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The Strengths Perspective in Social Work
Practice: Extensions and Cautions
Author(s):
Dennis Saleebey
Source: Social Work, Vol. 41, No. 3 (May 1996), pp. 296-305
Published by: Oxford University Press
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The Strengths Perspective in Social Work
Practice: Extensions and Cautions
Dennis Saleebey
The strengths perspective in social work practice continues to develop
conceptually. The strengths-based approach to case management
with people with severe mental illness is well established. More
recently, there have been developments in strengths-based practice
with other client groups and the emergence of strengths orientations
in work with communities. To augment these developments,
converging lines of thinking, research, and practice in areas such as
developmental resilience, healing and wellness, and constructionist
narrative and story have provided interesting supports and
challenges to the strengths perspective. This article reviews some
current thinking and research about using a strengths orientation
and assesses conceptual endorsements and criticisms of the
strengths perspective.
Key words: empowerment; health; resilience;
social work practice; wellness
Over
the past few years, a strengths-based ap
proach to case management with people
with severe mental illness has emerged
(Saleebey, 1992; Sullivan & Rapp, 1994; Weick,
Rapp, Sullivan, & Kisthardt, 1989). More recently,
the profession has developed strengths-based
practice with other client groups—elderly people,
youths in trouble, people with addictions, even
communities and schools (Chamberlain & Rapp,
1991; Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993; Miller &
Berg, 1995; Parsons & Cox, 1994). In addition,
ongoing research, thinking, and practice in areas
such as developmental resilience, healing and
wellness, and constructionist narrative and story
have provided some interesting supports and
challenges to the strengths perspective. This ar
ticle briefly outlines some of the principles and
lexicon of the strengths orientation and addresses
CCC Code: 0037-8046/96 $3.00 © 1996
National Association of Social Workers, Inc.
some emergent and supportive ideas in other dis
ciplines and professions to re-examine some ele
ments of social work theory and practice.
In part the impetus for the evolution of a more
strengths-based view of social work practice
comes from the awareness that U.S. culture and
helping professions are saturated with psychoso
cial approaches based on individual, family, and
community pathology, deficits, problems, abnor
mality, victimization, and disorder. A conglom
eration of businesses, professions, institutions,
and individuals—from medicine to the pharma
ceutical industry, from the insurance industry to
the media—assure the nation that everyone has a
storehouse of vulnerabilities born of toxic experi
ences (usually occurring earlier in life) that put
him or her at risk of everything from sex addic
tion to borderline personality disorder (Kaminer,
296
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1993; Peele, 1989; Peele & Brodsky, 1991; Rieff,
1991).
The DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Association,
1994), although only seven years removed from
its predecessor, has twice the volume of text on
disorders. Victimhood has become big business as
many adults, prodded by a variety of therapists,
gurus, and ministers, go on the hunt for wounded
inner children and the poisonous ecology of their
family background. These phenomena are not
unlike a social movement or evangelism.
Practicing from a strengths perspective does
not require social workers to ignore the real
troubles that dog individuals and groups. Schizo
phrenia is real. Child sexual abuse is real. Pancre
atic cancer is real. Violence is real. But in the lexi
con of strengths, it is as wrong to deny the
possible as it is to deny the problem. The
strengths perspective does not deny the grip and
thrall of addictions and how they can morally and
physically sink the spirit and possibility of any
individual. But it does deny the overweening reign
of psychopathology as civic, moral, and medical
categorical imperative. It does deny that most
people are victims of abuse or of their own ram
pant appetites. It denies that all people who face
trauma and pain in their lives inevitably are
wounded or incapacitated or become less than
they might. It decries the fact that the so-called
recovery movement, now so far beyond its origi
nal intended boundaries, has
pumped out a host of illnesses and addictions
that were by earlier standards, mere habits, some
good, some bad. Everywhere in public we find
people talking freely, if not excitedly, even
proudly, about their compulsions—whether it
be gambling, sex, shopping, exercise, or the hor
rible desire to please other people. We are awash
in a sea of codependency, wounded inner chil
dren, and intimacy crises. (Wolin & Wolin,
1993, p.7)
To exemplify, in a homely way, this cultural
obsession with pathology, a few notes and num
bers culled from the media and professional
sources follow;
■ Eighty million Americans are codependent
(Kaminer, 1993).
■ Twenty million Americans are gambling
addicts (Peele, 1989).
■ Ninety-six percent of all families are dys
functional (Rieff, 1991).
■ Since 1990, there has been a 300 percent
increase in claims filed with the Prudential
Insurance Company for multiple personal
ity disorder (Harper’s Index, 1993).
■ There is a 3 in 5 chance that if you go to a
physician you will be put on a regimen of
medication (Harper’s Index, 1992).
The appreciations and understandings of the
strengths perspective are an attempt to correct
this overwrought and, in some instances, destruc
tive emphasis on what is wrong, what is missing,
and what is abnormal.
Elements of the Strengths Perspective
The strengths perspective demands a different way
of looking at individuals, families, and communi
ties. All must be seen in the light of their capaci
ties, talents, competencies, possibilities, visions,
values, and hopes, however dashed and distorted
these may have become through circumstance,
oppression, and trauma. The strengths approach
requires an accounting of what people know and
what they can do, however inchoate that may
sometimes seem. It requires composing a roster of
resources existing within and around the indi
vidual, family, or com
munity.
It takes courage and diligence on the part of
social workers to regard professional work
through this different lens. Such a “re-vision” de
mands that they suspend initial disbelief in clients.
Too often practitioners are unprepared to hear
and believe what clients tell them, what their par
ticular stories might be (Lee, 1994), especially if
they have engaged in abusive, destructive, addic
tive, or immoral behavior.
It is also important in rediscovering the whole
ness of clients to recognize that the system—the
bureaucracies and organizations of helping—is
often diametrically opposed to a strengths orien
tation. In both formal and informal venues and
structures, policies, and programs, the preferred
language replaces the clients’ own lexicon with the
vocabulary of problem and disease (Goldstein,
1990; Saleebey, 1992). Finally, the professional
language and the metaphorical devices social
workers use to understand and help sometimes
subvert the possibility of understanding clients in
the light of their capácities. Pursuing a practice
based on the ideas of resilience, rebound, possi
bility, and transformation is difficult because,
oddly enough, it is not natural to the world of
helping and service. Table 1 contrasts the
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Comparison of Pathology and
Strengths
Pathology Strengths
Person is defined as a “case”; symptoms add up to a Person is defined as unique; traits, talents, resources
diagnosis. add up to strengths.
Therapy is problem focused. Therapy is possibility focused.
Personal accounts aid in the evocation of a diagnosis Personal accounts are the essential route to knowing
through reinterpretation by an expert. and appreciating the person.
Practitioner is skeptical of personal stories, rational- Practitioner knows the person from the inside out.
izations.
Childhood trauma is the precursor or predictor of Childhood trauma is not predictive; it may weaken
adult pathology. or strengthen the individual.
Centerpiece of therapeutic work is the treatment Centerpiece of work is the aspirations of family, in
plan devised by practitioner. dividual, or community.
Practitioner is the expert on clients’ lives. Individuals, family, or community are the experts.
Possibilities for choice, control, commitment, and Possibilities for choice, control, commitment, and
personal development are limited by pathology. personal development are open.
Resources for work are the knowledge and skills of Resources for work are the strengths, capacities, and
the professional. adaptive skills of the individual, family, or com
munity.
Help is centered on reducing the effects of symp- Help is centered on getting on with one’s life, af
toms and the negative personal and social conse- firming and developing values and commitments,
quences of actions, emotions, thoughts, or rela- and making and finding membership in or as a
tionships. community.
strengths approach with conventional pathology
based approaches.
Language
“We can act,” wrote William James (1902) in re
flecting on Immanuel Kant’s notions about con
ceptions, “as if there were a God; feel as if we were
free; consider nature as if she were full of special
designs; lay plans as if we were to be immortal; and
we find then that these words do make a genuine
difference in our moral life” [italics added] (p.
55). But, as Joseph Conrad (1900) knew, words
can harbor danger as well: “There is a weird
power in a spoken word…. And a word carries
far—very far—deals destruction through time as
the bullets go flying through space” (p. 185).
Language is like a pseudopodia with which we
reach out to the world, grasping its shape and in
corporating, for our own, the sustenance there.
Words do have the power to elevate or destroy.
The profession’s discourse on clients can be noble
or base depending on the words used. Words can
lift and inspire or frighten and constrain. Words
are the aliment that feeds the sense of self. Thus,
social workers are obligated to examine their dic
tionary of helping.
Certain words are key to the strengths perspec
tive. Empowerment, rapidly becoming a hackneyed
idea and term, means assisting individuals, fami
lies, and communities in discovering and using
the resources and tools within and around them
(Kaplan 8t Girard, 1994). The empowerment im
perative also requires that social workers help
people become aware of the tensions and conflicts
that oppress and limit them and help them free
themselves from these restraints (Pinderhughes,
1994).
Resilience means the skills, abilities, knowledge,
and insight that accumulate over time as people
struggle to surmount adversity and meet chal
lenges. It is an ongoing and developing fund of
energy and skill that can be used in current
struggles (Garmezy, 1994).
Membership means that people need to be citi
zens—responsible and valued members in a viable
group or community. To be without membership
Social Work / Volume 41, Number 3 / May 1996
298
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is to be alienated, and to be at risk of marginal
ization and oppression, the enemies of civic and
moral strength (Walzer, 1983). As people begin to
realize and use their assets and abilities, collec
tively and individually, as they begin to discover
the pride in having survived and overcome their
difficulties, more and more of their capacities
come into the work and play of daily life. These
build on each other exponentially, reflecting a
kind of synergy. The same synergistic phenom
enon seems true of communities and groups as
well. In both instances, one might suggest that
there are no known limits to individual and col
lective capacities.
Strengths
also provide the diction, symbols, metaphors, and
tools for rebound (Lifton, 1993). Finally, people
who have overcome abuse and trauma often have
“survivor’s pride” (Benard, 1994; Wolin & Wolin,
1993). Such pride is often buried under shame,
guilt, and alienation, but it is often there waiting
to be tapped into.
Resilience
Resilience should not be understood as the blithe
denial of difficult life experiences, pains, and
scars; it is, rather, the ability to go on in spite of
these (Rutter, 1985; Wolin & Wolin, 1993). Dam
age, to be sure, has been done. Despite the
wounds inflicted, for many the trauma also has
been instructive and chastening. Resilience is not
Personal qualities and strengths a trait or static dimension. It
are sometimes forged in the fires is the continuing articulation
of trauma, sickness, abuse, and of capacities and knowledge
oppression. A sense of humor, A sense of humor, loyalty, derived through the interplay
loyalty independence,insight,
independence, insight, and ofri,i®aundProtectionsinthe and other virtues might very ,
~~
world. The environment con
well become the source of en- Other Virtues might very tinually presents demands,
ergy for successful work with well become the SOUrce of stresses, challenges, and op
clients even though their seeds energy for successful work portunities.
These become
were sown in trouble and pain fateful, given a complexity of
(Vaillant, 1993; Wolin&Wolin,
With Clients. other factors—genetic, neuro
1993). What people learn about biological, familial, commu
themselves and others as they nal—for the development of
struggle to surmount difficulty strength, of resilience, or of
can become knowledge useful in getting on with
one’s life. People learn from their trials and tribu
lations, even those that they inflict on themselves
(Anthony 8c Cohler, 1987; Wolin 8c Wolin, 1993).
People learn from the world around them,
through formal education or through the distill
ing of their day-to-day experience. Clients can
often surprise practitioners (and themselves) with
the talents they have (or once had but let fall into
disuse or out of memory). Such talents, whether
juggling, cooking, baking bread, or tending to the
needs of the ill, may become tools for helping to
build a better life.
Extremely important sources of strength are
cultural and personal stories, narratives, and lore.
Cultural approaches to healing may provide a
source for the revival and renewal of energies and
possibilities. Cultural accounts of origins, devel
opment, migrations, and survival may provide
inspiration and meaning. Personal and familial
stories of falls from grace and redemption, failure
and resurrection, and struggle and resilience may
diminution in capacity.
Research on developmental resilience has in
troduced ideas that challenge three dominant
concepts about development: ( 1 ) there are fixed,
inevitable, critical, and universal stages of devel
opment; (2) childhood trauma inevitably leads to
adult psychopathology (Benard, 1994; Garmezy,
1994); and (3) there are social conditions, inter
personal relationships, and institutional arrange
ments that are so toxic they inevitably lead to dec
rements or problems in the everyday functioning
of children and adults, families, and communities
(Rutter, 1994).
Perhaps the most celebrated study of develop
mental resilience in children as they gro\v into
adulthood is the longitudinal research in Kauai,
Hawaii, begun in 1955 by Werner and Smith
(1992). In their earlier report, Werner and Smith
(1982) reported that one of every three children
who was evaluated by several measures to be at
significant risk for adolescent problems actually
developed into competent and confident young
Saleebey / The Strengths Perspective in Social Work Practice: Extensions and Cautions
299
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adults at age 18. In their follow-up study, Werner
and Smith (1992) revealed that two of three of the
remaining two-thirds had turned into caring and
efficacious adults by age 32. One of their central
conceptualizations was that individuals have self
righting tendencies. From that, they concluded
that some of the factors that ensure the emergence
of self-correction of the life course can be identi
fied. They also concluded that a significant pro
tective factor for many children is a steadfast, car
ing relationship with at least one adult. This adult
(in a few cases it was a peer) does not have to be a
family member or physically present all of the
time. These relationships provide a protective belt
for the child, and they also invigorate the self
righting capacities of the child. Finally, and most
important, Werner and Smith argued that it is
never too late to change a life trajectory from dis
solution to aspiration and accomplishment.
Critical Factors
Many factors, highly variable, interactive, and dy
namic, affect how an individual or group will re
spond to a series of traumatic, even catastrophic
situations (Benard, 1994; Chess, 1989; Garmezy,
1994). The critical factors have been termed “risk
factors” (they enhance the likelihood of adaptive
struggles and poorer developmental outcomes)
and “protective factors” (they increase the likeli
hood of rebound from trauma and stress). I
would add “generative factors”—remarkable and
revelatory experiences that, taken together, dra
matically increase learning, resource acquisition,
and development, accentuating resilience and har
diness. As examples of some of the ingredients of
resilience and adaptation, Masten (1994) listed
the following: competence or functioning over
time, the nature of adversities faced, individual
and social assets and environmental protections
and challenges, the context in which stresses are
experienced, and individual perceptions and defi
nitions of stressful situations. She cautioned that
these factors must always be understood as dy
namic, interactive, and synergistic and as occur
ring over time.
Community
Over the past few years, another complex of fac
tors has emerged as important in the transactions
among risk, protective, and generative circum
stances: the community. In communities that am
plify individual resilience, there is awareness, rec
ognition, and use of the assets of most members
of the community. Informal networks of indi
viduals, families, and groups; social networks of
peers; and intergenerational mentoring relation
ships provide succor, instruction, support, and
encouragement (Benard, 1994; Kretzmann &
McKnight, 1993). These communities can be un
derstood as “enabling niches” (Taylor, 1993),
places where individuals become known for what
they do, are supported in becoming more adept
and knowledgeable, and can establish solid rela
tionships within and outside the community. In
“entrapping niches” (Taylor, 1993), individuals
are stigmatized and isolated. Membership in the
community is based on collective stigma and
alienation.
In communities that provide protection and
minimize risk, there are many opportunities to
participate, to make significant contributions to
the moral and civic life of the community, and to
take on the role of full-fledged citizen (Benard,
1994; McLaughlin, Irby, & Langman, 1994). In
these communities, high expectations of members
are the rule. Youths, elders, and all members are
expected to do well, are given opportunities to do
so, and are instructed in the use of the tools
needed for meeting such expectations. These ex
pectations are related to the life and needs of the
community as well as to the developing compe
tencies of the individual (Montuori 8c Conti, 1993).
Health and Wellness
The ample literature exploring the relationship
between body, mind, and environment and health
and wellness suggests that this interaction is com
plex, recursive, and reticulate and always impli
cated in keeping people well, assisting individuals
in regenerating after trauma, and helping indi
viduals and communities survive the impact and
aftermath of calamity and ordeal. In a sense, the
strengths perspective itself begins with appreciat
ing the body and its tremendous restorative pow
ers as well as its powers to resist disease (Ornstein
&Sobel, 1987; Saleebey, 1985).
A budding conception of the human brain also
indicates the inherent wisdom of the body and
mind. Over evolutionary time, the human brain
has grown into a lattice work of neuronal modules
that lie beneath many inchoate or heretofore un
expressed capacities. Whether these capacities ap
pear depends mightily on the environment. In a
sense, we already “know” what we need to know
Social Work / Volume 41, Number 3 / May 1996
300
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to survive. This knowledge may not be manifest in
behavior and cognition or in language and learn
ing unless the environment requires and elicits it.
The environment, in this way, “selects” from this
enormous neurobiological endowment, and, if all
goes well, individually and collectively, human
kind adapts and thrives (Gazzaniga, 1992). To be
lieve in the naturally selected hardiness and wis
dom of the body is to believe in the possibility of
any individual or group surmounting difficulty
(Dossey, 1989).
Beliefs and Emotions
Positive beliefs about one’s self and condition play
a significant role in health maintenance and re
generation (Cousins, 1989). Supported by positive
beliefs and a supportive environment, the brain
acts as a “health maintenance organization”
(Ornstein 8c Sobel, 1987). Emotions, too, have a
profound effect on wellness and health. They may
act as signals for the body’s immune and recu
perative responses. It does seem the case that
emotions experienced as positive can activate “the
pharmacy within” as well as embolden the appli
cation of reason in day-to-day life (Damasio,
1994; Ornstein 8c Sobel, 1987). When people be
lieve that they can recover, when they have an ar
ray of positive emotions about that prospect in
the context of their daily lives, their bodies often
respond optimally. Under certain conditions,
the
body’s regenerative powers can be augmented.
These factors may operate at the community level
as well.
Health Realization and Community
Empowerment
The health realization-community empowerment
model developed by Mills (1995) is based on edu
cating people and helping them recognize their
innate resilience and knowledge that can be used
in achieving individual aspirations and improving
community vitality. Mills’s idea is that resilience,
health, wisdom, intelligence, and positive motiva
tion are within each person and are accessible
through education, support, and encouragement.
The goals of health realization and community
empowerment are to “reconnect people to
the
health in themselves and then direct them in ways
to bring forth the health of others in their com
munity. The result is a change in people
and com
munities which builds up from within rather than
[being] imposed from without” (cited in Benard,
1994, p. 22). Supportive and instructive relation
ships, predictable and enduring sources of comfort
and guidance, the creation of an ethos of health
and accomplishment, and the soothing hand of
others may inspire health and promote a better
quality of life for individuals and communities.
The resilience and the health and wellness lit
eratures run parallel in many regards. Both imply
that individuals and communities have intrinsic
capacities for restoration and rebound. Both sug
gest that individuals are best served, from a health
and competence standpoint, by creating belief and
thinking around possibility and values, around
accomplishment and renewal, rather than center
ing exclusively on risk factors and disease pro
cesses. Both indicate that health and resilience are,
in the end, community projects, an effect of social
connection, the aggregation of collective vision,
the provision of mentoring, and the reality of be
longing to an organic whole.
Constructionism: Stories and Narratives
The constructionist view, in its many guises, em
phasizes the importance of meaning making in
human affairs (Becker, 1968). Human beings can
build themselves into the world only by creating
meaning, fashioning out of symbols, icons, and
words a sense of what the world is all about
(Bruner, 1990). The building blocks of meaning
making are, for the most part, found in the edifice
of culture. Culture provides the means by which
people receive, organize, rationalize, and under
stand their experiences in the world. Central ele
ments of the patterns woven by culture are story
and narrative. Individuals impart, receive, or af
firm meanings largely through telling and retell
ing stories and recounting narratives, the plots
often laid out by culture. There is always, as
Rosaldo (1989) argued, a tension between struc
ture (culture) and agency (selfhood), so that indi
viduals, families, and subcultures (or “minority”
cultures) may develop their own stories or shape
those laid out by the culture. Groups who suffer
the domination of broader social institutions or
suppression of their own cultural devices
under
the dominant culture frequently do not have their
stories told or heard, not only in the wider world
but also, regrettably, in their own world (Gergen,
1991; Laird, 1989; Rosaldo, 1989). Certainly one
of the characteristics of being oppressed is having
one’s stories buried under the forces of ignorance
and stereotype.
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Lifting oppression and emancipating the moral
imagination, the visions and hopes, and the life
chances of people who are dispossessed involve
recapturing and reconstructing the “generative
themes” (Freire, 1973) of the culture, community,
neighborhood, or family. It is a part of the work
toward liberation to collaborate in the projection
of peoples’ stories, narratives, and myths outward
to the institutions that have ignored or marginal
ized them (Saleebey, 1994).
Criticisms of the Strengths Perspective
Many individuals who present the strengths ap
proach in workshops and training for professional
social workers, in consultation with agencies, and
in the classroom report some common reservations
and objections about the strengths perspective
from practitioners and students: that the strengths
perspective is just positive thinking in another
guise, simply reframes deficits and misery, is “Polly
annaish,” or ignores or downplays real problems.
Positive Thinking in Disguise
America has a long tradition of the idea of the
power of positive thinking from Mary Baker Eddy
to Norman Vincent Peale to Anthony Robbins.
Though its current face is presented in slicker
technological garb, positive thinking has not
drifted very far from Emile Coué, who, at the turn
of the century, advised repeating “Every day, in
every way, I get better and better.”
The strengths perspective, however, is not
predicated on the repetition of uplifting mantras
or the idea that transformation is a matter of a few
minutes and a timely miracle. Rather, the idea is
that to build something of lasting significance
with clients, social workers must use their exper
tise in the service of capitalizing on client re
sources, talents, knowledge, and motivation, as
well as environmental collateral. There is little else
with which to construct possibility and to reach
out for promise. This is hard work. People, espe
cially people in trouble or dire straits, are not
given to thinking of themselves or others in terms
of strengths or as having emerged from scarring
events with something useful and redemptive (de
Shazer, 1991; Lee, 1994). In addition, if they have
been clients of the welfare, social services, or men
tal health systems, they likely have been inculcated
in the doctrine of themselves as deficient and
needy. They are not easily dissuaded from this
identity (Holmes & Saleebey, 1993).
More important, the strengths perspective re
quires formation of appreciative, collaborative
relationships with clients, which social workers
are taught are essential to effective, principled
work. To establish such relationships social work
ers must devise strict and accurate accountings of
client assets.
Reframing Misery
The criticism that the strengths perspective simply
reframes deficit and misery suggests that clients
are not really expected to do the work of transfor
mation and risk action. Rather, they are required
merely to reconceptualize their difficulties so that
they are sanitized and less threatening to self and
others. In this way, schizophrenia, for example,
becomes an exquisite sensitivity to the motives and
meanings of others. The strengths approach hon
ors the reality of schizophrenia and the damage
this neurobiological, psychosocial disorder can do.
The strengths perspective does not deny reality;
it demands some reframing, however, to develop
an attitude and language about the nature of pos
sibility and opportunity and the nature of the in
dividual beneath the diagnostic label. The work
involves creating access to communal resources so
that they become the ticket to expanded choices
and routes to change.
Pollyannaism
Another criticism is that the strengths approach is
Pollyannaish, that it ignores how manipulative
and dangerous or destructive certain clients and
client groups can be. The argument is, apparently,
that some people are simply beyond redemption.
Clearly, there are individuals who commit acts
that are beyond our capacity to understand, let
alone accept.
But the strengths perspective demands that
practitioners ask what useful qualities and skills or
even motivation and aspirations these clients
have, how they can be tapped in the service of
change, and in what more salubrious ways these
individuals can meet their needs and resolve their
conflicts. Social workers cannot automatically dis
count people. There may be genuinely evil people,
beyond grace or hope, but it is best not to make
that assumption first.
Ignoring Reality
A very serious criticism is that the strengths per
spective ignores or downplays real problems. The
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strengths approach does not discount the prob
lems of clients. Often, these problems are where
clients begin, what they are compelled to talk
about, what are most urgent. The individual or
group may need the opportunity for catharsis, for
grieving and mourning, for the expression of rage
or anxiety, for the recounting of barriers to satis
faction and esteem (Wolin & Wolin, 1993).
All helpers should assess and evaluate the
sources and remnants of client troubles, difficul
ties, pains, and disorders. As Cousins (1989) sug
gested, one should not deny the verdict (diagnosis
or assessment) but should defy the sentence. Hav
ing assessed the damage, social workers need to
ensure that the diagnosis does not become a cor
nerstone of identity. To avoid that possibility,
they calculate how clients have managed to sur
vive thus far and what they have drawn on in the
face of misfortune. What part of their struggle has
been useful to them, and what positive or con
structive learning has it yielded? People are not
often thought to think of the afflictions of circum
stance, context, or character in this way, but with
encouragement, they can. Whatever else symp
toms are, they may also be a sign of the soul’s
struggle to be alive, responsible, and involved
(Moore, 1992). For helpers, the goal may be not
the heroic cure but rather the constancy of caring
and connection and collaborative work toward
improving the quality of day-to-day living.
Yes, but…
Many social workers and agencies argue that they
already abide by the strictures of a strengths ori
entation. A review of actual practices reveals that
they often fall short of full endorsement and ap
plication of a strengths-based practice. For ex
ample, in many mental health agencies around the
country, individual service plans (ISPs) are de
vised to “incorporate” the strengths of client and
family in assessment and planning. But many ISPs
the author and other colleagues have examined
are rife with diagnostic assessments and elabora
tions, narratives about decompensation, and ex
plorations of continuing symptomatic struggles
and manifestations. Axes I and II of the DSM are
usually prominently featured. Often, the strengths
assessment is consigned to a few lines at the end
of the evaluation and planning form. The ac
countings rendered on these forms are, for the
most part, in the language of the worker and use
the mental health system lexicon.
Conclusion
The strengths perspective honors two things: the
power of the self to heal and right itself with the
help of the environment, and the need for an alli
ance with the hope that life might really be other
wise. Helpers must hear the individual, family, or
community stories, but people can write the story
of their near and far futures only if they know ev
erything they need to know about their condition
and circumstances. The job is to help individuals
and groups develop the language, summon the
resources, devise the plot, and manage the subjec
tivity of life in their world.
In a strengths approach, how social workers
encounter their fellow human beings is critical.
They must engage individuals as equals. They
must be willing to meet them eye to eye and to
engage in dialogue and a mutual sharing of
knowledge, tools, concerns, aspirations, and re
spect. The process of coming to know is a mutual
and collaborative one. The individuals and groups
the profession assist, also must be able to “name”
their circumstances, their struggles, their experi
ences, themselves. Many alienated people have
been named by others—labeled and diagnosed—
in a kind of total discourse. The power to name
oneself and one’s situation and condition is the
beginning of real empowerment.
The American philosopher Susanne Langer
(1963) wrote, “The limits of thought in any age
are set not so much from the outside by the full
ness or poverty of experience … as from within
by the power of conception and the wealth of for
mative notions with which the mind meets expe
rience” (p. 8). The strengths perspective is a
standpoint. Supporters believe that it offers a new
way of thinking and acting professionally. Clearly,
it is not a theory. But its emerging body of prin
ciple and method does create opportunities for
professional knowing and doing that go beyond
the boundaries of the “technical-rational” ap
proach (Schôn, 1983) so common today.
Some social work practitioners may find little
in this article that is “new” and may regard these
ideas as simply good social work practice. How
ever, it is the experience of those who have
worked to develop it that a strengths-based prac
tice does provide a richness of thought and an ar
ray of actions that go far toward serving well
those who seek help from the profession (Cham
berlain & Rapp, 1991; Sullivan & Rapp, 1994;
Saleebey / The Strengths Perspective in Social Work Practice: Extensions and Cautions
303
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Weick et al., 1989). Kaplan and Girard (1994) put
it this way:
People are more motivated to change when their
strengths are supported. Instead of asking family
members what their problems are, a worker can
ask what strengths they bring to the family and
what they think are the strengths of other family
members…. The worker creates a language of
strength, hope, and movement, (p. 53)
In the end, it is that kind of rhetoric that preserves
the possibility and promise of our clients. ■
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Dennis Saleebey, DSW, LMSW, is chair, PhD pro
gram in social welfare, and professor, School of So
cial Welfare, University of Kansas, Twente Hall,
Lawrence, KS 66045.
Accepted August 18, 1995
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- Article Contents
- Issue Table of Contents
p. 296
p. 297
p. 298
p. 299
p. 300
p. 301
p. 302
p. 303
p. 304
p. 305
Social Work, Vol. 41, No. 3 (May 1996) pp. 241-336
Front Matter
Editorial: Affordable Housing: A Basic Need and a Social Issue [pp. 245-249]
Female Gang Members: A Profile of Aggression and Victimization [pp. 251-257]
Empowering Battered Women Transnationally: The Case for Postmodern Interventions [pp. 261-268]
When Social Workers and Physicians Collaborate: Positive and Negative Interdisciplinary Experiences [pp. 270-281]
Afrocentricity: An Emerging Paradigm in Social Work Practice [pp. 284-294]
The Strengths Perspective in Social Work Practice: Extensions and Cautions [pp. 296-305]
Radicalizing Recovery: Addiction, Spirituality, and Politics [pp. 306-312]
Correction: Pathways of Older Adolescents out of Foster Care: Implications for Independent Living Services [pp. 312-312]
Practice Update
Training and Supporting the Telephone Intake Worker for an AIDS Prevention Counseling Study [pp. 314-319]
Commentary
The Personal Is Ecological: Environmentalism of Social Work [pp. 320-323]
Points &Viewpoints
HIV/AIDS and Suicide: Be Open [pp. 324-324]
HIV/AIDS and Suicide: Further Precautions [pp. 325-326]
Books
Review: untitled [pp. 328-328]
Review: untitled [pp. 328-329]
Review: untitled [pp. 329-330]
Review: untitled [pp. 330-331]
Review: untitled [pp. 331-331]
Review: untitled [pp. 331-332]
Selected Books Received [pp. 332-334]
Letters
Classism in the Curriculum [pp. 336-336]