for anyone

 

Each module, beginning now in Module Two, you are assigned two articles to read, found in each module’s resources.  Critique these articles. They are uploaded below along with rubric. Answer questions under main eleents along with critiquing these articles.

Home > Publications > Middle School Journal > Articles > January 2008 > Article 1

January 2008 • Volume 39 • Number 3 • Pages 4-12

The Under-Appreciated Role of Humiliation in the Middle
School

Nancy Frey & Douglas Fisher

In his book The World Is Flat, Friedman (2005) argued that we have under-appreciated the role

that humiliation plays in terrorism. He notes that the reaction humans have when they are

humiliated is significant and often severe. If it is true, that humiliation plays a role in terrorism,

what role might this under-appreciated emotion play in middle school? If terrorists act, in part,

based on humiliation, how do middle school students act when they experience this emotion?

To answer these questions, we interviewed 10 middle school

teachers and 10 students. We asked them about times they

(or their students or peers) were humiliated and what

happened. In each case, they were surprised to be asked

about this emotion. They said things like “It just happens;

you gotta deal with it” and “You know how kids are, they

can be mean.” The responses from the teachers and

students about the ways that students are humiliated

clustered into three major areas: bullying, teacher behavior,

and remedial reading. In addition, we searched the ERIC

database for documentation about the impact humiliation has on middle school students. In this

article, we will begin by discussing the findings from our interviews and surveys, then we will

describe the effects of humiliation on middle school learners.

*This We Believe Characteristics

An inviting, supportive, and safe environment

School-wide efforts and policies that foster health, wellness, and safety

Multifaceted guidance and support services

*Denotes the corresponding characteristics from NMSA’s position paper, This We Believe, for
this article.

Page 1 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

Types of humiliation

The 10 teachers and 10 students we interviewed worked or attended one of three large urban

middle schools in two southwestern states. These schools fit the profile of many schools across

America—large (more than 1,000 students), located in major metropolitan communities, with

diverse demographic profiles among students and teachers. None of the schools had a formal

anti-bullying or character education program. We sought a representative sample of teachers

based on experience, gender, and subject area. We chose students who represented different

grade levels, genders, andachievement levels. The names of students and teachers are

pseudonyms. We conducted individual interviews with each teacher and each student to ensure

privacy and promote candor in their disclosures. Based on an analysis of their responses, we

identified three themes.

Bullying

Student voices. The most common topic raised in the conversation for both teachers and

students was bullying. Many students believed that bullying was part of life, something that was

unavoidable. It need not be. “Being bullied is neither a ‘part of growing up’ nor a ‘rite of

passage'” (Barone, 1997, p. 80). Every student participant recounted a time in which he or she

had been bullied or had witnessed it occurring with other students. Marcus, a sixth grader,

described an incident that occurred earlier that school year.

There’re these older guys [eighth grade] who think they’re the kings of the school. They

talk loud, swear, shove people in the halls. I see them comin’ and I bounce [leave]. My

first month at this school, they walked behind me, talkin’ loud about how I was a little

faggot. I tried to ignore them, but they knocked my stuff out of my hand.

Marcus’s experience is perhaps the most common type associated with bullying. There was an

age and size differential between perpetrators and victim, accompanied by verbal abuse

associated with sexual orientation, and some physical contact (Nishina & Juvonen, 2005; Olweus,

1993). This is also consistent with Bjorklund and Pellegrini’s (2000) dominance theory of

increased bullying directed at those entering a new social group.

Martha, a seventh grader, described a more subtle kind of bullying.

There’s this girl, and she used to be our friend [named several girls] … but she’s just so

weird. What happened to her? We were all friends since second grade, but when she came

back to school [entering middle school] she still dressed and talked like such a baby. It’s

embarrassing to be around her. So, we stopped talking to her.

Martha described relational bullying, memorably chronicled in a number of studies (Bjoerkqvist,

Page 2 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

Lagerspetz, & Kaukianen, 1992; Crick, Bigbee, & Howe, 1996; Simmons, 2002). Although Martha

did not describe herself as a bully, she exhibited prevalent forms of female aggression: relational

bullying and avoidance (Crick, Bigbee, & Howe, 1996). The transition from elementary to middle

school appears to play a role as well. Pelligrini and Bartini’s (2000) study of bullying across fifth

and sixth grade noted that the move to larger, more impersonal school environments often

interfered with the maintenance of peer affiliations.

We also sought students’ perspectives on the reasons bullying exists. Their comments suggest

that they accept bullying as a given, a common part of middle school life. “Everyone gets made

fun of,” remarked seventh grade student Juan. “If you can’t take it … if you let anyone see it

bothers you, you just get it even worse.” Martha echoed this sentiment. “It’s how girls are. One

day you’re friends, and the next day you’re not. Better not be caught lookin’ at someone else’s

man. That’ll get you quicker than anything.” Beliefs about the normative presence of bullying,

verbal taunts, and teasing are prevalent among adolescents, who view these as de facto elements

of the secondary school experience (Shakeshaft et al., 1997).

We also asked students about their reactions to being humiliated by their peers. Most described

deep levels of shame and responses that could be categorized as either violent or avoidant.

Students told us they “snapped,” “pounded his face in,” “blew,” or “got my bitch on” to describe

verbal or physical retaliation. In other cases, students described attempts to avoid a situation.

Similar to Marcus’s attempts to “bounce” when bullies were spotted, Al, an eighth grader,

reported that he did not use certain restrooms or hallways, because he anticipated that his

tormentor would be there. Adriana, an eighth grade student, poignantly recounted the following

incident.

When I was in seventh, I made up a boyfriend to my friends. It was stupid. … Everyone

had a boyfriend and I wanted one, too. I told them I had a boyfriend at [nearby middle

school]. When Cindy found out that it wasn’t true, she told everybody. They laughed at

me, left notes … told some of the boys. I told my mom I was sick, and I didn’t go to school

for two weeks.

Adriana’s avoidance of the situation is a common response to the humiliation resulting from

bullying. According to the American Psychological Association and the National Education

Association, 7% of eighth graders stay home from school at least once a month to avoid a

bullying situation (cited in Vail, 1999). Other middle school students, like Marcus and Al, alter

their paths in school to avoid encountering bullies (Wessler, 2003).

Teacher voices. The 10 teachers who participated in this study were conflicted about the role of

bullying in middle school. All 10 participants expressed concern over the amount of bullying in

their schools (i.e., responding positively to the queries, “Bullying occurs frequently at this school,”

and “Bullying negatively impacts the learning of students at this school”). All were aware of the

deleterious effects of bullying on both the victims and the perpetrators. Mr. Lee, a seventh and

Page 3 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

eighth grade mathematics instructor, noted, “We have to worry about the kid who’s doing the

bullying as well as the one who’s getting it. Those kids that are bullies now end up in trouble in

school and in life.” In addition, 8 of the 10 instructors reported that they “always” responded to

incidents of bullying. Mr. Harper, a music teacher, said, “I had it happen last week. I was outside

my class [during passing period] and saw a group of bigger students descend on this smaller boy.

You could just see this kid brace himself for what was going to happen. It was like slow motion. …

I stepped in and made the kids leave him alone.” Five other teachers offered anecdotal reports of

their personal responses to bullying incidents, although, in all cases, it was related to the threat

of physical harm perpetrated by either boys or girls.

Verbal abuse did not prompt such swift responses. “I won’t put up with profanity, name-calling. If

I hear it, I stop it. I write a referral if I have to,” stated Ms. Indria, a sixth grade social studies

teacher. However, when probed, all 10 teachers stated that they did not get involved in “personal

relationships, friendship stuff.” Ms. Indria offered, “Girls just seem to treat each other badly. It’s

a part of adolescence. … I certainly remember doing it when I was that age.” Seventh grade

science teacher Ms. Anthony echoed a similar response. “I can’t keep up with it. One week they’re

friends; the next week they aren’t. Way too much drama. I find that when I have tried to

mediate, it ends by consuming too much instructional time.” Four other teachers made

statements consistent with the belief that negotiating a verbally, or even physically, abusive

landscape was a part of growing up. Physical education teacher Ms. Hartford noted,

You really have to be careful when you choose to interfere. It [teacher involvement] can

really make it worse. The kids will just pick more—”teacher’s pet.” If it looks like the kid is

holding his own, I don’t get directly involved. I keep an eye on it.

It is also likely that Ms. Hartford and the other teachers interviewed were not cognizant of their

relationships with the aggressors. Elias and Zins (2003) found that bullies often hold high social

capital with their teachers and are perceived positively, while victims are often perceived as less

likable.

Statements like the one offered by the physical education and science teachers illuminate a

commonly held belief among middle school educators—that the ability to “take it” is a necessary

rite of adolescent passage. Computer instructor Ms. Andersen evoked her own junior high

memories to defend this position.

Face it, being able to dish it out and take it gets you ready for the real world. What’s that

old commercial? “Never let ’em see you sweat.” Teenagers have to learn that you don’t

wear your emotions on your sleeve. People’ll use it against you. I know, I went through it,

but I survived. You have to toughen up.

When asked about the role of humiliation in bullying, she replied,

Page 4 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

Yeah, they’re good at humiliating each other. I keep an ear on what’s going on. But I have

to say … a lot of times they use it to keep each other in line. In a funny way, they regulate

each other’s behavior.

Ms. Anderson’s beliefs are not entirely misplaced. Tapper and Bolton (2005) used wireless

recording equipment to analyze bullying interactions among 77 students. They found that direct

aggression (without physical violence) often inspired peer support for the aggressor. The reaction

of the victim is a factor in whether the bullying will continue. Perry, Williard, and Perry (1990)

determined that displays of distress by the victim increased the likelihood that bullying would

occur again. “Never let’em see you sweat” appears to be accurate.

Teacher Behavior

Student voices. Students had strong feelings about the use of humiliation by teachers. Nine of

the 10 student participants could recount times when a teacher had used sarcasm or humiliation

to embarrass a student in front of the class. In some cases it was directed at them, while in

others they had witnessed it in their classes.

We had this one teacher in seventh grade; man, she was rough. She had a nickname for

every kid in the class. Like, she called this one girl “Funeral,” because she said she always

looked like she was coming from one.

This story, told by Al, is admittedly an extreme example and not typical of the incidences that

were shared by students. However, three students told of times when teachers had “busted

someone” in front of the entire class for failing a quiz or test, using insulting language. “I don’t

know why they do it,” said Gail, a sixth grader. “It’s not like it makes a difference. Who wants to

work harder for someone who embarrasses you that way?”

Other students admitted that the use of humiliation might have a positive effect, at least in the

short term.

My [seventh grade] math teacher reads everyone’s quiz grades to the whole class. I failed

one, and he said, “Spending too much time looking at girls?” It made me kinda mad … but

I made sure I didn’t fail another math quiz. (Juan, eighth grade)

Veronica, an eighth grade student,

said,

Ms. _______ likes to catch you doing something wrong. Like, we were reading our social

studies book out loud and I missed my turn. She goes, “Wake up, Veronica! We’re all

waiting,” in this really stupid way she has [imitates a sarcastic tone]. Everyone laughed as

though it never happened to them. I don’t let her catch me.

Page 5 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

Veronica then used profanity to describe her teacher, evidence of the anger she felt toward this

adult and perhaps school in general.

When asked what they thought these teachers hoped to gain with the use of humiliation, their

insights were surprising. “They want to be cool, like it’s funny,” remarked sixth grade student

Marcus. Seventh grader Harlan responded similarly. “They don’t treat you like little kids. My dad

talks the same way. Making fun of kids in the class is just what they do.”

The use of sarcasm and humiliation by teachers has been less well documented in the literature

than the prevalence and effects of bullying. It is certainly long understood in the teaching

profession, as evidenced by Briggs’s (1928) article on the prevalence of the use of sarcasm by

young secondary teachers. Martin’s (1987) study of secondary students’ perspectives on this

phenomenon was derived from surveys of more than 20,000 Canadian students. Students

reported that the use of sarcasm resulted in dislike for the teacher and even anger toward the

teacher. Martin also reported that some students described “anticipatory embarrassment,” the

dread associated with the belief that the teacher would humiliate them again. In addition, this

created learning problems, including decreased motivation to study and complete homework,

increased cutting of classes, and thoughts of dropping out. Turner and associates (2002) studied

the classroom learning environments of 65 sixth grade mathematics classrooms to study factors

that promoted or reduced help-seeking behaviors and found that the teacher’s classroom

discourse, including use of sarcasm, influenced the likelihood that students would seek academic

help when needed. Classrooms featuring more negative teacher talk, including sarcasm, were

associated with high levels of avoidance in asking for assistance.

Teacher voices. Six of the 10 teachers in the study named colleagues who regularly used

sarcasm and humiliation with students. Ms. Robertson, a seventh grade language arts teacher,

described a colleague as “us[ing] words like a knife. He just cuts kids down to size.” Mr. Lee, the

math teacher, described an experience when he was a student teacher.

[The master teacher] was just vicious with students. Everything was a big joke, but kind of

mean-spirited, you know? He’d single out kids because of a quirk, like they talked funny,

or they had a big nose, or they wore clothes that were kind of different. Kids would laugh,

but I saw the cringes, too.

Five of the participating teachers discussed the fine line between humor and sarcasm. Ms.

Andersen offered,

You have to take into account that they’re really very fragile, in spite of all their bluster.

We all remember what it was like. Worried all the time about sticking out. They’re already

sensitive to the need for conformity. As teachers, we have to make sure that we don’t

make them feel different.

Page 6 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

Ms. Hartford noted, “It’s great to keep it light and fun, but not at someone else’s expense.”

Sarcasm is typically used for three purposes: to soften a criticism, especially through feigned

politeness; to mitigate verbal aggressiveness; or to create humor (Dews & Winner, 1995).

However, the use of sarcasm in social discourse assumes an equal relationship between parties.

This is never the case in the classroom, where the teacher holds the power in the relationship.

Therefore, the student cannot respond with a sarcastic reply without consequences. The use of

sarcasm with middle school students is ineffective as well, as evidenced by a study of 13-year-

olds by the Harvard Zero Project. They found that 71% of the students studied misinterpreted

sarcasm as deception. In other words, the majority had not yet reached a linguistically

sophisticated developmental level that would allow them to accurately discern the speaker’s

purpose, even when it was accompanied by a gestural cue (Demorest, Meyer, Phelps, Gardner, &

Winner, 1984).

Remedial reading and mathematics

Bullying and sarcasm are age-old tools of humiliation, but a more recent (and inadvertent) tool is

that of the remedial class created for students who fail to achieve in reading and mathematics.

Commonly referred to as “double dosing,” it is the practice of increasing the number of

instructional hours spent in remediation, at the expense of electives or core classes such as

science and social studies (Cavanaugh, 2006). Though well-intended, our student participants

were vocal about the negative effects on the lives of adolescents.

Student voices. “Everyone knows who the dumb kids are,” explained Martha, a seventh grade

student. All you have to do is look around at who’s not on the wheel [elective class rotation].

They’re all in reading mastery.” At Martha’s school, students who score below a cut point on the

state language arts and mathematics examinations are automatically enrolled in another section

of instruction. Jessika, an eighth grader, is one of those students. “I hate it. We’re all the stupid

kids. Everyone knows it.” Carol, another eighth grade student, described her classmates this way:

Nobody even tries in my [remedial] reading class. It’s like, if you do, you’re trying to make

yourself look better than you really are. No offense, but it’s “acting white.” People just sleep in

class. You know, pull their [sweatshirt] hood up. If you look like you’re trying, you’ll catch it from

[classmates.]

Marcus and Al are also enrolled in similar classes for mathematics. When asked what others said

to them and about them in regard to their participation in these courses, we heard, “retard,”

“SPED” [special education], “loser,” “tard,” “spaz,” and “window licker.” These labels are quite

troubling for students with disabilities, because they suggest an accepted intolerance for students

in need of academic supports.

Slavin’s (1993) review of the literature on remedial classes in middle school found a zero effect

size for academic gains. While it is too soon to gauge the long-term effectiveness of double-

dosing academic achievement, the voices of middle school students provide a bellwether for

Page 7 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

assessing the social and emotional repercussions of such practices. In a few short years, these

students will have reached an age at which they can voluntarily exit school. There is further

evidence that low-achieving students are more likely to use so-called “self-handicapping

strategies” such as giving up and refusing to study (Midgely & Urdan, 1995; Turner et al., 2002).

In particular, they are more likely to associate with other negative-thinking students. The

remediation classroom, it would seem, from Carol’s and Jessika’s comments, is a perfect

environment for breeding this sort of attitude toward school and learning.

Teachers’ voices. We were particularly interested in the views of Mr. Lee and Ms. Robertson,

both of whom teach a section of remedial math or reading. “No one wants those classes,”

remarked Mr. Lee. “I got it because I’m new here. They stick the new teachers with these classes.

Wouldn’t you think that they should be taught by people with lots of experience?” he asked. Mrs.

Robertson described her classroom learning environment. “I’m ashamed to say that I dread

fourth [period] because of the students. I feel like all the energy gets sucked out of the room,

and me. I can’t seem to inspire them, and it affects the way I teach.” When asked to elaborate,

she said, “I know I’m stricter, and I feel like I can’t even smile or make a joke. I’m grim, and it

makes for a grim period.”

Two other teachers explained that, while they saw the logic in double dosing, they worried about

the detrimental effects on their students. Mr. Espinosa, a seventh grade social studies teacher,

said,

We’re organized in houses here [a cohort model]. But every time we excuse students to go

to another class, one that’s different from everyone else, it chops away at the concept of a

family of students and teachers. I can see the light go right out of their eyes when they

have to pass up computer class to go for extra reading or math class.

Ms. Andersen, the computer teacher, expressed concern about the content students were

missing. “If I’m not teaching literacy and math, then what am I doing? They’ll just get further

behind.”

The effects of humiliation

In addition to the ways in which middle school students experience humiliation, we discussed the

impact that humiliation has on young adolescents. Both students and teachers identified a

number of outcomes from humiliation, including drug and alcohol use, attendance problems,

dropping out of school, pregnancy, and suicide. Let us examine the perspectives of teachers and

students on each of these issues.

Drug and alcohol use

Most educators recognize that experimentation with alcohol and drugs during adolescence is

Page 8 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

common. The Youth Risk Behavior Survey (www.cdc.gov/HealthyYouth/yrbs/index.htm) indicated

that more than two-thirds of middle school students report ever having had a drink of alcohol and

that 26% report ever having used marijuana. However, several students commented on the

regular use of drugs and alcohol by students who feel humiliated at school. In the words of

Marcus, “I know a kid who drinks every night. He hates school and says they make him feel

stupid.” One of the teachers noted that the rate of drug and alcohol use was highest for students

who were enrolled in remedial reading classes. Mooney (Mooney & Cole, 2000), a student with a

disability who subsequently graduated from an Ivy League college, discussed his use of drugs and

alcohol to “turn off the shockers” at school.

Attendance problems

Another outcome of humiliation that both students and teachers discussed was poor school

attendance. Mr. Harper, the music teacher, put it eloquently—”They vote with their feet”—

meaning that students tell us, by their physical presence in school, whether or not it is a

comfortable place to be. Again, most educators acknowledge that there are patterns of

problematic attendance, such as is typically seen in urban schools. More important, for our

purpose here, is the difference of attendance patterns within the school. It is clear from an

analysis of attendance patterns—both tardiness and absence—that students are communicating

with which teachers they feel comfortable and with which they do not. While there are many

reasons for students feeling comfortable with teachers, one reason is the climate that is created

in class. Veronica reported, “Lots of us cut class with Mr. ______ because he makes you feel bad

when you try to answer.”

Dropping out

While calculating an accurate drop-out rate has been exceedingly difficult to do, it is important to

note that in many states there is no mechanism for capturing middle school drop-outs. It seems

that when the data systems were created, people assumed that middle school students either

would not or could not drop out of school. Unfortunately, that is not the reality; middle school

students are dropping out. In-grade retention (an indicator of either poor academic performance

or poor attendance) is the single strongest school-related predictor of dropping out in middle

school (Rumberger, 1995). As Ms. Indria reported, “There are students who just leave us. They

don’t find school fulfilling and are ashamed of their performance, and they stop coming. No one

really knows where they go.” Turner and associates’ (2002) study on the relationship between

classroom climate and help-seeking offers further evidence of the role of humiliation. There is

also evidence that the overall school climate—the degree that students feel safe to learn and are

not threatened by peers or teachers—is directly related to the drop-out problem (Wehlage, 1991).

As Al indicated, “If I had to deal with the crap that Jeremy does, I’d just quit. I wouldn’t come to

this place.”

School institutions related to humiliation play a factor as well. According to Goldschmidt and

Wang (1999), “Two school policy and practice variables affect the middle school dropout rate

significantly: the percentage of students held back one grade, and the percentage of students

Page 9 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

misbehaving” (p. 728). Here we see the snowballing effects of humiliation. Students retained in

grade, attending remedial classes, surrounded by misbehavior (including bullying), with lower

rates of attendance and less inclination to seek help from sarcastic teachers appear to be at great

risk for dropping out, and humiliation plays a role in each.

Pregnancy

Another issue associated with humiliation, identified primarily by the teachers we interviewed,

was teenage pregnancy. While less common at the middle school level than at the secondary

level, teen pregnancy is still an issue with this age group. According to the Centers for Disease

Control and Prevention, national data suggests that between six and seven of every 1,000 middle

school girls become pregnant (Klien, 2005). While there are a number of theories about the

causes of teenage pregnancy, including too much free time, poverty, access to alcohol, and

physical maturity, Ms. Hartford had another take on the situation. She said, “In this community,

pregnancy is one of the acceptable reasons to leave school. If school is a toxic environment for

you, you can get pregnant and leave school. Nobody will question your decision.”

Suicide

A final outcome of humiliation identified by the participants was suicide and suicidal thoughts.

Public health officials have noted a significant increase in youth suicide—more than 300% since

1950 (Bloch, 1999). Suicide is now the third leading cause of death for youth ages 10 to 19

(following accidents and homicides) (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000). While

the suicide rate for high school students has remained fairly stable over the past decade, the

suicide rate for middle school students (ages 10 through 14), increased more than 100% during

the decade of the 1990s (Bloch, 1999). A haunting thought was shared by Adriana, who said,

“Everybody I know has thought about suicide, but the one who did it was bothered all the time by

other kids and no one did anything.” As Fisher (2005) noted, teachers have to understand the

signs and symptoms of suicide and ensure that students feel honored and respected at school.

One of the teachers suggested, “I think that they’re under a great deal of pressure to perform. If

you add humiliation to that, they don’t see a way out and might consider taking their own life.”

Recommendations for reducing humiliation in middle school

Some of the problems members of our profession discuss about the challenges to achievement in

middle school might be explained by students’ experiences with humiliation. When students

experience humiliation, as these data suggest they do, a series of negative outcomes can be

triggered. We recommend that educators make a commitment to reduce the needless

opportunities for humiliation that creep into the daily experiences of their students.

Recommendation #1: Assess the school climate

The first step to reducing humiliation is to recognize that it might, in fact, be present. Schools

routinely administer annual school climate surveys, and this can provide an excellent starting

point for analysis. For example, the California Healthy Kids Survey contains questions that can

Page 10 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

shed light on the issue of humiliation. The survey asks respondents to assess the extent to which

adults “treat all students fairly” and “listen to what students have to say” and contains several

queries about bullying and bully prevention programs (California Department of Education, 2005).

Recommendation #2: Observe and analyze curricular and instructional interactions

The middle school reform report entitled Breaking Ranks in the Middle (National Association of

Secondary School Principals, 2006) strongly recommends heterogeneous grouping of students in

small learning communities to improve achievement and personalize learning. This requires

schools to abandon outdated ability grouping and tracking, which result in lowered expectations

and missed opportunities for rigorous curriculum. Some schools cling to tracking and remedial

classes because they do not possess the capacity to differentiate instruction for all learners.

Building this capacity is not a matter of scattershot inservices, but rather targeted peer coaching,

professional development, and administrative accountability. A first step toward realizing this goal

is to conduct classroom observations for the purposes of data collection and analysis of needs.

The Instructional Practices Inventory developed by the Middle Level Leadership Center is a useful

tool for developing a school-wide profile of the instructional practices occurring at the school,

including the amount of teacher-led instruction, student-led discussions, and levels of

disengagement (www.mllc.org).1 Classrooms with high levels of student disengagement should
be targeted for further analysis to determine contributing factors, especially teacher behaviors

and interaction styles. Teachers struggling with disengagement can participate in the Teacher

Expectations and Student Achievement (TESA) professional development program developed by

the Los Angeles County Office of Education (www.lacoe.edu/orgs/165/index.cfm). This is a five-

month experience that involves peer observations and coaching focused on 15 specific

instructional behaviors that increase positive student perceptions about learning. Other teachers

who are having difficulty with curriculum design for heterogeneously grouped students can benefit

from focused professional development and planning on differentiating instruction at the unit

level. A beginning step may include the formation of book study groups using materials such as

Differentiation in Practice for Grades 5–9 (Tomlinson & Eidson, 2003). By collecting and sharing

data to develop targeted professional development, teachers are able to move beyond “I’ve

heard/read this before” to take specific action. This is further reinforced through administrative

accountability and ongoing data collection to measure improvement at the curricular and

instructional levels.

Recommendation #3: Make an anti-bullying curriculum part of the school culture

Much has been written in the past decade about anti-bullying curricula, especially in the wake of

high-profile school shootings throughout the nation. Many fine programs exist, and the Olweus

Bullying Prevention Program is among the most respected

(www.clemson.edu/olweus/content.html). The multi-layered design of this program targets

school-wide, classroom, and individual interventions for both bullies and victims. However, anti-

bullying curricula are only effective if there is long-term commitment. Perhaps the most common

mistake is that after a period of enthusiastic introduction and implementation, programs such as

these fall to the wayside as other initiatives command attention. A multi-year plan that includes

Page 11 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

refreshers for existing staff as well as training for teachers new to the school is essential for

sustainability. The anti-bullying program should be written into the school’s accountability plan,

the new teacher induction program, and as part of the curriculum for each grade level.

Conclusion

The recommendations made are all costly in terms of time, money, and resources. However, the

unintended costs of humiliation are much higher for our students. It is time to take another look

at the anti-bullying curricula being developed by groups across the country and how they can be

sustained for more than one school year. It might also be time to notice our own behaviors and to

have hard conversations with our colleagues about appropriate interactions with students—

interactions that clearly demonstrate care, honesty, and high expectations. And finally, it may be

time to reconsider the ways in which we group students and provide supplemental instructional

interventions such that groups of students do not experience school as telling them they are

stupid, incompetent, and not worthy. In doing so, we might just see increases in student

achievement as well as youth who are more engaged in their educational experience.

Editor’s Note
1For a comprehensive assessment of middle school programs, procedures, and processes, readers
might want to consider using the School Improvement Toolkit, available from National Middle

School Association at www.nmsa.org/ProfessionalDevelopment/

SchoolImprovementToolkit/tabid/654/Default.aspx

References

Barone, F. J. (1997). Bullying in school. Phi Delta Kappan, 79, 80–82.

Bjoerkqvist, K., Lagerspetz, K. M. J., & Kaukianen, A. (1992). Do girls manipulate and boys fight?

Developmental trends in regard to direct and indirect aggression. Aggressive Behavior, 18, 117–

127.

Bjorklund, D. F., & Pellegrini, A. D. (2000). Child development and evolutionary psychology. Child

Development, 71, 1687–1708.

Bloch, D. (1999). Adolescent suicide as a public health threat. Journal of Child and Adolescent

Psychiatric Nursing, 12, 26–38.

Briggs, T. H. (1928). Sarcasm. The School Review, 36(9), 685–695.

Page 12 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

California Department of Education. (2005). California healthy kids school climate survey.

Retrieved February 18, 2007, from http://www.wested.org/chks/pdf/scs_05_alpha

Cavanaugh, S. (2006, June 14). Students double-dosing on reading and math: Schools aim to

improve state test scores—and satisfy federal education laws. Education Week. Retrieved

September 3, 2006, from http://www.all4ed.org/press/

EdWeek_061406_StudentsDoubleDosingReadingMath

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2000). Youth risk behavior surveillance—United

States, 1999. In CDC surveillance summaries, June 9, 2000, MMRW. Atlanta, GA: Author.

Crick, N. R., Bigbee, M. A., & Howe, C. (1996). How do I hurt thee? Let me count the ways. Child

Development, 67, 1003–1014.

Demorest, A., Meyer, C., Phelps, E., Gardner, H., & Winner, E. (1984). Words speak louder than

actions: Understanding deliberately false remarks. Child Development, 55, 1527–1534.

Dews, S., & Winner, E. (1995). Muting the meaning: A social function of irony. Metaphor and

Symbolic Activity, 10, 3–18.

Elias, M. J., & Zins, J. E. (2003). Bullying, other forms of peer harassment, and victimization in

the schools: Issues for school psychology research and practice. In M. J. Elias & J. E. Zins (Eds.),

Bullying, peer harassment, and victimization in the schools: The next generation of prevention

(pp. 1–5). Binghamton, NY: Haworth.

Fisher, D. (2005). The literacy educator’s role in suicide prevention. Journal of Adolescent and

Adult Literacy, 48, 364–373.

Friedman, T. L. (2005). The world is flat: A brief history of the twenty-first century. New York:

Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

Goldschmidt, P., & Wang, J. (1999). When can schools affect dropout behavior? A longitudinal

multilevel analysis. American Education Research Journal, 36, 715–738.

Klein, J. D. (2005). Adolescent pregnancy: Current trends and issues. Pediatrics, 116, 281–286.

Martin, W. B. W. (1987). Students’ perceptions of causes and consequences of embarrassment in

the school. Canadian Journal of Education, 12, 277–293.

Midgely, C., & Urdan, T. (1995). Predictors of middle school students’ use of self-handicapping

strategies. The Journal of Early Adolescence, 15, 389–411.

Page 13 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

Mooney, J., & Cole, D. (2000). Learning outside the lines: Two Ivy League students with learning

disabilities and ADHD give you the tools for academic success and educational revolution. New

York: Simon & Schuster.

National Association of Secondary School Principals. (2006). Breaking ranks in the middle:

Strategies for leading middle level reform. Reston, VA: Author.

Nishina, A., & Juvonen, J. (2005). Daily reports of witnessing and experiencing peer harassment

in middle school. Child Development, 76, 435–450.

Olweus, D. (1993). Bullying at school: What we know and what we can do. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.

Pellgrini, A. D., & Bartini, M. (2000). A longitudinal study of bullying, victimization, and peer

affiliation during the transition from primary school to middle school. American Educational

Research Journal, 37, 699–725.

Perry, D. G., Williard, J. C., & Perry, L. C. (1990). Peers’ perceptions of the consequences that

victimized children provide aggressors. Child Development, 61, 1310–1325.

Rumberger, R. W. (1995). Dropping out of middle school: A multilevel analysis of students and

schools. American Educational Research Journal, 32, 583–625.

Shakeshaft, C., Mandel, L., Johnson, Y. M., Sawyer, J., Hergenrother, M. A., & Barber, E. (1997).

Boys call me cow. Educational Leadership, 55(2), 22–25.

Simmons, R. (2002). Odd girl out: The hidden culture of aggression in girls. New York: Harcourt.

Slavin, R. E. (1993). Ability grouping in the middle grades: Achievement effects and alternatives.

The Elementary School Journal, 93, 535–552.

Tapper, K., & Boulton, M. J. (2005). Victim and peer group responses to different forms of

aggression among primary school children. Aggressive Behavior, 31, 238–253.

Tomlinson, C. A., & Eidson, C. C. (2003). Differentiation in practice: A resource guide for

differentiating curriculum grades 5–9. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum

Development.

Turner, J. C., Midgley, C., Meyer, D. K., Gheen, M., Anderman, E. M., Kang, Y., & Patrick, H.

(2002). The classroom environment and students’ reports of avoidance strategies in

mathematics: A multimethod study. Journal of Educational Psychology, 94, 88–106.

Page 14 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

Vail, K., (1999). Words that wound. American School Board Journal, 186(9), 37–40.

Wehlage, G. (1991). School reform for at-risk students. Equity and Excellence, 25, 15–24.

Wessler, S. L. (2003). It’s hard to learn when you’re scared. Educational Leadership, 61(1), 40–

43.

Nancy Frey is an associate professor of teacher education at San Diego State University,

California.

Douglas Fisher is a professor of teacher education at San Diego State University, California. E-

mail: dfisher@mail.sdsu.edu

Copyright © 2008 by National Middle School Association

Page 15 of 15

1/11/2008file://C:\DOCUME~1\pbruce\LOCALS~1\Temp\ZS4577AM.htm

Article Critique Guidelines and Rubric

Overview
Articles are written to inform, misinform, influence, or misdirect, among other reasons. Sometimes they serve as nothing more than a vehicle for an author to
achieve fame, notoriety, and wealth. You should never take at face value the elements of any article you read, but you should be able to:

• Differentiate between fact and opinion
• Recognize and evaluate author bias and rhetoric
• Determine cause-and-effect relationships
• Determine accuracy and completeness of information presented
• Recognize logical fallacies and faulty reasoning
• Compare and contrast information and points of view
• Develop inferential skills
• Make judgments and draw logical conclusions

When writing an article critique, you will need to summarize, evaluate, and offer critical comment on the ideas and information that the author(s) presents in
the article.

Starting in Module Two, you are assigned two articles to read, which are located in Module Resources for that specific module. You have to select one of the two
articles and write a critique of it. In your paper, cite any and all information taken from the article or any other references used. Your goal should be to read and
understand the article, analyze the findings or arguments, and evaluate and comment on the article.

Reading the Article

• Allow enough time to understand it.
• Read the article without taking notes to gain an overall picture of its main idea.
• Read the article again analytically highlighting important ideas and making brief notes of the main ideas and main topic.

Main Elements

Be sure to address the following within your article critique:

 What is the issue that the article is specifically addressing? Is this a significant problem or issue related to the concepts and theory in this course?
Why or why not?

 What references did the author use in this article?

 Did the article contain research? What data was used? What instruments, if any, were used to collect data?

 What were some of the conclusions, if any, to the research in this article?

 Was the article reliable and valid? Explain.

 Was this article well written? Thoughtful and reflective?

 What were the limitations in this article? Any variables?

 Any other thoughts, comments?

Rubric

Guidelines for Submission: Written components of projects must follow these formatting guidelines when applicable: double spacing, 12-point Times New
Roman font, one-inch margins, and discipline-appropriate citations. Page length should be 2-3 pages, not including cover page and resources.

Critical Elements Exemplary (100%) Proficient (85%) Needs Improvement (55%) Not Evident (0%) Value

Main Elements Includes almost all of the main
elements and requirements
and cites multiple examples to
illustrate each element

Includes most of the main
elements and requirements and
cites many examples to illustrate
each element

Includes some of the main
elements and requirements

Does not include any of the
main elements and
requirements

25

Quality of Article
Critique

Provides an in-depth critique of
the main elements; lists and
explains examples of bias or
faulty reasoning found in the
article

Critiques the main elements; lists
and explains any examples of bias
or faulty reasoning found in the
article

Attempts to critique the
main elements and list
examples of bias or faulty
reasoning found in the article

Fails to critique the main
elements, does not include
any examples of bias or faulty
reasoning found in the article

25

Inquiry and Analysis

Explores multiple issues
through extensive collection
and in-depth analysis of
evidence to make informed
conclusions

Explores some issues through
collection and in-depth analysis
of evidence to make informed
conclusions

Explores minimal issues
through collection and
analysis of evidence to make
informed conclusions

Does not explore issues
through collection and
analysis of evidence and does
not make informed
conclusions

15

Integration and
Application

All of the course concepts are
correctly applied

Most of the course concepts are
correctly applied

Some of the course concepts
are correctly applied

Does not correctly apply any
of the course concepts

10

Research Incorporates many scholarly
resources effectively that
reflect depth and breadth of
research

Incorporates some scholarly
resources effectively that reflect
depth and breadth of research

Incorporates very few
scholarly resources that
reflect depth and breadth of
research

Does not incorporate
scholarly resources that
reflect depth and breadth of
research

15

Writing
(Mechanics/Citations)

No errors related to
organization, grammar and
style, and citations

Minor errors related to
organization, grammar and style,
and citations

Some errors related to
organization, grammar and
style, and citations

Major errors related to
organization, grammar and
style, and citations

10

Total 100%

Character and Academics: What Good Schools Do

Benninga, Jacques S; Berkowitz, Marvin W; Kuehn, Phyllis; Smith, Karen . Phi Delta Kappan ;

Bloomington  Vol. 87, Iss. 6,  (Feb 2006): 448-452.

ProQuest document link

ABSTRACT

Despite the clear national interest in character education, many schools are leery of engaging in supplementary

initiatives that might detract from their focus on increasing academic performance. If it could be demonstrated

that implementing character education programs is compatible with efforts to improve school achievement, then

perhaps more schools would accept the challenge of doing both.

FULL TEXT
 

Headnote

Though there has been increasing interest in character education among policy makers and education

professionals, many schools hesitate to do anything that might detract from their focus on increasing academic

performance. The authors present evidence indicating that this may be misguided.

THE growth of character education programs in the United States has coincided with the rise in high-stakes

testing of student achievement. The No Child Left Behind Act asks schools to contribute not only to students’

academic performance but also to their character. Both the federal government and the National Education

Association (NEA) agree that schools have this dual responsibility. In a statement introducing a new U.S.

Department of Education character education website, then Secretary of Education Rod Paige outlined the need

for such programs:

Sadly, we live in a culture without role models, where millions of students are taught the wrong values or no values

at all. This culture of callousness has led to a staggering achievement gap, poor health status, overweight

students, crime, violence, teenage pregnancy, and tobacco and alcohol abuse. . . . Good character is the product of

good judgments made every day.1

And Bob Chase, the former president of the NEA, issued his own forceful call to action:

We must make an explicit commitment to formal character education. We must integrate character education into

the fabric of the curriculum and into extracurricular activities. We must train teachers in character education – both

preservice and inservice. And we must consciously set about creating a moral climate within our schools.2

Despite the clear national interest in character education, many schools are leery of engaging in supplementary

initiatives that, although worthy, might detract from what they see as their primary focus: increasing academic

achievement. Moreover, many schools lack the resources to create new curricular initiatives. Yet the enhancement

of student character is a bipartisan mandate that derives from the very core of public education. The purpose of

public schooling requires that schools seek to improve both academic and character education.

http://ezproxy.snhu.edu/login?qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fsearch.proquest.com%2Fdocvi

ew%2F218519891%3Faccountid%3D3783

http://ezproxy.snhu.edu/login?qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fsearch.proquest.com%2Fdocview%2F218519891%3Faccountid%3D3783

If it could be demonstrated that implementing character education programs is compatible with efforts to improve

school achievement, then perhaps more schools would accept the challenge of doing both. But until now there has

been little solid evidence of such successful coexistence.

DEFINITIONS AND RESEARCH

Character education is the responsibility of adults. While the term character education has historically referred to

the duty of the older generation to form the character of the young through experiences affecting their attitudes,

knowledge, and behaviors, more recent definitions include such developmental outcomes as a positive perception

of school, emotional literacy, and social justice activism.3

There are sweeping definitions of character education (e.g., Character Counts’ six pillars, Community of Caring’s

five values, or the Character Education Partnership’s 11 principles) and more narrow ones. Character education

can be defined in terms of relationship virtues (e.g., respect, fairness, civility, tolerance), self-oriented virtues (e.g.,

fortitude, self-discipline, effort, perseverance) or a combination of the two. The state of California has incorporated

character education criteria into the application process for its statewide distinguished school recognition

program and, in the process, has created its own definition of character education. Each definition directs the

practice of character education somewhat differently, so that programs calling themselves “character education”

vary in purpose and scope.

There is some research evidence that character education programs enhance academic achievement. For

example, an evaluation of the Peaceful Schools Project and research on the Responsive Classroom found that

students in schools that implemented these programs had greater gains on standardized test scores than did

students in comparison schools.4 The Child Development Project (CDP) conducted follow-up studies of middle

school students (through eighth grade) who had attended CDP elementary schools and found that diey had higher

course grades and higher achievement test scores than comparison middle school students.5 Longitudinal

studies have reported similar effects for middle school and high school students who had participated as

elementary school students in the Seattle Social Development Project.6

A growing body of research supports the notion that high-quality character education can promote academic

achievement. For example, Marvin Berkowitz and Melinda Bier have identified character education programs for

elementary, middle, and high school students that enhance academic achievement.7 These findings, however, are

based on prepackaged curricular programs, and most schools do not rely on such programs. Instead, they create

their own customized character education initiatives. It remains to be seen whether such initiatives also lead to

academic gains.

TOWARD AN OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF CHARACTER EDUCATION

We decided to see if we could determine a relationship between character education and academic achievement

across a range of elementary schools. For our sample we used the elementary schools that applied in 2000 to the

California Department of Education for recognition as distinguished elementary schools, California’s highest level

of school attainment. Eligibility to submit an application for the California School Recognition Program (CSRP) in

2000 was based on the previous year’s academic performance index (API) results.

However, 1999 was the first year for California’s Public School Accountability Act (PSAA), which created the API.

Thus, while the state department stated that growth on the API was the central focus of the PSAA, schools

applying for the CSRP in 1999-2000 did not receive their 1999 API scores until January 2000, after they had already

written and submitted their award applications. Approximately 12.7% of California elementary schools (681 of

5,368 schools) submitted a full application for the award in 2000. The average API of these schools was higher

than the average for the schools that did not apply, but both were below the state expectancy score of 800. The

mean API for applicant schools was 751; for non-applicant schools, 612. The API range for applicant schools was

365-957; for non-applicant schools, 302-958. Hence the sample for this study is not representative of all California

elementary schools. It is a sample of more academically successful schools, but it does represent a broad range of

achievement from quite low to very high.

Specific wording related to character education was included for the first time in the CSRP application in 2000.

Schools were asked to describe what they were doing to meet a set of nine standards. Of these, the one that most

clearly pertained to character education was Standard 1 (Vision and Standards). For this standard, schools were

required to include “specific examples and other evidence” of “expectations that promote positive character traits

in students.”8 Other standards could also be seen as related to character education. For these, schools were asked

to document activities and programs that ensured opportunities for students to contribute to the school, to others,

and to the community.

We chose for our study a stratified random sample of 120 elementary schools that submitted applications. These

120 schools were not significantly different from the other 561 applicant schools on a variety of academic and

demographic indicators. For the schools in our sample, we correlated the extent of their character education

implementation with their API and SAT-9 scores the academic scale and test used by California at that time.9

The first problem we needed to grapple with was how to define a character education program. We spent

considerable time discussing an operational definition to use for this project. After conferring with experts, we

chose our final set of character education criteria, drawn from both the standards used by the California

Department of Education and the Character Education Quality Standards developed by the Character Education

Partnership.10 Six criteria emerged from this process:

* This school promotes core ethical values as the basis of good character.

* In this school, parents and other community members are active participants in the character education

initiative.

* In this school, character education entails intentional promotion of core values in all phases of school life.

* Staff members share responsibility for and attempt to model character education.

* This school fosters an overall caring community.

* This school provides opportunities for most students to practice moral action.

Each of the six criteria addresses one important component of character education. We created a rubric

encompassing these six criteria and listing indicators for each, along with a scoring scale.

CHARACTER EDUCATION AND ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT

Our study of these high-performing California schools added further evidence of a relationship between academic

achievement and the implementation of specific character education programs. In our sample, elementary schools

with solid character education programs showed positive relationships between the extent of character education

implementation and academic achievement not only in a single year but also across the next two academic years.

Over a multi-year period from 1999 to 2002, higher rankings on the API and higher scores on the SAT-9 were

significantly and positively correlated with four of our character education indicators: a school’s ability to ensure a

clean and safe physical environment; evidence that a school’s parents and teachers modeled and promoted good

character; high-quality opportunities at the school for students to contribute in meaningful ways to the school and

its community; and promoting a caring community and positive social relationships.

These are promising results, particularly because the total character education score for the year of the school’s

application was significantly correlated with every language and mathematics achievement score on the SAT-9 for

a period of three years. In two of those years, the same was true for reading achievement scores. In other words,

good-quality character education was positively associated with academic achievement, both across academic

domains and over time.

WHAT GOOD SCHOOLS DO

From our research we derived principles – the four indicators mentioned above – that are common across schools

with both thoughtful character education programs and high levels of

academic achievement.

* Good schools ensure a clean and secure physical environment. Although all schools in our sample fit this

description, the higher-scoring character education schools expressed great pride in keeping their buildings and

grounds in good shape. This is consistent with what is reported about the virtues of clean and safe learning

environments. For example, the Center for Prevention of School Violence notes that “the physical appearance of a

school and its campus communicates a lot about the school and its people. Paying attention to appearance so

that the facilities are inviting can create a sense of security.”11

One school in our sample reported that its buildings “are maintained well above district standards. . . . The

custodial crew prides themselves in achieving a monthly cleaning score that has exceeded standards in 9 out of

12 months.” And another noted, “A daily grounds check is performed to ensure continual safety and cleanliness.”

Each of the higher-scoring schools in our sample explicitly noted its success in keeping its campus in top shape

and mentioned that parents were satisfied that their children were attending school in a physically and

psychologically safe environment.

All schools in California are required to have on file a written Safe School Plan, but the emphases in these plans

vary. While some schools limited their safety plans to regulations controlling access to the building and defined

procedures for violations and intrusions, the schools with better character education programs defined “safety”

more broadly and deeply. For example, one school scoring high on our character education rubric explained that

the mission of its Safe School Plan was “to provide all students with educational and personal opportunities in a

positive and nurturing environment which will enable them to achieve current and future goals, and for all students

to be accepted at their own social, emotional, and academic level of development.” Another high-scoring school

addressed three concerns in its Safe School Plan: identification of visitors on campus, cultural/ethnic harmony,

and safe ingress and egress from school. To support these areas of focus, this school’s teachers were all trained

to conduct classroom meetings, to implement the Community of Caring core values, and to handle issues related

to cultural diversity and communication.

* Good schools promote and model fairness, equity, caring, and respect. In schools with good character education

programs and high academic achievement, adults model and promote the values and attitudes they wish the

students to embrace, and they infuse character education throughout the school and across the curriculum. Rick

Weissbourd drove home this point in a recent essay: “The moral development of students does not depend

primarily on explicit character education efforts but on the maturity and ethical capacities of the adults with whom

they interact. . . . Educators influence students’ moral development not simply by being good role models –

important as that is – but also by what they bring to their relationships with students day to day.”12 The staff of

excellent character education schools in our sample tended to see themselves as involved, concerned professional

educators, and others see them that way as well.

Thus one school described its teachers as “pivotal in the [curriculum] development process; there is a high level of

[teacher] ownership in the curriculum. . . . Fifty percent of our staff currently serves on district curriculum

committees.” Another school stated that it “fosters the belief that it takes an entire community pulling together to

provide the best education for every child; that is best accomplished through communication, trust, and

collaboration on ideas that reflect the needs of our school and the community. . . . Teachers are continually

empowered and given opportunities to voice their convictions and shape the outcome of what the school

represents.” A third school described its teachers as “continually encouraged” to grow professionally and to use

best practices based on research. In the best character education schools, teachers are recognized by their peers,

by district personnel, and by professional organizations for their instructional prowess and their professionalism.

They model the academic and prosocial characteristics that show their deep concern for the well-being of children.

* In good schools students contribute in meaningful ways. We found that academically excellent character

education schools provided opportunities for students to contribute to their school and their community. These

schools encouraged students to participate in volunteer activities, such as cross-age tutoring, recycling,

fundraising for charities, community cleanup programs, food drives, visitations to local senior centers, and so on.

One elementary school required 20 hours of community service, a program coordinated entirely by parent

volunteers. Students in that school volunteered in community gardens and at convalescent hospitals, and they

took part in community cleanup days. Such activities, while not directly connected to students’ academic

programs, were viewed as mechanisms to promote the development of healthy moral character. According to

William Damon, a crucial component of moral education is engaging children in positive activities community

service, sports, music, theater, or anything else that inspires them and gives them a sense of purpose.13

* Good schools promote a canng community and positive social relationships. One school in our sample that

exemplified this principle was a school of choice in its community. The district had opened enrollment to students

outside district boundaries, and this school not only provided an excellent academic program for its multilingual

student population but also worked hard to include parents and community members in significant ways. Its

Family Math Night attracted 250 family members, and its Family Literacy Night educated parents about read-aloud

methods. Parents, grandparents, and friends were recruited to become classroom volunteers and donated

thousands of hours.

This particular school also rented its classrooms to an after-school Chinese educational program. The two sets of

teachers have become professional colleagues, and insights from such cultural interaction have led both groups to

a better understanding of the Chinese and American systems of education. One result has been that more English-

speaking students are enrolling in the Chinese after-school program. And teachers in both programs now engage

in dialogue about the specific needs of children. One parent wrote a letter to the principal that said in part, “It

seems you are anxious to build up our young generation more healthy and successful. . . . I am so proud you are

not only our children’s principal, but also parents’ principal.”

Other schools with strong social relationship programs provide meaningful opportunities for parent involvement

and establish significant partnerships with local businesses. They encourage parents and teachers to work

alongside students in service projects, to incorporate diverse communities into the school curriculum, and to

partner with high school students who serve as physical education and academic mentors. As one such school put

it, all stakeholders “must play an important and active role in the education of the child to ensure the future

success of that child.”

CONCLUSION

It is clear that well-conceived programs of character education can and should exist side by side with strong

academic programs. It is no surprise that students need physically secure and psychologically safe schools,

staffed by teachers who model professionalism and caring behaviors and who ask students to demonstrate caring

for others. That students who attend such schools achieve academically makes intuitive sense as well. It is in

schools with this dual emphasis that adults understand their role in preparing students for future citizenship in a

democratic and diverse society. The behaviors and attitudes they model communicate important messages to the

young people in their charge.

Future research on the relationship between character education and academic achievement should include a

greater representation of schools in the average and below-average achievement categories. In particular, a study

of the extent of the implementation of character education in schools that may have test scores at the low end of

the spectrum – but are nevertheless performing higher than their socioeconomic characteristics would predict –

would be an important contribution to our understanding of the relationship between character education and

academic achievement.

While this was our initial attempt to explore the relationship between these two important school purposes, we

learned a good deal about what makes up a good character education curriculum in academically strong schools.

We know that such a curriculum in such schools is positively related to academic outcomes over time and across

content areas. We also know that, to be effective, character education requires adults to act like adults in an

environment where children are respected and feel physically and psychologically safe to engage in the academic

and social activities that prepare them best for later adult decision making.

At a time when resources are scarce, we see schools cutting programs and narrowing curricula to concentrate on

skills measured by standardized tests. Our research suggests that school goals and activities that are associated

with good character education programs are also associated with academic achievement. Thus our results argue

for maintaining a rich curriculum with support for all aspects of student development and growth.

References

1. U.S. Department of Education, “ED Launches Character Education Web Site,” www.thechallenge. org/15-

v12no4/v12n4-communitiesandschools. htm.

2. Bob Chase, quoted in “Is Character Education the Answer?,” Education World, 1999, www. education-

world.com/a_admin/admin097. shtml.

3. Marvin W. Berkowitz, “The Science of Character Education,” in William Damon, ed., Bringing in a New Era in

Character Education (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 2002), pp. 43-63.

4. Stuart W. Twemlow et al., “Creating a Peaceful School Learning Environment: A Controlled Study of an

Elementary School Intervention to Reduce Violence,” American Journal of Psychiatry, vol. 158, 2001, pp. 808-10;

and Stephen N. Elliott, “Does a Classroom Promoting Social Skills Development Enable Higher Academic

Functioning Among Its Students Over Time?,” Northeast Foundation for Children, Greenfield, Mass., 1998.

5. Victor Battistich and Sehee Hong, “Enduring Effects of the Child Development Project: Second-Order Latent

Linear Growth Modeling of Students’ ‘Connectedness’ to School, Academic Performance, and Social Adjustment

During Middle School,” unpublished manuscript, Developmental Studies Center, Oakland, Calif, 2003.

6. J. David Hawkins et al., “Long-Term Effects of the Seattle Social Development Intervention on School Bonding

Trajectories,” Applied Developmental Science, vol. 5, 2001, pp. 225-36.

7. Marvin W. Berkowitz and Melinda C. Bier, What Works in Character Education? (Washington, D.C.: Character

Education Partnership, 2005).

8. “California School Recognition Program, 2000 Elementary Schools Program, Elementary School Rubric,”

California Department of Education, 2001. (Data are available from Jacques Benninga.)

9. For more detail on the design of the study, see Jacques S. Benninga, Marvin W. Berkowitz, Phyllis Kuehn, and

Karen Smith, “The Relationship of Character Education Implementation and Academic Achievement in Elementary

Schools,” Journal of Research in Character Education, vol. 1, 2003, pp. 17-30.

10. Character Education Quality Standards: A Self-Assessment Tool for Schools and Districts (Washington, D.C.:

Character Education Partnership, 2001).

11. “What Is Character Education?,” Center for the Fourth and Fifth Rs, 2003, www.cortland. edu/c4n5rs/ce_iv.asp.

12. Rick Weissbourd, “Moral Teachers, Moral Students,” Educational Leadership, March 2003, pp. 6-7.

13. Damon is quoted in Susan Gilbert, “Scientists Explore the Molding of Children’s Morals,” New York Times, 18

March 2003.

AuthorAffiliation

JACQUES S. BENNINGA is a professor of education and director of the Sonner Center for Character Education,

California State University, Fresno. MARVIN W. BERKOWITZ is Sanford N. McDonnell Professor of Character

Education, University of Missouri, St. Louis. PHYLLIS KUEHN is a professor of educational research, California

State University, Fresno. KAREN SMITH is principal of Mark Twain Elementary School, Brentwood, Mo. The

research described in this article was funded by a grant from the John Templeton Foundation, but the opinions

expressed are those of the authors.

DETAILS

Subject: Moral education; Core curriculum; Academic achievement; Education

Location: California United States–US Washington DC

Company / organization: Name: Department of Education-California; NAICS: 923110; Name: Department of

Education; NAICS: 923110

Publication title: Phi Delta Kappan; Bloomington

Volume: 87

Issue: 6

Pages: 448-452

Number of pages: 5

LINKS
Request this item through ILL, Check Full Text Finder for Full Text

Database copyright  2020 ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved.
Terms and Conditions Contact ProQuest

Publication year: 2006

Publication date: Feb 2006

Publisher: Phi Delta Kappa

Place of publication: Bloomington

Country of publication: United States, Bloomington

Publication subject: Children And Youth – For, Education, College And Alumni

ISSN: 00317217

Source type: Scholarly Journals

Language of publication: English

Document type: Journal Article

Document feature: Photographs References

ProQuest document ID: 218519891

Document URL: http://ezproxy.snhu.edu/login?qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fsearch.proquest.com%2Fdocvi

ew%2F218519891%3Faccountid%3D3783

Copyright: Copyright Phi Delta Kappa Feb 2006

Last updated: 2019-11-23

Database: ProQuest Central

https://1748.account.worldcat.org/profile/route/openurl??ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_enc=info:ofi/enc:UTF-8&rfr_id=info:sid/ProQ:education&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:journal&rft.genre=article&rft.jtitle=Phi%20Delta%20Kappan&rft.atitle=Character%20and%20Academics:%20What%20Good%20Schools%20Do&rft.au=Benninga,%20Jacques%20S;Berkowitz,%20Marvin%20W;Kuehn,%20Phyllis;Smith,%20Karen&rft.aulast=Benninga&rft.aufirst=Jacques&rft.date=2006-02-01&rft.volume=87&rft.issue=6&rft.spage=448&rft.title=Phi%20Delta%20Kappan&rft.issn=00317217

http://resolver.ebscohost.com/openurl?ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_enc=info:ofi/enc:UTF-8&rfr_id=info:sid/ProQ:education&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:journal&rft.genre=article&rft.jtitle=Phi%20Delta%20Kappan&rft.atitle=Character%20and%20Academics:%20What%20Good%20Schools%20Do&rft.au=Benninga,%20Jacques%20S;Berkowitz,%20Marvin%20W;Kuehn,%20Phyllis;Smith,%20Karen&rft.aulast=Benninga&rft.aufirst=Jacques&rft.date=2006-02-01&rft.volume=87&rft.issue=6&rft.spage=448&rft.isbn=&rft.btitle=&rft.title=Phi%20Delta%20Kappan&rft.issn=00317217&rft_id=info:doi/

https://search.proquest.com/info/termsAndConditions

http://www.proquest.com/go/pqissupportcontact

Character and Academics: What Good Schools Do