stated that they invested as intended at least 20 minutes every day in the HIPPY
exercises. Parents read to their children more often and reported that their children’s language
abilities, their fine motor skills, and their social competencies increased. Additionally, a shift
was often reported from reading in the native language to reading only in German or in both
languages. Neither a control group nor objective achievement tests were employed in this
evaluation study.
The evaluation of Opstapje (Jurczyk, Sann, & Thrum, 2005) had a quasi-experimental design
with 84 families in the intervention group and 20 families in the control group. After
18 months the global level of activity in the families (including shared reading) as reported in
parent questionnaires increased significantly compared to the control group. Positive
differences in the children’s overall cognitive, motoric, and social development according to
developmental tests were not tested for statistical significance. Neither the mothers’
instruction quality nor the children’s interest in constructive play or their emotion regulation,
measured from video-taped interactions, improved statistically significantly compared to the
control group. While about 80% of the scheduled home visits took place, the parents reported
only a medium compliance to fulfilling the program activities and work sheets in-between the
home visits.
Another group of programs aim specifically at improving (bilingual) literacy skills of children
with immigrant backgrounds, and offer parenting support with the overall goal of fostering
the child’s general development. They use moderated group meetings to involve mothers as
experts on their child’s literacy development. Moreover, these programs involve to some
degree a second institution next to the family (e.g. kindergartens or primary schools). A
program from this group implemented quite frequently in Germany is “Rucksack” (or
“Rucksack KiTa; “backpack” or “backpack kindergarten”; www.raa.de/produkte-und-
projekte-3.html) originating from the Netherlands. Rucksack is also deduced from HIPPY and
is directed at children from 4 to 6 years. It rests on two foundations: First, mothers with
immigrant backgrounds whose children are enrolled in the same nursery school or
kindergarten join weekly group meetings. The group meeting moderator – a trained mother or
an educator with the same cultural background – teaches the mothers to perform literacy
activities with their child in their native language. Second, educators in the cooperating
nursery schools and kindergartens introduce the weekly topics to the children’s groups with
literacy activities using the German language. Rucksack is complemented by „Griffbereit“
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(“ready at hand”), aiming by means of weekly bilingual mother-child play groups at one to
three year old children, and “Rucksack II” (or “Rucksack Schule” = “backpack school”).
Pursuant to the program’s principles it is generally implemented in the first three years of
primary school.
Presently, the different Rucksack programs have been evaluated only by interviews and
questionnaires administered to parents, educators, and teachers (Kleine-Salgar & Wehner,
2007; Naves & Rummel, 2009). The mothers were very satisfied overall with the program and
felt, for example, more competent in supporting the personal and academic development of
their children. They were relieved that they could use their native language, and reported that
along with their children’s fluency in their native language improving, their own fluency
improved as well during the course of the project. The mothers, who acted as moderators, the
educators and the school teachers were all not sure to recognize improvements in the German
language due to the Rucksack programs. No control group was employed.
One genuine German family literacy program is the Hamburg pilot project “Family Literacy”
(FLY; Elfert & Rabkin, 2007; http://www.li-
hamburg.de/projekte/projekte.Foer/bf.1110.family/index.html). The project was started in
2004 in eight schools and kindergartens. The target groups are educationally disadvantaged
families, mainly with an immigrant background. The program spans a period of two years: the
last year of kindergarten and the first year of primary school. The aims of the program with
regard to families are mainly to improve parents’ abilities to foster their children’s literacy
development and to improve cooperation between parents and educational institutions (i.e.
kindergartens and schools). The program rests on three main foundations: (1) Parents
participate in the children’s regular lessons. For example, parents might sit in on circle time
and/or read (picture) books to children in small groups. (2) Parents work on literacy topics
and materials parallel to the children’s classes together with a second teacher. (3) As
“highlights” out of school activities like field trips to the library or a museum are arranged.
Information conveyed and activities performed under the umbrella of the three foundations
are based on best practice experiences. Contents can therefore partly differ between
participating institutions.
In an evaluation study of the FLY project (May, 2007) the parents reported that they carried
out more literacy related activities such as shared storybook or picture book reading and
writing at the end of the project, but tests for statistical significance were not reported. The
parents also stated that their child’s language skills as well as their child’s enthusiasm about
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learning improved and that they developed more certainty in learning and playing with their
child. Standardized achievement tests were used but results have not yet been published.
In addition to the described “high intensity” family literacy programs, a number of
(internationally implemented) low intensity programs aim at advancing the exposure to books
in families. Pediatricians participating in “Buchstart” (“Bookstart”; e.g. “Buchstart Hamburg”,
www.buchstart-hamburg.de) or “Lesestart” (“Reading Start”, www.lesestartdeutschland.de)
give a bag filled with picture books, book vouchers, parents’ handbooks etc. to parents of
approximately one year old children. In some cases the programs also offer open parent-child
meeting groups dealing with the topics language and picture books². Parents who took part in
the evaluation of Bookstart Hamburg (Thoma, Schulte-Markwort, & Barkmann, 2007-2009)
were rather satisfied with the materials in their Bookstart bag. Literacy related behavior in the
families such as shared picture book reading and establishing a reading ritual increased in the
families in the first year after receiving their Bookstart bag. Nevertheless, this might have
happened anyway in this time period, and comparisons with a control group were not drawn.
The vocabulary of the Bookstart children seemed to have improved substantially compared to
a control group after one year in the program. Yet, more detailed information about sample
size, the control group and instruments used are missing and in-depth analyses of the data still
have to be carried out.
X.3.3 Integrated family literacy programs in research in Germany
Along with these rather broad approaches, two parental trainings have recently been
developed that focus on the promotion of phonological awareness as a specific preliterate
skill.
“Lobo vom Globo” (Lobo from Globo; Koglin, Fröhlich, Metz, & Petermann, 2008)
addresses four to six year old children whose native language is German. The program aims
to give children an insight in the phonological structure of oral language and to help them
enjoy the contact with language. Parents meet weekly during five weeks: They get
information about language development and general educational competencies, they learn
exercises to be carried out at home, and they share program experiences with other parents.
Children practice hearing the phonological structure of words, rhyming, structuring words
into syllables and phonemes, and rearranging syllables and phonemes. The exercises last
about 15 minutes and are included in a 30 minutes game time.
15
The program was evaluated using a quasi-experimental design (N = 70; Koglin, Fröhlich,
Metz, & Petermann, 2008). 92% of the parents in the intervention group attended all five
meetings. No other implementation checks were reported. Statistically significant effects with
medium effect sizes in favor of the intervention group were identified for a particular range of
phonological awareness. Five year old children profited more than four year old children.
The second parental training (Rückert, Plattner, & Schulte-Körne, 2010) focuses on joint book
reading and activities to foster phoneme differentiation. It takes 16 weeks during which the
parents meet four times with similar aims as in the “Lobo vom Globo” program. Parents are
asked to do five activities with their children each week. These activities include reading out
to their children, dialogues about the reading material, and exercises to foster phonological
awareness and awareness of letter-phoneme correspondences.
The program has been evaluated using a quasi-experimental design with three groups (N = 52;
Rückert, Plattner, & Schulte-Körne, 2010). One group took part in the parent program, one
group took part in the “Hören, lauschen, lernen” (“Hear, listen, learn”) program which is a
well established and evaluated preschool program aimed at promoting phonological
awareness (Schneider, Küspert, Roth, & Visé, 1998). The third group took part in both the
home and preschool program. The majority of the parents judged the program positively and
implemented the activities regularly at home but with a decreasing compliance in the course
of the program. Children in all groups improved their phonological abilities significantly and
to the same extent. Due to the lack of a control group no effect sizes relative to natural
maturation processes could be reported.
Another recent program is the Berlin Parent-Child Reading Program developed at the Max
Planck Institute for Human Development in Berlin for fourth graders (usually aged 9-10 years
old) and their parents. The program draws on knowledge about the development of reading
comprehension as well as on empirical insights into the effects of training on students’
learning strategies and reading-related metacognition. It aims at improving individual literacy
prerequisites, text comprehension as well as family literacy habits. Implemented over a three
to four month period, each of the program’s 43 highly structured and standardized sessions
(approx. 30 minutes each) involves shared reading aloud of a supplied text, mutual answering
of basic understanding questions, and discussion of a set of elaborating questions (for a
detailed description, see McElvany, 2008; McElvany & Artelt, 2009). The families receive all
materials free of charge, including separate instruction booklets for parents and children, and
conduct the program at home without further guidance. The results of the first quasi-
16
experimental evaluation study (N = 116 program and N = 393 control families) indicated that
the implementation quality was high, but that participation was selective based on family
background and children’s achievement level. Nevertheless, participation in the program was
found to have substantial effects on the development of vocabulary, reading-related
metacognition and some family variables.
X.3.4 Conclusion
To sum up, there have been an increasing number of regional programs and initiatives
implementing the ideas of family literacy in Germany. These programs have different foci and
means, and respond differently to family and cultural factors. For example, the HIPPY
program encourages reading in German rather than in the native language, while the
Rucksack program is based specifically on a bilingual approach. A centrally organized state-
or even nationwide approach on family literacy is still missing (Nickel, 2007). In the context
of the new formal curricula, new family enrichment centers are supposed to offer sets of low
threshold services to families in the area of education and literacy. Nevertheless, many issues
have not yet been solved. Among these issues are (1) the necessary comprehensive education
of program facilitators (concerning literacy and didactic knowledge as well as interaction with
parents and children, cultural and social factors etc.), (2) the interaction of literacy programs
with other support measures (especially for families with multiple challenges), (3) the
question of the role and potential of the mother tongue in bi- or multilingual families, (4) the
program concepts and their individual elements being based on scientifically sound
foundations and (5) the cooperation of practice and research in evaluating the implementation
quality and effectiveness of the family literacy programs/approaches with up-to-date methods.
X.4 Discussion
Considering similarities and differences between family literacy policy and programs in the
Netherlands and in Germany, a major difference is the fact that the Netherlands have nation-
wide family literacy programs, while Germany does not. Moreover, the two countries seem to
be partly developing in opposite directions: In the Netherlands, early childhood education
started by focusing on home-based approaches and has now moved towards center-based
programs. Germany, in turn, started with some center-based approaches, and now an
17
increasing interest in home-based programs can be observed. Further, the home language of
the families seems to play a greater role in program concepts and program materials in the
Netherlands than in most German initiatives.
Nevertheless, similarities emerge as well: Many programs in Germany resemble programs in
the Netherlands, and in fact, most programs in both countries are to some extent based on
internationally developed and implemented programs. Thus family activities in both countries
actively profit from experiences in other countries. Additionally, it holds true for both
countries that more research is necessary on the program effects as well as on implementation
quality and other potentially mediating factors, and that the overall methodological quality of
the research has to be further improved. Finally, lobbying work for family literacy is required
for further development in both countries, focusing in the Netherlands on defending existing
programs, and in Germany on establishing a stable and comprehensive structure of family
literacy programs.
To conclude, coming from different histories with family literacy traditions, both the
Netherlands and Germany are working on developing and maintaining family literacy
programs, and research accompanying, guiding, and evaluating these efforts is necessary.
Notes
¹ There is also a program for second graders, Stap Door!, but this is primarily a school-based,
peer tutoring program.
² The programs described here focus primarily on parents enhancing their children’s literacy
skills. Besides, projects exist that focus on center-based education with some parent
involvement or on adult education within the framework of family literacy.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the Nederlands Jeugdinstituut (Dutch Youth Institute;
particularly Mrs. Carolien Gelauff-Hanzon, Mrs. Hilde Kalthoff), the Stichting Lezen
(Reading Foundation), Mrs. Daveri, Dr. Jeanne Kurvers (Tilburg University), Dr. Peter
Tellegen (Radboud University Nijmegen), and Mr. Weber for providing valueful information.
18
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