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Discussion 1:

Educational psychology serves as the bridge between theory and practice in our classrooms. Best practices in the classroom stem from the research and developed theories about how we learn and behave which is the driving force that guides how we teach, motivate, and assess our students. The research of educational psychology is what supports our continually improvement in what constitutes effective teaching and learning.

In Chapter 1 of the text, Table 1.1 displays core INTASC principles that reflect the characteristics of a competent teacher. Be sure to use the text to support your response.

Select two of the ten principles and discuss how you currently exhibit these principles. Why might the two selected principles be considered essential elements of teaching?

Select two of the ten principles and discuss why they reflect areas of needed growth as you work towards becoming an educator. What will you do to improve these areas?

Discussion 2: Cognitive Development Learning Theories

Have you ever wondered how students learn? Well, there are many learning theorists that have proposed the process in which one acquires new knowledge and each one significantly contributes to the process of cognitive development. Read Chapter 2 of our text to gain a greater understanding of cognitive development that provides teachers with the knowledge of creating developmentally appropriate practices in the classroom. In analyzing the implications of cognitive development on student learning, choose one of the following questions:

Describe Piaget’s answers for the primary biological questions he asked: How do children adapt? How can development be classified? Next, share whether or not you agree with Piaget. Then, describe the value for teachers in understanding Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development. Apply this to your own role as a future educator.

Give an example of what is meant by Vygotsky’s zone of proximal development (ZPD). Explain how your example fully illustrates your understanding of ZPD. Also, describe at least two educational implications of this concept. Use the concept of scaffolding in your answer.

Required Resources

Required

Text

LeFrançois, G. R. (2018).

Psychology for teaching

(2nd ed.). Retrieved from https://content.ashford.edu

Chapter 1: Psychology for Teaching

Chapter 2: Socioemotional and Cognitive Development

Articles

Council of Chief State School Officers. (2011, April). Intasc model core teaching standards: A resource for state dialogue

. Retrieved from http://www.ccsso.org/documents/2011/intasc_model_core_teaching_standards_2011

Recommended Resources

Text

Woolfolk, A. (2013). Educational psychology (12th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson

1Psychology for

Teaching

Monkeybusinessimages/iStock/Thinkstock

Learning Objectives

After studying this chapter you will be able to:

ሁ Explain how psychology and education are related.
ሁ Describe how teacher competence is evaluated.
ሁ Identify the differences between quantitative and qualitative research.
ሁ Define theories, laws, principles, and beliefs, and explain how they are related.
ሁ Summarize the three basic elements of a useful model of teaching.
ሁ Identify characteristics shared by expert teachers.

Thousands . . .
Kiss the book’s outside who ne’er look within.

—William Cowper, Expostulation

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Introduction

Pretest

Determine if the following statements are true or false.

1. The Interstate New Teacher Assessment and Support Consortium (InTASC) describes
10 basic principles that summarize the most important reasons to assess teachers. (T/F)

2. Laws and principles have the same meaning and can be used interchangeably. (T/F)
3. Discovery- and problem-based learning, peer-based cooperative learning, and

open classroom discussion are more associated with direct instruction than with
constructivist instruction. (T/F)

4. Teacher burnout is a collection of stress-related behavioral symptoms. (T/F)
5. Long vacations, prestige, and respect would all be classified as intrinsic rewards of

teaching. (T/F)

Answers can be found at the end of the chapter.

Introduction
Each chapter in this textbook opens with a list of learning objectives. Learning objectives indi-
cate some of the topics you should know and understand more clearly once you have finished
reading. At the end of each chapter, the learning objectives are translated into more practical
review questions and exercises. The learning objectives are followed by introductions. These
introductions organize and summarize important concepts and increase the meaningfulness
of material to be learned—sometimes by stimulating recall of important previous learning,
sometimes by providing new information, and sometimes by clarifying concepts. This first
chapter is a preview for the remainder of the textbook. Among other things, it points out that
there are some important reasons for taking this course other than the fact that it might be
compulsory.

My teaching career began with John George Scott. He and I started school on the
same day up in the wilds of northern Saskatchewan—a one-room school where
my father was the teacher. John George, whose family had recently arrived in the
area, spoke neither English nor French.

The first thing my dad did that morning was underline, in both French and
English, some of the rules of the school like where’s the cloakroom for boys and
the one for girls and don’t go into the wrong one and how many fingers to raise
for a call of nature depending on the nature of the call.

Shortly after that, John George turned, stared at the door for a second or
two, and then, as if he’d just made up his mind, pulled himself out of his desk and
lurched outside. “He’s bolted,” I thought, half wishing I had enough courage to
do the same.

But John George hadn’t bolted at all. He had simply felt the call of nature.
So, what the hey, he had gotten out of his desk, trotted to the far corner of the
school yard, squatted, and was now attending to that call. Watching through the
windows, some of us laughed so hard we had to fight a call of nature of our own.

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Section 1.1 Psychology for Teaching

My father, a resourceful and cunning teacher, rushed outside immediately.
We watched as he tried to explain to John George, using very interesting body lan-
guage, that the little building in the other corner was equipped to handle prob-
lems of the kind John George had already solved. But some gestures are all Greek
to frightened six-year-old boys whose pants have settled around their ankles.

So my dad came back and made me a teacher. “Show him where it is and
what it’s for,’’ he said. This, in retrospect, colored a big part of my life.

I took John George with me and showed him.

1.1 Psychology for Teaching
Showing people things is an important part of teaching. In fact, in Spanish the word enseñar
means both to teach and to show. Good teachers show students, or help them discover for
themselves, all sorts of things like what ideas are and how they can be used, the meanings of
numbers, how to operate machines and computers, and so on.

However, teaching is often more complex than it might appear from straightforward tasks such
as showing people about outhouses—my successful assignment with John George notwith-
standing. And although this textbook, Psychology for Teaching, might not have been very useful
to me that day—hey, I could scarcely read—it would have come in handy many years later when,
as a beginning teacher, I tried teaching other less natural things to people whose need to learn
was not quite so insistent. You see, contrary to what I had hoped, teaching skills are not heredi-
tary; we can’t count on our genes to endow us with teaching ability, or with what is called the
“craft knowledge” of teaching—the knowledge that expert teachers seem to have. Fortunately,
though, we now have a large body of information to help novice teachers become more expert.
This information can contribute dramatically to the effectiveness of teachers and of schools. This
textbook is your introduction to that information. Its goal is to make you a better teacher. As its
title indicates, it presents a psychology for teaching.

Psychology’s potential contribution to education becomes clear when viewed in terms of
what is involved in teaching. Psychology, after all, is most likely to provide us with answers
to important questions such as: How can we use what we know about learning to increase
the effectiveness of our instructional procedures? What do we know about people that might
be of value to teachers who face student misbehavior or want to avoid being faced with such
behavior? How can we motivate learners? And a thousand other related questions.

Assessing and Improving Teacher Competence
How can you, or anyone else for that matter, know whether you have what it takes to become
a competent, perhaps even an outstanding, teacher? How will a college or university decide
whether to admit you into a teacher training program? How can schools support and help
beginning teachers?

Pretty important questions, these—so important, in fact, that tests have been developed
to help answer them. Most of these tests are based on 10 basic standards that summarize
the most important characteristics of competent teachers, the so-called InTASC standards
(InTASC Model Core Teaching Standards, 2013). InTASC stands for Interstate New Teacher
Assessment and Support Consortium (Table 1.1).

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Section 1.1Psychology for Teaching

Table 1.1: Core InTASC standards mapped to the chapters of this textbook
that relate to each principle

Broad area of
teacher expertise Statement of standard

Most relevant
chapters

Standard 1
learner
development

The teacher understands how learners grow and develop,
recognizing that patterns of learning and development vary
individually within and across the cognitive, linguistic, social,
emotional, and physical areas. The teacher can provide learning
opportunities that are developmentally appropriate and
challenging.

2, 3, 5, 6,

Standard 2
learning
differences

The teacher uses understanding of individual differences and
diverse cultures and communities to ensure inclusive learning
environments that enable each learner to meet high standards.

3, 4

Standard 3
learning
environments

The teacher works with others to create environments that
support individual and collaborative learning, and that encourage
positive social interaction, active engagement in learning, and
self-motivation.

2, 3, 5, 6, 8

Standard 4
content
knowledge

The teacher understands the central concepts, tools of inquiry,
and structures of the discipline(s) he or she teaches and creates
learning experiences that make the discipline accessible and
meaningful for learners to assure mastery of the content.

1, 8

Standard

application of
content

The teacher understands how to connect concepts and use
differing perspectives to engage learners in critical thinking,
creativity, and collaborative problem solving related to authentic
local and global issues.

3, 6,

Standard

assessment

The teacher understands and uses multiple methods of
assessment to engage learners in their own growth, to monitor
learner progress, and to guide the teacher’s and learner’s decision
making.

Standard 7
planning for
instruction

The teacher plans instruction that supports every student in
meeting rigorous learning goals by drawing upon knowledge of
content areas, curriculum, cross-disciplinary skills, and pedagogy,
as well as knowledge of learners and the community context.

2, 3, 4, 7, 8

Standard 8
instructional
strategies

The teacher understands and uses a variety of instructional
strategies to encourage learners to develop deep understanding
of content areas and their connections, and to build skills to apply
knowledge in meaningful ways.

6, 7, 8,

Standard 9
professional
learning and
ethical practice

The teacher engages in ongoing professional learning and uses
evidence to continually evaluate his/her practice, particularly the
effects of his/her choices and actions on others (learners, families,
other professionals, and the community).

1, 8, 10, parts
of all chapters

Standard 10
leadership and
collaboration

The teacher seeks appropriate leadership roles and opportunities
to take responsibility for student learning; to collaborate with
learners, families, colleagues, other school professionals, and
community members to ensure learner growth; and to advance
the profession.

10, parts of all
chapters

Source: Council of Chief State School Officers. (2013, April). Interstate Teacher Assessment and Support Consortium InTASC
Model Core Teaching Standards and Learning Progressions for Teachers 1.0: A Resource for Ongoing Teacher Development.
Washington, DC: Author. Adapted with permission.

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5
Section 1.1 Psychology for Teaching

The most widely used tests of beginning teacher competence, the Praxis® exams, are based
on InTASC descriptions of the skills, the attitudes, and the behavior of competent begin-
ning teachers. Developed by the Educational Testing Service, different forms of these exams
are designed to be used before teacher training and for teacher certification and licensing
(About the Praxis® Tests, 2016). For example, many teacher training institutions require that
students show a minimum level of competence in basic skills such as reading, writing, and
arithmetic before they are admitted to a teacher training program. For this, the Praxis® Core
Academic Skills for Educators (Core) tests might be used. The Praxis® Subject Assessments,
which look at subject-area knowledge as well as specific teaching skills, may be required for
acceptance into the student teaching component of a program or for certification.

Although the Praxis® exams are widely used, a number of states have developed their own
testing programs and instruments. As a teacher candidate, what’s important for you is that
you develop the knowledge, the skills, and the attitudes embodied in the principles underly-
ing these assessments. One of the goals of this textbook is to help you do that.

Teaching and Your Beliefs
Much of what the teacher is required to do in the classroom is immediate: There is often little
time for careful reflection. Hence, many of the teacher’s actions are based on habit and on
pre-established beliefs. Even our most impulsive and habitual actions reveal our underlying
convictions and implicit theories—in other words, our beliefs. For this reason, suggest Bain
and McNaught (2006), getting teachers to change is often a very difficult undertaking. In fact,
as politicians well know, getting anybody to change their beliefs is sometimes very difficult.
We don’t easily discard old beliefs and adopt new ones.

What Are Beliefs?
Beliefs are personal convictions. Unlike knowledge, which tends to be impersonal and impar-
tial, a belief often has strong emotional components. Thus, beliefs are reflected in attitudes,
prejudices, judgments, and opinions. And beliefs based in stereotypes can play an important
role in teacher behavior and in student achievement. Some studies indicate that learners for
whom teachers have high expectations are more likely to achieve at a high level (the so-called
halo effect) than are students for whom teachers have very low expectations (Sorhagen,
2013; Tenenbaum & Martin, 2007). Thus, teacher expectations, which may be closely related
to the beliefs teachers have about how certain groups typically achieve, can have either posi-
tive or negative effects on student achievement.

Beliefs are often formed early in life and may be maintained even in the face of strong contra-
diction. Such beliefs act as a sort of filter through which people view the world and interpret
information. How teachers teach often reflects the values and beliefs about learning that they
developed through their own personal experiences. Fortunately, however, beliefs result not
only from personal experiences, but also from information acquired through education and
other sources. For example, what we believe about the effects of smoking may reflect what we
have read or heard rather than what we have experienced. Similarly, what we believe about
the characteristics of children or about human learning may be based partly on our own expe-
riences and partly on what we have learned from more formal educational experiences.

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6
Section 1.1 Psychology for Teaching

How Beliefs Affect Decisions
All teachers have beliefs about their work, their students, how learning occurs, and the sub-
jects they teach. Especially important, as Charalambous (2015) points out, are the beliefs a
teacher has about knowledge and learning. A teacher who believes students learn best by
memorizing assigns memory work; one who is convinced students remember only what they
understand takes more pains to explain and clarify. A teacher who believes students cheat
when given the opportunity supervises her examinations closely; one who thinks students
are basically honest prepares her lessons while students take their tests.

As an example, see the case “Last Weekend, Tommy and I . . .” Note that Mr. Busenius believes,
among other things, that:

1. Offenders must be made to stop immediately before misbehavior spreads.
2. It is better to reprimand silently and at close range without disrupting ongoing class-

room activities.

C A S E S F R O M T H E C L A S S R O O M :
L A S T W E E K E N D , T O M M Y A N D I . . .

The Situation: Mr. Busenius’ sixth-grade language class. The students are generally well
behaved; most appear interested and attentive—except for Helena who, in Mr. Busenius’
words, is “a bit of a challenge.”

Today, students are asked to write two paragraphs describing the most interesting thing
that happened to them over the weekend. Helena has no interest in the assignment.
Instead, she begins to brush her hair.

But before she has completed her third stroke, Mr. Busenius has quietly reached her desk,
taken the brush from her, and jabbed his finger emphatically on the blank sheet of paper on
Helena’s desk.

She bends to her task. “Last weekend,” she writes, “Tommy and I, I don’t know if I should
write this, but I will, what we did is . . .”

Mr. Busenius might have selected other options. For example, he might simply have ignored
Helena if he believed that her behavior was designed to get attention and that it would, there-
fore, be less likely to be repeated if he ignored it. Or he might have used some form of punish-
ment, such as detention, believing that Helena would subsequently change her behavior to
avoid punishment. Alternatively, he might have gone over to Roberta and praised her remark-
able paragraphs just loudly enough to draw Helena’s attention, believing that this might
encourage Helena to build her own astonishing paragraphs. Also, he might have taken the
time to explain how important it is to learn to express oneself, in the belief that this might
motivate Helena to greater efforts. Or he might have explained to Helena that her hair brush-
ing was distracting and upsetting the others, believing that her need for social approval would
convince her to put her brush away.

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Section 1.2 Educational Psychology

Which of these behaviors is best? Is it always best? Which of these beliefs is most accurate and
most useful? In this textbook there are answers for some of these questions.

This Textbook and Your Beliefs
Although some beliefs about teaching and learning are already well established by the time
teachers begin their training, and although beliefs are often resistant to change, many beliefs
are certainly changeable. For example, Choi (2008) found that teachers who participated in
a course that emphasized an inquiry approach to teaching science changed their beliefs sig-
nificantly about the best ways of teaching science. Most important, their teaching behaviors
actually changed. They had developed different beliefs and different expertise.

There have traditionally been two rather different sets of beliefs about teaching and learn-
ing. One, which might be called a teacher- and content-centered orientation, emphasizes the
teacher’s role in imparting structured bodies of knowledge. The other orientation is more
student- and learning-centered: It emphasizes the student’s role in the teaching-learning pro-
cess. Clearly, if you believe that one of these orientations is highly preferable to the other, that
belief will be reflected in your approach to teaching and in your interactions with learners.

One of the important aims of this textbook is to encourage you to examine your beliefs—espe-
cially those that have to do with learners and with teaching—and to discard or alter them
if necessary. This textbook tries to do this in two related ways: first, by providing you with
important information about learners of different ages and about the processes involved in
learning, organizing, remembering, thinking, solving problems, and being creative; and sec-
ond, by describing and illustrating practical strategies for facilitating the teaching–learning
process.

1.2 Educational Psychology
Psychology is the science that studies human behavior and thinking. It looks at how expe-
rience affects thought and action; it explores the roles of biology and heredity; it examines
consciousness and dreams; it traces how people develop from infants into adults; it investi-
gates social influences. Basically, psychology tries to explain why people think, act, and feel
as they do.

Educational psychology is the branch of psychology that studies human behavior in educa-
tional settings. It involves applying existing psychological knowledge to educational theory
and practice, as well as developing new knowledge and procedures. Accordingly, educational
psychology deals with learning processes, human development and motivation, social learn-
ing, human personality (especially characteristics such as intelligence and creativity), disci-
pline and other aspects of classroom management, the measurement and evaluation of stu-
dent development and learning, and other related issues. These broad topics (divided into 10
chapters) are the substance of this textbook.

There are two main approaches to research in fields such as educational psychology: quanti-
tative research and qualitative research.

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8
Section 1.2 Educational Psychology

Quantitative Research
Quantitative research, in its simplest sense, is research that deals with things that can be
measured (that can be quantified). The methods of quantitative research are the methods of
what we commonly understand as science. Science is an approach that insists on precision,
consistency, and replicability. Accordingly, the methods of science are based on rules intended
to eliminate subjectivity, bias, and the influence of random factors. Science’s most important
tool in the quest for understanding has been the experiment.

An experiment is a situation where the investigator systematically manipulates aspects of
the environment to determine the effect of so doing on some important outcome. What is
manipulated or controlled is called the independent variable; the effect of this manipulation
is reflected in the dependent variable. Most experiments can easily be worded in terms of an
“if-then” statement. The experimenter is saying, in effect, “If this particular set of conditions
exists, then we should see this outcome.” The “if” part of the equation is the independent vari-
able; the “then” part is the dependent variable.

As an example, consider the prediction (termed a hypothesis) that rewarding learners will
have a positive effect on subsequent learning. Phrased as an if-then statement, this might be
translated as “if learners are rewarded, then there will be an improvement in their subsequent
learning.” An experiment designed to examine this hypothesis might consist of an arrange-
ment where some learners are paid for their grades and others not, all are later exposed to a
learning experience, and the performance of the rewarded group is compared to that of the
unrewarded group. In this case, the independent variable (the “if” part of the if-then equation)
is the monetary reward; the dependent variable (the “then” part) is the learner’s subsequent
performance (see Figure 1.1).

Qualitative Research
Whereas quantitative research deals with things that are measurable, qualitative research
deals with things that are describable in terms of their qualities. The main objectives of quali-
tative research are not so much to arrive at conclusions that can be replicated and widely
generalized, but rather to arrive at an in-depth understanding of how individuals experience
the world, of how they feel, and why they react as they do.

The most commonly used approaches in qualitative research include in-depth interviews,
observation, focus groups, and journals and diaries (Miles, Huberman & Saldana, 2014;
Marx, 2016). Interviews and observations, as well as sessions with focus groups, are often
recorded. As a result, unlike experiments, which typically yield numbers that can be analyzed
and graphed, the methods of qualitative research often produce a vast wealth of detail, the
analysis and interpretation of which can be very difficult and which sometimes span enor-
mous periods of time.

Many researchers have dismissed qualitative methods as overly subjective and unreliable.
In-depth interviews, often of a single individual, typically don’t yield results that can eas-
ily be shown to be valid and that can be generalized to other individuals or groups. In fact,
the results of qualitative research fare very poorly when measured against science’s insis-
tence on precision, replicability, and generalizability. But, as Miles, Huberman, and Saldana
(2014) note, while these criteria are entirely appropriate for quantitative research, qualita-
tive research needs to be subjected to different methods of analysis and to be judged by other
standards—standards such as those of credibility and confirmability.

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9
Section 1.2 Educational Psychology

Which method to use, say Palys and Atchison (2013), should depend on the questions being
asked and the reasons for asking them, and not on some predetermined notion of which of
these two approaches is best. If you want to know how your students feel about your revo-
lutionary approach to accordion lessons, you might want to study their personal journals
and diaries, or perhaps meet with them in small focus groups, or use some other qualitative
research strategy. But if you want to know whether they achieve better in mathematics when
allowed to use colored pencils rather than ordinary ones, an experiment designed to look at
the quantifiable outcomes of your teaching might be far more appropriate.

Theories
Research, whether quantitative or qualitative, is geared toward accumulating facts and
increasing our understanding. In this context, however, the word fact is perhaps too strong; it
implies a degree of certainty and accuracy that is not always possible in psychology or educa-
tion. In spite of science’s insistence that observations be made under controlled conditions
so that they can be replicated, different researchers sometimes observe very different things.

Figure 1.1: Example of an experimental design
ሁ A simple experiment designed to test a hypothesis. Note that hypotheses can generally be worded

as “if-then” statements. The “if” part of the statement is the independent variable (in this case, the
payment students in the experimental group receive); the “then” part is the dependent variable (in
this case, the grades obtained by members of the experimental group).

Hypothesis:

If students are rewarded,
then they will achieve better.

Students are randomly
assigned to one of two groups.

Independent
variable

Experimental group

Students are paid
according to their grades:
the higher the grade, the

greater the pay.

Control group

Students are not paid for
their grades.

Dependent
variable

Grades obtained by members
of the experimental group are
compared with those of the

control group.

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10
Section 1.2 Educational Psychology

Facts (or observations), by themselves, would be of limited value to educators and psycholo-
gists if they were not organized, summarized, and simplified. That’s where theory comes
in. In a simple sense, a theory is a collection of related statements whose principal function
is to summarize and explain observations. For example, when I observe that tenth-grader
Roland Littlefork repeatedly refuses to join other students for lunch or to be involved in
sports, drama, music, or any other extracurricular activity, I might develop a theory about his
behavior. “I have a theory about Roland,” I might say, and everybody would understand what I
meant. “He doesn’t like social gatherings,” I might continue. “He’s probably a very shy person.”
That, in a nutshell, would be my limited theory. It summarizes and explains my observations
admirably. It is a statement that might be described as a naïve theory. Naïve theories differ
from more formal theories in one important respect: Naïve theories express personal convic-
tions that need only be believed but not scientifically proven; formal theories must be tested.

Some theories are more useful than others. Some, for instance, don’t reflect all of the facts.
Let’s say, for example, that Roland Littlefork socializes regularly with a large group of friends
outside of school, that he is choir leader in his church, that he directs the church’s annual
Christmas pageant, and that he organizes political rallies in his spare time. If this were true,
my theory about Roland’s behavior would not fit all the facts and would therefore be highly
misleading.

That a good theory reflect all important facts is only one requirement. Thomas (2005) sug-
gests several others: A theory is good if it (1) accurately reflects observations, (2) is expressed
clearly, (3) is useful for predicting as well as explaining, (4) lends itself to practical appli-
cations, (5) is consistent rather than self-contradictory, and (6) is not based on numerous
assumptions (unproven beliefs). A good theory should also be thought provoking and should
provide satisfying explanations. See Table 1.2 for an example involving fertilizer. This theory
holds, in part, that horse manure stimulates potatoes and carrots, that chicken droppings
invigorate cabbages, and that dried cow dung excites flowers.

Table 1.2: Criteria of a good theory, applied to grandma Francœur’s
fertilizer theory

Criteria of a good theory Grandmother Francœur’s fertilizer theory

Does it reflect the facts? Yes, if carrots, potatoes, and other plants behave as expected
under specified conditions.

Is it clear and understandable? It is quite clear.

Is it useful for predicting as well as
explaining?

Very. For example, the theory allows the gardener to predict in
the spring what will happen in the fall depending on the fertil-
izers used. And the predictions are clearly falsifiable. Thus, the
theory can be tested directly.

Is it practically useful? Clearly, yes, for those engaged in the growing of vegetables.

Is it internally consistent? Unfortunately, no. Grandma has sometimes claimed that
chicken droppings are better for potatoes than horse manure.

Is it based on many unverifiable
assumptions?

No. The assumptions upon which it is based could be verified—
or falsified.

Is it satisfying and thought provoking? Oh yes!

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Section 1.3 Models of Teaching and Learning

The most useful theories not only explain observations but also predict events. My naïve
theory about Roland Littlefork, for example, allows me to predict that he will be reluctant to
accept an invitation to participate in a school play. As we saw, however, in this case the predic-
tion may be quite inaccurate because the theory does not account for certain important facts
(specifically, that he is highly involved in church plays). Presumably, a theory that fits the facts
better would lead to more accurate predictions.

Some of the statements that make up psychological theories may be described as laws, others
as principles, and many as beliefs.

Laws, Principles, and Beliefs
Laws are statements whose accuracy is generally beyond question. Physics, chemistry,
astronomy, and other natural sciences have discovered many important laws. One example is
Newton’s law of gravity. This law states that all objects exert a gravitational pull toward each
other and that the strength of this pull is directly proportional to the mass of each object and
inversely related to the square of the distance between them. Where laws such as this apply,
they can be used to make very precise predictions about the motion of objects, such as falling
apples or orbiting planets. As we saw earlier, however, human behavior is rarely character-
ized by the regularity and unwavering predictability of laws.

Principles are statements that are probable rather than certain. Unlike laws, they are always
open to a degree of doubt, to a certain level of probability (and improbability). Accordingly,
most psychological statements about human behavior and experience take the form of prin-
ciples rather than laws. For example, as Chapter 5 explains, a learning principle predicts that
under certain conditions behaviors that are rewarded are more likely to occur again. This
principle can be very useful in a teaching-learning situation.

Beliefs are more private and personal than either principles or laws. Beliefs are our indi-
vidual convictions, our personal attempts to explain observations. Beliefs are often based
on personal experience but can also be based on the same sorts of scientific observations
that give rise to more formal theories. As we saw earlier, beliefs can reflect stereotypes and
biases, and can therefore be either negative or positive. Accordingly, beliefs can dramatically
influence teacher and learner expectations and interactions. One of the most important goals
of Psychology for Teaching is to encourage you to examine and evaluate the consequences of
your own beliefs. One key step in that direction is to look at the sorts of models that underlie
your thinking.

1.3 Models of Teaching and Learning
A model is like a pattern or a blueprint; it’s a representation of how things are or of how they
can or should be. In a sense, a model is an organized set of beliefs about something important.

Models can be very specific and concrete and are often included in, or derived from, theories.
For example, there are models of atomic structures, models of the universe, and teaching
models.

Models can also be very general: They can represent all of our beliefs and assumptions about
human nature. In this sense, each of us has implicit models that govern our view of the world
and guide our beliefs and our behavior.

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Section 1.3 Models of Teaching and Learning

As we saw earlier, one model of teaching views learning as being largely a process of acquisi-
tion by learners—a process of progressively accumulating information. This model empha-
sizes the teacher’s role in presenting well-organized bodies of knowledge to the learner.

A second model views participation as the most important basis for learning. It emphasizes
the student’s role in the teaching-learning process.

Constructivism and Direct Instruction
Teachers who subscribe to the acquisition model typically view their role as one of helping
students accumulate information and concepts. Those who subscribe to the participation
model are more concerned with the student’s active participation in learning.

These two models lead directly to two basic approaches to instruction. The highly teacher-
centered acquisition model says, in effect, that because learning is largely a matter of acquir-
ing information, the teacher’s principal role should be one of direct instruction. This view
of learning and teaching sees the teacher as the principal source of information and assigns
to the teacher the role of organizing and imparting information in the most effective way
possible.

In contrast, the participation model leads to the view that the learner should be an active
participant in the teaching–learning process—that learners are, in fact, responsible for dis-
covering and constructing information for themselves. Accordingly, constructivist approaches
to instruction are highly student- rather than teacher-centered. Discovery and cooperative
approaches to teaching are good examples of constructivism.

Some writers in education believe that teaching has, for some time, been experiencing a revo-
lution—specifically, a constructivist revolution. Thus, the term constructivism is often paired
with descriptive terms such as progressive and new. In contrast, direct instruction is more
likely to be associated with terms such as status quo, traditional, and old. Others point out that
in many ways this is not a revolution at all but simply a continuation—or perhaps a revival—
of some century-old ideas first popularized through the writings of John Dewey (1933). What
is now labeled constructivism was then called progressive education.

One of the recurring conclusions in this textbook is that there is not, and should not be, a
clear dichotomy between constructivism and direct instruction. As a teacher, you don’t have
to select one or the other model and use only its approaches to teaching. The truth is that
even in the most progressive, student-centered schools, the methods of direct instruction (for
example, lecturing, telling, directing, guiding, giving information) may well be far more com-
mon than the methods of constructivism (for example, discovery learning and cooperative
learning).

A Model of Teaching
To simplify without unduly distorting reality, teaching can be described in terms of three
stages: before teaching, teaching, and after teaching (see Figure 1.2). Each of these stages is
characterized by different demands on the teacher. And contrary to what we might imme-
diately assume, the teaching stage is no more important than what occurs before or after
teaching.

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Section 1.3 Models of Teaching and Learning

Before Teaching
To be an effective, perhaps even exemplary, teacher, you must make some critical decisions
before you even walk into your classroom and actually engage in the business of teaching.
First, you must decide on both the long-range and short-term goals of the instructional pro-
cess. To determine these goals, you need to answer some questions for yourself: What specific
learning outcomes do you intend and expect? How do these tie in with the broad goals of the
educational process in this subject? This grade? This school? This city or county? How do
these goals fit in with your values and beliefs? How important are they?

Figure 1.2: A teaching model
ሁ A three-stage teaching model outlines the instructional process in terms of teacher actions and

responsibilities.

*Indicates chapters containing relevant information.

Teaching

Implement one or more instructional models

Inquiry, discovery, and
problem-based learning

Peer-based cooperative
learning

Open classroom discussion

Constructivist 2, 5, 6, 8 Direct instruction 2, 5, 6

Expository teacher
presentation

(Telling directing)

Modeling

Structured, small group,
teacher-guided presentations

Before teaching

Establish goals 1, 4, 8, 10*
Determine student readiness 2, 3, 4, 8
select instructional strategies;
collect/prepare materials 3, 4, 5, 6, 8
Plan for assessment and evaluation 10

After teaching

1.
2.
3.

Assess effectiveness of teaching
strategies 10
Determine extent to which goals
have been met 10
Reevaluate student readiness 2, 10

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Section 1.3 Models of Teaching and Learning

Once you have determined your instructional goals, you need to select a teaching strategy to
attain these goals, and you must invent, make, or at least collect materials that are useful for
teaching. What is required here is not only knowledge of the strategies themselves but also
of the skills required to implement them effectively. And, perhaps most important, you must
know whether students are ready for this specific teaching–learning experience. Student
readiness involves a variety of factors, including essential prerequisite knowledge and skills
and appropriate motivation. Clearly, students who are eager to learn are most likely to profit
from instruction, and students who have already mastered prerequisite knowledge and skills
are more likely to attain instructional objectives. These considerations highlight the impor-
tance of knowing how students learn and develop and what motivates them.

Another critical step in the preteaching phase is planning for assessment: How will you deter-
mine to what extent instructional goals have been met? By what procedures will you evaluate
the instructional process itself and the changes that might occur among learners? How will
the results of your evaluation procedures influence subsequent teaching decisions?

In summary, the preteaching phase involves at least four steps: setting appropriate goals,
determining student readiness, selecting appropriate instructional strategies, and planning
for assessment.

Teaching
The instructional process—commonly called teaching—involves implementing strategies
designed to lead learners to attain certain goals. In general, these strategies involve communi-
cation, leadership, motivation, and control (discipline or management). As we saw earlier, the
precise nature of your teaching strategies will be heavily influenced by your model of learn-
ers and learning—for example, whether you view learning as largely a matter of acquiring
and accumulating information, or whether you see it mainly as a process where the student’s
participation is central.

Lemov (2014) describes a wide variety of instructional methods used in schools. Among
approaches that reflect a constructivist model are those involving discovery- and problem-
based learning, peer-based cooperative learning, and open classroom discussion. The meth-
ods of direct instruction are reflected in expository teacher presentations (where the teacher
does most of the telling, directing, and guiding), modeling approaches (where written, sym-
bolic, or real-life models are used to show students what they are to learn), and highly struc-
tured, small group, teacher-guided learning.

Which of these methods is most effective? That, of course, depends on the purposes of the
instruction as well as on the characteristics of both teacher and learners. However, it’s pos-
sible to summarize some of the characteristics of effective teachers (and effective teaching).
The InTASC standards described in Table 1.1 do just that. Among other things, these stan-
dards state that effective teachers understand the subjects they teach, the different charac-
teristics of their learners, and the variety of instructional strategies available to them. The
standards also stipulate that effective teachers can motivate and manage students and make
effective use of assessment. Some important characteristics of effective teachers include the
following, which were derived from InTASC standards. The effective teacher

• understands the subject(s) being taught;
• is aware of how children learn and develop;

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Section 1.3 Models of Teaching and Learning

• is sensitive to individual differences among learners;
• has a repertoire that includes a variety of instructional strategies;
• understands individual and group motivation;
• communicates effectively to foster inquiry and a positive classroom environment;
• takes subject matter, learners, and goals into account in planning instruction;
• uses assessment effectively;
• actively reflects to evaluate choices and actions in light of his or her efforts;
• fosters positive relationships with colleagues, community members, and learners.

After Teaching
The third phase of the teaching process involves assessing the outcomes of instruction in rela-
tion to the goals that you set in the preteaching phase. This process of evaluation reveals the
effectiveness of your teaching; it might also say a great deal about the appropriateness of your
instructional goals, the readiness of your students, the success of your teaching strategies,
and even the relevance and fairness of your evaluation procedures. This is the phase during
which reflective teachers actively consider the effects of the choices they have made and con-
sider how they might improve aspects of the teaching–learning process.

Teaching as a Reflective Activity
Reflective teaching implies a process where teachers systematically and actively think about
(reflect upon) their teaching activities and the effects of these activities on learners. Although
the widespread use of the expression reflective teaching is relatively new in education, the
concept is many decades old. Almost a century ago, John Dewey defined it as “the active, per-
sistent and careful consideration of any belief or supposed form of knowledge in light of the
grounds that support it” (1933, p. 9).

Advocates of reflective teaching encourage
teachers to consider the consequences of
their actions, to examine the beliefs upon
which they base their behaviors, and to take
an active role in acquiring new information
and in improving their teaching (Pollard &
Black-Hawkins, 2014). The object of reflec-
tion is to arrive at a clearer understanding
of the beliefs that underlie teaching behav-
iors, to re-examine these beliefs, and to
evaluate teaching behaviors in the light of
values and objectives as well as in the light
of how effective they are with respect to stu-
dent learning.

Teachers are often encouraged to use narratives to help them reflect on their teaching. For
example, they might keep diaries or blogs in which they narrate stories of specific teaching
experiences. They are encouraged, as well, to use case studies of other teachers and teaching
experiences as an aid to reflection.

The use of personal narratives, blogs, and case studies is an example of action research—
research that occurs during the activity being investigated. Action research provides teachers

Monkeybusinessimages/iStock/Thinkstock
ሁ Writing down important teaching experiences

and learning from other teachers can help
teachers reflect and improve.

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Section 1.4 Teaching as a Craft

with a nonexperimental, highly personal attempt to demystify and improve some aspects of
the act of teaching.

1.4 Teaching as a Craft
There is a great deal more to teaching than simply reflecting on the processes involved. In
fact, there are many specific skills and strategies that teachers can learn and use effectively
in their teaching. Specific teaching strategies make up what is sometimes referred to as craft
knowledge—that is, knowledge related to the craft of teaching.

Craft knowledge is a sort of practical knowledge that cannot always be clearly verbalized
but can be learned through study and practice and perhaps by analyzing cases that illustrate
teaching problems and principles. Craft knowledge includes general information as well as
specific information about teaching particular subjects and lessons. Knowledge of the craft of
teaching is often evident in the patterns and routines that you see in classrooms—routines
relating to classroom management and discipline as well as to actual instruction. Accord-
ingly, acquiring these patterns and routines—that is, learning the craft of teaching—requires
a wealth of information about learners and the process of learning. Craft knowledge is one of
the things that distinguish expert teachers from nonexperts.

Expert Versus Nonexpert Teachers
One of the defining characteristics of expert teachers is that they are especially adept at
applying elements of the craft of teaching. However, expert teachers are not simply teachers
who have been teaching a long time. In fact, there are many nonexperts who have years of
experience and perhaps more than a few experts who have newly joined the ranks of teachers.

Expert teachers are those who, by virtue of experience, training, and other more intangible
skills, share several characteristics that make them better, more effective teachers. After look-
ing at the qualities of a group of highly expert teachers, Sternberg and Horvath (1995) identi-
fied three areas in which experts share common characteristics: (1) knowledge, (2) efficiency
in problem solving, and (3) insight with respect to solving educational problems.

Knowledge
Not surprisingly, expert teachers tend to be more familiar with the subjects they teach than
are nonexpert teachers. That is, they have greater content knowledge. And, to a large extent,
this greater subject-matter proficiency allows expert teachers to see relationships and con-
nections more easily. This is one reason why expert teachers are better teachers.

Not only do expert teachers have more content knowledge, but they also have more pedagogi-
cal knowledge—that is, knowledge of teaching and learning principles. Thus, expert teachers
are better able to organize and deal with subject-matter issues and are also better classroom
managers.

Efficiency
As a result of relegating more teaching activity to well-practiced and highly effective routines,
expert teachers are better able to monitor the flow of their lessons, to anticipate problems, to

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Section 1.4 Teaching as a Craft

evaluate their teaching, and to modify their teaching activities. Schempp and Johnson (2006)
note that expert teachers seem to have a different set of perceptual skills than less expert
teachers. They are better able to focus on events relevant to student performance, are more
sensitive to unusual occurrences in the classroom, and make more rapid and more accurate
inferences on the basis of their observations. As a result, they do more in less time and some-
times with much less apparent effort. Thus, they are better problem solvers. They are also
better planners. Expert teachers have developed sequences of routines and strategies that
they can apply almost unconsciously as they teach.

Insight
Expert teachers appear to be more reflective, and consequently more insightful, than non-
experts. Their reflections are directed toward understanding, evaluating, and improving the
teaching-learning process. Not surprisingly, experts are more likely to arrive at creative or
insightful solutions for problems. With
respect to classroom management prob-
lems, for example, experts appear to be
more sensitive to the possibility of rest-
lessness and inattention even before these
occur. Not only are these teachers skilled
at recognizing potential problems, but they
are also adept at applying unobtrusive solu-
tions. Automatically—and without breaking
the continuity of their ongoing activity—
they can bring into play new patterns of
interaction to shift the focus, draw students
back into the flow of activity, and rechannel
student attention. Their classroom manage-
ment is more insightful. In sum, consider
some of the following characteristics shared
by expert teachers (Schempp and Johnson,
2006; Sweeny, 2007; Chi, Glaser, and Farr,
1988, and Sternberg and Horvath, 1995).
Expert teachers

• excel at teaching;
• possess a high level of content knowledge;
• possess a high level of pedagogical knowledge (knowledge of the craft of

teaching);
• perceive meaningful patterns and relationships in their teaching;
• are effective at reading critical cues in a learning environment;
• are highly efficient in responding to students and making rapid teaching

decisions;
• understand teaching problems at a deep level;
• are good at recognizing present problems and anticipating potential problems;
• devote considerable time to analyzing teaching problems;
• arrive at insightful solutions for pedagogical and management problems;
• have become skillful at monitoring and evaluating teaching behaviors;
• have well-developed memories for ongoing teaching behaviors.

Marie Lefrançois/Marie’s Photography
ሁ A characteristic of an expert teacher is

being able to identify potential challenges and
addressing them before they occur. For example,
this teacher allowed her students to lie down to
prevent them from becoming restless.

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Section 1.4 Teaching as a Craft

The Art of Teaching
There is more to being an expert teacher than can be learned in one textbook—or even in a
dozen textbooks. You see, teaching is not only a science; it is also an art. Sadly, however, the
art of teaching does not lend itself to analysis as readily as does its science. The art of teaching
has too much to do with the complexities of human interactions, with classroom ambience,
perhaps with magic and poetry, and almost certainly with the personalities of teachers and
of learners. The personality traits of exceptional teachers may be somewhat different from
those whose skills are less remarkable. As Berube (2010) puts it, they are marked by the “X”
factor—a lucky assortment of traits that include sensitivity, self-reflection, high moral values,
and caring.

A textbook such as this is forced to deal with the science rather than with the art of teaching.
Keep in mind, however, that art isn’t something that a teacher should resort to only when sci-
ence fails; rather, art—that is, poetry, laughter, magic, emotion—can and should be a part of
all classroom activity. Art can have a place in even the most apparently mundane lesson in an
ordinary classroom on an otherwise boring Tuesday.

Some Challenges, Problems, and Rewards of Teaching
Teaching is important. It’s stimulating and exciting, and it can be highly rewarding. But it isn’t
overwhelmingly lucrative. According to the National Education Association (NEA), the aver-
age teacher’s starting salary in the United States in 2013 ranged from $27,274 in Montana to
$48,631 in New Jersey (2012–2013 Average Starting Teacher Salaries by State, 2013).

In addition, teaching is not exceedingly easy. In fact, report Gold and associates (2010), stud-
ies indicate that teaching is a highly stressful occupation. Possible effects of stress associ-
ated with teaching include teacher apathy and alienation, cynicism, chronic absenteeism, and,
occasionally, the decision to abandon a teaching career—symptoms sometimes collectively
labeled teacher burnout.

There are a wide variety of possible sources of stress for teachers. Yong and Yue (2007) iden-
tify various classes of factors associated with teacher stress and possible burnout. These
include student factors, such as discipline problems and unmotivated students; job factors,
such as low salaries, lack of prestige, and overcrowded classrooms; school factors, such as
too many responsibilities, time pressures, and poor school conditions; and personal factors,
such as inadequate mastery of the craft of teaching and unrealistic expectations. Follow-
ing a survey of 358 teachers, Agai-Demjaha Minov, Stoleski, and Zafirova (2015) report that
among the greatest sources of stress for teachers are unexpected changes in job conditions
and increases in responsibility, often in the absence of the authority required to make rel-
evant decisions.

Besides the stresses associated with these factors, dramatic increases in the amount of infor-
mation available to today’s teachers (and students), coupled with increasingly sophisticated
tools for handling that information (computers and other electronic communication technol-
ogy, for example), have made teaching far more demanding than it was in my father’s time.
In some ways, there is too much to teach, and we can no longer teach everything. More and
more, we have to equip learners to learn on their own.

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Section 1.4 Teaching as a Craft

Also potentially highly stressful are increasing demands for teacher accountability. These
demands are sometimes reflected in the public’s insistent call for hard evidence that teach-
ers, and schools, are effective. The call for school and teacher accountability was mandated
in the 2002 No Child Left Behind (NCLB) act. The main purpose of this act was to ensure
that all students achieve certain standards in mathematics and reading, that all be taught
by highly qualified teachers, and that all become proficient in English. In addition, one of
the act’s important goals was that all students graduate from high school. This act was later
replaced by the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) (discussed in Chapter 10), which softened
some of the assessment requirements mandated by NCLB.

Related to NCLB and ESSA is the Race to the Top (R2T) initiative announced in 2009, a feder-
ally funded program in which states compete to obtain funds (Race to the Top Fund, 2016).
The program is designed to bring about significant reforms in public education. Funding is
tied to measurable improvements in teacher and school effectiveness, learner performance,
and statewide educational reforms including the adoption of common achievement standards
and the provision of a variety of educational options. As President Obama put it, “Race to the
Top grants will go to states that use data effectively to reward effective teachers, to support
teachers who are struggling, and when necessary, to replace teachers who aren’t up to the
job” (White House, 2009). The possibility of replacing teachers can surely be another possible
source of stress for some.

Add, to these sources of stress, the challenge of changes in legislation requiring that children
with special and sometimes very complex needs be the responsibility of teachers in ordinary
classrooms (a policy labeled mainstreaming or inclusive education, discussed in Chapter 4).

So teaching is difficult, stressful, demanding, not overly remunerative. . . . Why do it? There
must be some rewards.

The Rewards of Teaching
“As far as the money is concerned, no, I wouldn’t teach. I wouldn’t choose it again,” says Karen,
a teacher, when she is asked: “If you could choose all over again, would you choose to be
a teacher?” (Cohn & Kottkamp, 1993). But my friend Nora, who has now been teaching for
almost 30 years, retorts, “I think the pay’s just fine. It’s one of those few things where the men
don’t get paid a cent more than us.”

There are obviously other rewards of teaching, not the least of which are the intrinsic
rewards—feelings of satisfaction, of accomplishment, of being and doing something worth-
while, of making a difference. Then, there are extrinsic rewards—such as the prestige and
respect accorded the profession and sometimes the political and social influence associated
with teaching. Also, there are various ancillary rewards—rewards that are byproducts of
the teaching profession but aren’t related directly to teaching itself. For example, many view
the typical school schedule, with its long summer vacation, as an important reward. Simi-
larly, many people want a five-day work week, with each day being six or seven hours long,
and the security that has traditionally been associated with a tenured (permanent) teach-
ing contract—in terms of continued employment, stable income, and an eventual pension.
Note, however, that for many teachers work frequently spills into the evening and sometimes
through weekends and summers as well. Dedicated teachers often work far more hours than
might be expected.

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Chapter 1 Summary and Resources

Career Stability and Change
Many teacher candidates never finish their teacher preparation (Reid & Reid, 2016). Others
fail to become certified even after completing their studies. And a relatively large number
of beginning teachers either do not obtain starting positions or abandon their careers after
a few years. The National Educational Association reports that around 50 percent of teach-
ers currently teaching will leave the profession within the next five years (Research Spot-
light on Recruiting and Retaining Highly Qualified Teachers, 2015). Of course, some of these
will be retiring; others will leave for personal reasons such as childbearing and rearing. And
some will eventually return to teaching. In fact, although some beginning teachers abandon
or switch their careers, the majority make lifelong careers out of teaching. Many—perhaps
most—love what they do.

Chapter 1 Summary and Resources

Key Points
• Teaching skills are not hereditary; educational psychology can contribute signifi-

cantly to their development. InTASC summarizes characteristics of competent teach-
ers; the Praxis® tests assess them. Beliefs, which may be described as teacher- and
content-centered or more student- and learning-centered, underlie many of our
teaching decisions.

• Educational psychology is the study of human behavior in educational settings. Its
principal research methods are quantitative (science based; emphasizing precision,
consistency, objectivity, and replicability; and using experiments as a principal tool)
and qualitative (emphasizing in-depth understanding; often using single case stud-
ies; and making extensive use of interviews, observation, journals, and diaries). The
principal function of theories, which often include laws, principles, and beliefs, is to
summarize and explain related observations, to guide research, and to make predic-
tions and practical applications.

• The acquisition model views learning as the progressive accumulation of informa-
tion and supports direct instruction. The participation model emphasizes student
involvement and leads to a constructivist approach to teaching.

• A simple three-phase teaching model describes activities that occur before teach-
ing (setting goals, determining student readiness, selecting instructional strategies,
and planning for assessment), implementing instructional activities, and assessing
outcomes.

• The most effective teachers are reflective teachers. Advocates of reflective teaching
encourage the use of action research—for example, narratives, blogs, and case stud-
ies—as aids in reflecting about, evaluating, and improving teaching.

• Expert teachers are characterized by greater content and craft knowledge, highly
efficient use of routines that allow them to solve or avert many classroom problems
almost automatically, and a higher degree of insight, often associated with being
highly reflective.

• Teaching is not as lucrative as playing professional baseball or arranging to have
wealthy parents. Teaching positions are sometimes scarce, and the demands and
stresses of teaching may drive beginning teachers out of the profession. But many
stay and love it.

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Chapter 1 Summary and Resources

Posttest

1. Ms. Hernandez puts primary responsibility for learning on the learners. Ms. Hernan-
dez fits the
a. teacher-centered orientation.
b. content-centered orientation.
c. assessment- and testing-centered orientation.
d. student- and learning-centered orientation.

2. Mr. Jenkins copies half of the chapter exams on yellow paper and half on pink paper,
then randomly distributes them to students. He predicts that those with the yellow
paper will have higher exam scores than those with pink paper. In this experiment,
what is the independent variable?
a. Randomly distributed to students
b. Yellow or pink paper
c. Exam scores
d. His prediction about the outcome

3. Which of the following statements is FALSE regarding educational psychology?
a. Uses only qualitative research
b. Studies human behavior
c. Involves classroom management
d. Measures student learning

4. Formal theories differ from naïve theories in that formal theories
a. use technical language to express complex ideas.
b. have multiple parts and components.
c. have been scientifically tested and supported.
d. are longer and more descriptive of behavior.

5. Which of the following would be the best example of action research?
a. Mr. Sycowitz randomly assigns his students to small group or individual learning

situations and systematically measures differences for future publications.
b. Ms. Bubbles collects published articles and puts together an extensive written

literature review related to best practices in teaching reading.
c. Mr. Rossi tries computerized instruction on multiplication of fractions in his

classroom to see how quickly and easily his students learn with computers.
d. Principal Miss Vickroy does observations of the third-grade classes at her school

to determine which teachers should continue to teach.

Answers: 1(d), 2(b), 3(a), 4(c), 5(c)

Critical Thinking Exercises
• Why might it be important for teachers to study educational psychology?
• What are some of the characteristics of effective teachers described by InTASC?
• Differentiate between quantitative and qualitative research. In what types of situations

would quantitative research be more useful and effective than qualitative research?
• How would you define laws, principles, beliefs, and theories to someone who is

unfamiliar with these terms?

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Chapter 1 Summary and Resources

• What are the differences between direct instruction and constructivist approaches
to teaching?

• Outline the basic elements of a useful teaching model. How will you incorporate
these elements into your teaching style?

• Do you have examples of effective teachers? What characteristics did these teachers
have that made them effective?

Web Resources
For more information on InTASC, visit:

http://www.ccsso.org/resources/programs/interstate_teacher_assessment
_consortium_(intasc).html

For more information on tests, such as Praxis® tests, visit:

https://www.ets.org/

For more information on the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA), visit:

http://www.ed.gov/essa

For more information on Race to the Top, visit:

http://www2.ed.gov/programs/racetothetop/index.html

Answers to Pretest

1. False. InTASC standards are used to determine teacher competency.
2. False. Laws and principles are different and cannot be used interchangeably.

Laws are definitive and leave no room for doubt, while principles are marked
by uncertainty.

3. False. These instructional strategies are associated with constructivist instruction.
Constructivist instruction emphasizes student participation rather than teacher-
directed learning.

4. True. The stress from teaching can result in teacher burnout, which can manifest as
stress-related behavioral symptoms, such as cynicism and absenteeism.

5. False. Intrinsic rewards of teaching include feeling a sense of accomplishment and
doing something that makes a difference.

Answers to Posttest

1. Focusing on the learner’s responsibility for learning describes a student- and
learning-centered orientation.

2. In an experiment, the independent variable is the factor that is controlled or
changed. In this scenario, the color of the paper is the independent variable.

3. The field of educational psychology uses both quantitative and qualitative research
to gain information on human behavior in an educational setting.

4. Formal theories are scientifically proven, while naïve theories are personal beliefs.
5. Action research is nonexperimental and allows teachers to find practical solutions to

address issues and improve their teaching.

Lef83909_01_ch01_001-026.indd 22 12/14/17 4:16 PM

http://www.ccsso.org/resources/programs/interstate_teacher_assessment_consortium_(intasc).html

https://www.ets.org/

http://www.ed.gov/essa

http://www2.ed.gov/programs/racetothetop/index.html

Chapter 1 Summary and Resources

Key Terms
acquisition model A model of teaching
marked by the belief that learning is largely
a process of learners acquiring teacher-
organized and -presented information and
skills. See also participation model.

action research A highly subjective
approach to educational research typically
involving single cases or episodes. A com-
mon tool in reflective teaching. See also
reflective teaching.

belief The acceptance of an idea as accurate
or truthful. Beliefs are often highly personal
and resistant to change. See also laws, model,
principles, theory.

case studies Investigations that generally
involve one single participant or event or
no more than a small number of individual
cases.

craft knowledge Knowledge of the specif-
ics of teaching including general information
about teaching along with specific infor-
mation about teaching particular subjects
and lessons to students with identifiable
characteristics.

dependent variable The variable (mea-
surement, outcome, behavior) that reflects
the effects of manipulations of the inde-
pendent variable(s) in an experiment. The
“then” part of the if-then equation implicit in
an experimental hypothesis. See also inde-
pendent variable, hypothesis.

direct instruction A phrase used to
describe teacher-directed approaches to
teaching—in contrast with more student-
centered approaches such as reciprocal
teaching and cooperative learning (often
included among constructivist approaches).

educational psychology A science con-
cerned primarily with the study of human
behavior in educational settings.

experiment A deliberately controlled
arrangement of circumstances under which
a phenomenon is observed.

expert teachers Teachers who, by virtue
of experience, training, and other intan-
gible skills, share characteristics that make
them better, more effective teachers than
nonexperts.

fact Something that observation, experi-
ence, or authority leads us to believe is true
or real.

focus groups Name given to small groups
of individuals who serve as participants in
qualitative studies often designed to gauge
reactions to products, services, events, and
so on.

halo effect A cognitive bias where past per-
formance or other factors lead to an expecta-
tion of high or low performance and some-
times to a bias in evaluating performance.

hypothesis A prediction, generally based
on observation, intuition, or theory, that can
be tested and verified experimentally.

independent variable The variable that is
manipulated in an experiment to determine
whether doing so causes changes in the
dependent variable: the “if” part of the if-
then equation implicit in an experiment. See
also dependent variable, hypothesis.

in-depth interview A face-to-face,
question-and-answer, qualitative research
method that allows researchers to examine
issues from the participant’s point of view.

InTASC (Interstate New Teacher Assess-
ment and Support Consortium) A group that
has developed a list of 10 standards widely
used as a basis for developing tests used to
assess and help beginning teachers. See also
Praxis®.

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Chapter 1 Summary and Resources

journals and diaries Personal records in
which individuals are instructed to record
such things as their behaviors, their atti-
tudes, their wishes and desires, or whatever
is relevant to the questions the researcher is
investigating.

laws Statements that are accurate beyond
reasonable doubt. See also belief, model,
principles, theory.

model A representation, usually abstract, of
some phenomenon or system. Alternatively,
a pattern for behavior that can be copied
by someone. See also belief, laws, principles,
theory.

naïve theory An expression used to
describe psychological theories based on
intuition and folk belief rather than on sci-
ence. Also termed implicit theory.

narratives Accounts or stories. Narratives
are often used by teachers to help them
reflect on their teaching. See also reflective
teaching.

No Child Left Behind (NCLB) A U.S. act
designed to ensure that all students and
teachers achieve specified standards, that
all students become proficient in English,
and that all graduate from high school. Later
replaced by the Every Student Succeeds Act
(ESSA).

observation The act of noting or collect-
ing information using scientific methods
and sometimes scientific instruments or
tools. As a noun, describes the information
or knowledge gathered through scientific
investigation.

participation model A model of teach-
ing characterized by the view that active
learner participation is the basis of learning.
Teachers who subscribe to the participation
metaphor are greatly concerned with the
processes of learning. See also acquisition
model.

Praxis® A series of tests of beginning
teacher competence developed by a non-
profit group in the United States, the Educa-
tional Testing Service. The Praxis® tests are
widely used before, during, and after teacher
training. See also InTASC.

principles Statements relating to unifor-
mity or predictability. Principles are far
more open to doubt than laws but are more
reliable than beliefs. See also belief, laws,
model, theory.

psychology The science that examines
human behavior (and that of other animals
as well).

qualitative research Research that focuses
on the unquantifiable (unmeasurable) sub-
jective and personal aspects of human expe-
rience. Some methods of qualitative research
are in-depth interviews, observation, and
personal journals and diaries.

quantitative research Research that deals
with variables that can be quantified (mea-
sured) and that is based on the methods of
science and emphasizes the objective, repli-
cable, and generalizable nature of research
results.

Race to the Top (R2T) A 4.35-billion-dollar
U. S. program designed to foster state-
wide reforms in K-12 education, in which
states compete for funding on the basis
of measurable success in their efforts to
improve teacher effectiveness and student
performance.

reflective teaching A process where teach-
ers systematically and actively think about
(reflect on) their teaching activities; often
makes use of personal narratives in an effort
to clarify and improve teaching and learning.
See also action research.

science An approach and an attitude
toward knowledge that emphasize objectiv-
ity, precision, and replicability.

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Chapter 1 Summary and Resources

teacher burnout A general label for a
condition marked by a teacher’s profound
negative reaction to teaching. One possible
effect of high stress.

teaching A global term for any of a wide
variety of activities intended to instruct, to
educate, to train, or, by some other means, to
cause someone to acquire or improve skills,
knowledge, and understanding.

theory A body of information pertaining to
a specific topic, a method of acquiring and
dealing with information, or a set of explana-
tions for related phenomena. See also belief,
laws, model, principles.

ሁ Bears are rather large, bobtailed mammals.
They walk on the soles of their feet; eat flesh,
roots, and other vegetable matter; and have five
toes on each foot (Cameron, 1956).

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2727

2Socioemotional and Cognitive Development

Choreograph/iStock/Thinkstock

Learning Objectives

After studying this chapter you will be able to:

ሁ Explain how society and genetics influence the development of gender roles.
ሁ Summarize the stages of Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development and explain their
implications for teachers.

ሁ Describe how Piaget’s theory of cognitive development influences how we teach children.
ሁ Assess Vygotsky’s and Bronfenbrenner’s models and indicate how they can help teachers
understand students’ perspectives.

ሁ Describe how human development is characterized with respect to genetics and environment,
brain-based education, differential growth rates, and environmental influences.

The childhood shews the man,
As morning shews the day.

—John Milton, Paradise Lost

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Introduction

Pretest

Determine if the following statements are true or false.

1. Gender stereotypes are often vast oversimplifications based on actual experiences
with others. (T/F)

2. Identity achievement in Marcia’s theory occurs when the adolescent has made
commitments after a time of exploration. (T/F)

3. The teacher is an essential element in constructivism. (T/F)
4. Direct instruction is an effective way to use constructivist principles. (T/F)
5. Scaffolding is best used when teachers arrange for children to engage in activities that

lie within their zone of proximal development. (T/F)

Answers can be found at the end of the chapter.

Introduction
To teach children effectively, it’s useful to know what to expect of them. We don’t expect our
6-year-olds to understand programming languages such as FORTRAN or Pascal. Nor do we
expect our teenagers to become excited at the prospect of being allowed to play on the swings
if they color their drawing of mommy nicely, staying inside the lines. But what can 6-year-
olds understand? And what does excite teenagers? This chapter presents the beginnings of
answers for questions such as these. It’s important to keep in mind, however, that our discus-
sion is necessarily limited to that mythical but convenient invention, the “average child.” Your
children are not likely to be average; they will need to be understood as individuals. Neverthe-
less, knowledge of the average may prove valuable in understanding the individual.

When an infant was about to be born among the Mundugumor of New Guinea,
the parents would adorn themselves with their most prized clothing and jew-
elry: a skirt of brilliant parrot feathers for the father, with plumes and beetle
shells around his neck. And for the mother, bracelets of wild orchids, a neck-
lace of smoothly polished dog teeth, and, through her nostrils, the long white leg
bone of a wild guinea fowl.

The Mundugumor considered this business of dressing well for a birth
extremely important. If others in the village looked at the parents in admira-
tion, this would bode well for the child. But they also knew that other matters
that they could not so easily control are even more important. For example, the
Mundugumor knew without any doubt that only infants who are born with their
umbilical cords wrapped around their necks have any chance of becoming great
artists. And among the Mundugumor, to be a great artist is a lucky and wonder-
ful thing. Amazingly, the Mundugumor were right: Infants not born with their
umbilical cords coiled around their necks simply did not become great artists—
to absolutely no one’s surprise.

When I was born, my parents were not particularly concerned with the
position of my umbilical cord—unless, of course, the cord was wrapped danger-
ously tightly around my scrawny neck. You see, my parents knew without any
doubt whatsoever that the position of the umbilical cord at birth had absolutely
nothing to do with whether or not I would become a great artist. I didn’t. I had
no brushes as a child! But that’s another story. Besides, where I was born and
raised, becoming a great artist was an uncommon ambition.

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Section 2.1 Gender Roles

Still, my parents were very much like the Mundugumor in their attempts to
foretell my future at birth. No, they didn’t look at the location of my umbilical
cord. Instead, they wanted to know whether I was a girl or a boy.

2.1 Gender Roles
My parents were convinced that they could make stunningly accurate predictions based on
my gender. They believed that if I were a boy, which I was, I would be fast and strong and
tough and just a little aggressive (it’s not a bad thing in this dog-eat-dog world, you know).
And if I were a girl, well, I’d be gentler and more emotional and not nearly so aggressive,
and I’d want to help out in the house, but no way would I be interested in chopping wood or
becoming a great scientist or a computer programmer.

My parents were heir to a vast body of beliefs dealing with the most likely characteristics
associated with gender. These characteristics define gender roles (also called sex roles).
There have traditionally been masculine roles and feminine roles, and all societies seem to
have had relatively clear ideas of what these should be. They are evident in culture-specific
stereotypes that describe the behaviors, personality characteristics, and attitudes that a cul-
ture finds appropriate for each sex. Learning the behaviors that correspond to one’s gender is
called gender typing (or sex typing).

Gender stereotypes are not always wrong, based as they are on actual experiences with males
and females. That there should be a smidgen of truth in our preconceived notions of male–
female differences should hardly be surprising. At the same time, however, we need to keep
in mind that stereotypes are typically vast oversimplifications and that, especially when they
are wrong, they can be grossly unfair. Teachers need to be especially vigilant about stereo-
types; they need to be carefully examined.

Development of Gender Roles
As for all aspects of human development, there are two main influences on the development of
gender roles: the environment, evident in the social pressures and models that lead children
to adopt male or female roles; and genetics, whose influence is related to our different bio-
logical makeup. See Table 2.1 for definitions of important terms in the study of development.

Table 2.1: Human development: Definitions

Term Definition

Psychology The science that studies human behavior and thought.

Developmental psychology Division of psychology concerned with changes that occur over time
and with the processes and influences that account for these changes.

Development includes:
Growth

Physical changes such as increases in height and weight.

Maturation Naturally unfolding changes, relatively independent of experience
(for example, pubescence—the changes of adolescence that lead to
sexual maturity).

Learning Relatively permanent changes in behavior or in potential for behavior
that result from experience.

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Section 2.1 Gender Roles

Social Pressures and Models
In many, though not all, societies, the roles of men and women are different. Often, women
are more responsible for looking after children and men are more responsible for producing
income. These different social roles, explain Eagly, Wood, and Johannessen-Schmidt (2005),
inevitably lead to sex differences in expectations and behavior and, consequently, in gender
stereotypes. That’s because these traditional roles constrain the individual, in a sense, forcing
the adoption of nurturing behaviors by women and the adoption of more assertive behaviors
by men who are forced to compete in the sometimes more vicious work world. In societ-
ies where these social roles are clear, it’s hardly surprising that caring and nurturing should
be seen as feminine traits and that assertiveness and competitiveness should be considered
masculine traits.

It follows from this social role theory of gender typing that a change in the roles of men and
women would eventually result in a change in gender roles and in gender stereotypes. Thus,
dramatic changes in college enrollment patterns in North America, as well as in occupational
patterns, coupled with the fact that far fewer women now carry out the role of traditional
homemaker, are rapidly leading to very different conceptions of gender and gender roles.
Consider, for example, that in 1960, for every 10 males who graduated from college, only 6
females did likewise (Figure 2.1). Now, almost 60 percent of college graduates are women
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2015).

Figure 2.1: Ratio of female to male college graduates
ሁ Increase in ratio of female to male college graduates in the United States from 1950 to 2015.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2015). Educational Attainment in the United States: 2015 [Data file]. Retrieved from https://www.census.gov/data/tables
/2015/demo/education-attainment/p20-578.html

19
75

19
85

19
95

20
05

20
15

Ratio of Female to Male College Graduates

Years

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.4

0.5

0.6

R
at

Lef83909_02_ch02_027-072.indd 30 12/14/17 4:18 PM

https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2015/demo/education-attainment/p20-578.html

Section 2.1 Gender Roles

Exactly how the different social roles of boys and girls translate into the characteristics that
make up masculinity and femininity is not entirely clear. One explanation is gender schema
theory. According to this theory, the child begins with no understanding of the nature of
gender—no notion of what is called basic gender identity. But notions of gender identity
appear even within the first year of life when infants begin to develop what researchers label
gender schemas—notions about what male and female mean and what the characteristics
of each are. Children can correctly label people as “man” or “woman,” “boy” or “girl,” almost
as soon as they can talk, and they can also predict the sorts of activities in which each is most
likely to engage.

Still, however, there are a large number of occupations that are traditionally male rather
than female, where fewer than 25 percent of jobs are held by women, including occupations
such as architects, clergy, machinists, truck drivers, fire fighters, and mechanics (Bureau
of Labor Statistics, 2016). In Lippa’s (2005b) survey of occupational preferences of 4,749
men and women, he found that the men typically preferred three categories of occupations:
“blue-collar realistic” (carpenter; plumber), “educated realistic” (electrical engineer), and
“flashy, risk-taking” (jet pilot). Women preferred occupations such as “fashion related” (fash-
ion model), “artistic” (author), “helping” (social worker), and “children related” (child-care
center). Female occupations, even for college-educated women, also tend to be lower-paying
than the occupations of comparably educated men (Figure 2.2).

Figure 2.2: U.S. male and female median earnings by educational
attainment

ሁ Median earnings tend to increase with increasing education. They are still higher for males than
for females.

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census (2016). BLS Reports, November 2015 [Data file]. Retrieved from https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2015/demo
/education-attainment/p20-578.html.

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

1400

1600

Bachelor’s degreeH.S. diploma

Mal

Female

M
ed

ia
n

w
ee

kl
y

ea
rn

in
g

s
20

Lef83909_02_ch02_027-072.indd 31 12/14/17 4:18 PM

https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2015/demo/education-attainment/p20-578.html

Section 2.1 Gender Roles

Parents tend to exert an enormously important influence on the development of gender role
in their children (Croft, Schmader, Block, & Baron, 2014). Not only do they typically provide
them with what are considered sex-appropriate toys and encourage gender-appropriate
behaviors, but they also communicate their own gender biases and stereotypes. For exam-
ple, research indicates that, among other things, North American parents typically think that
boys find math more interesting and easier than do girls. Children may well internalize this
and many of the subtle messages parents send out regarding gender and regarding what is
expected and appropriate for boys and girls. As a result, these stereotypes can affect chil-
dren’s math performance (Casad, Hale, & Wachs, 2015).

Once children have begun to develop gender schemas, these act as powerful constraints on
their behavior. Because boys aren’t supposed to cry, Robert bites his lip and tries hard to hold
back his tears; because girls aren’t supposed to like playing with boys’ things, Elizabeth tries
to ignore her brother’s gleaming red fire truck.

Biological Influences
As we noted, biology also contributes to the development of gender roles. Biology, after all,
determines whether we are anatomically male or female. And there are strong indications
that some male–female personality differences may have physiological roots. For example,
there are anatomical differences between male and female brains, both in terms of size and
function. Men’s brains are, on average, larger than those of women; structures that are linked
with sex and aggression are more developed among men; women tend to have relatively
more gray matter; and men, more white matter (Belfi et al., 2014; Escorial et al., 2015; Lud-
ers et al., 2009). Also, the part of the brain associated with spatial relations and mathematics
is more developed in males, whereas the areas of the frontal and temporal lobes linked with
language are more developed in women (Sabbatini, 2010).

Hormones are another physiological factor thought to be closely involved in the development
of gender. When children are exposed prenatally to male or female hormones, their behaviors
may subsequently appear to be more masculine or feminine than might otherwise have been
expected (Ehrhardt et al., 2007). Thus, females exposed to male sex hormones tend to be
somewhat more aggressive.

Gender Differences
Parents, children, and society in general assume that there are important differences between
males and females in their different gender roles. But just how real and important are these
differences?

Following an early review of research on gender differences, Maccoby and Jacklin (1974)
suggested four areas in which gender differences are significant: (1) verbal ability, par-
ticularly in the early grades, favoring females; (2) mathematical ability, favoring males;
(3) spatial-visual ability (evident in geographic orientation, for example), favoring males; and
(4) aggression (lower among females).

But many of these differences no longer seem as clear now as they did in 1974. There is
mounting evidence that when early experiences are similar, there are few significant male–
female differences (Strand, 2010). Furthermore, even when differences are found, they tend

Lef83909_02_ch02_027-072.indd 32 12/14/17 4:18 PM

Section 2.1 Gender Roles

to be modest and far from universal. Still, to the extent that there might be predictable differ-
ences in school-related areas, such as verbal ability and science and mathematical achieve-
ment, these differences can be important for teachers.

Verbal Ability
Differences in verbal ability are not always apparent and are usually quite small, but almost
invariably favor girls (Reilly, Neumann, & Andrews, 2016). In most comparisons that have
looked at specific skills, such as those involved in spelling, verbal fluency, and verbal composi-
tion, girls tend to perform better than boys.

Mathematics, Science, and Visuospatial Abilities
On average, boys tend to do better than girls on measures of mathematical skills (College
Board SAT, 2010). They also typically do better in sciences such as physics and chemistry,
which are heavily dependent on mathematical and visuospatial abilities (evident in tasks
involving mentally rotating objects, map orientation, way-finding, and geographical knowl-
edge). Males are also more variable than females on most tests (Halpern, 2011). That is, more
males are at the highest and at the lowest levels. Interestingly, however, there is some evi-
dence that although females don’t do as well as males in mathematics on average, there are
more females than males who are high in both verbal and mathematical ability (Wang, Eccles,
& Kenny, 2013).

Physical Abilities
Some of the physical differences between boys and girls are clear and not especially con-
troversial. On average, males are taller and heavier than females throughout life except for
a short period during pubescence when girls’ earlier maturation gives them a short-lived
advantage in height and weight.

That these differences in height and weight should be reflected in different physical abilities
is not especially surprising. Males tend to perform better than females in activities requiring
strength and stamina. As a result, males can often throw objects further, lift heavier weights,
run faster, jump higher, do more sit-ups, and more effectively fend off cantankerous bears. On
the other hand, women have better eye-hand coordination than men, are more flexible, and
do better at rhythmic tasks such as hopscotch and dancing (Lippa, 2005a).

The Implications of Gender Roles for Teaching
Stereotypes about the different abilities and interests of boys and girls may well lead teach-
ers to treat them differently and to expect them to perform differently. Hence, it is extremely
important for teachers to keep in mind that many apparent gender differences are trivial or
even nonexistent. Teachers need to be aware of—and work to eliminate—the many subtle
instances of sex bias that still permeate our attitudes, our books, our schools, and our society.
See the case “And for Noon Detention, Here Is the List . . .” for examples of still-common gen-
der inequities in three areas.

One example at the Wes Horman School, as in many other schools, is evidence of gender ineq-
uity in the administration. The principal and vice principal are both male; the majority of

Lef83909_02_ch02_027-072.indd 33 12/14/17 4:18 PM

Section 2.1 Gender Roles

teachers are female. As Figure 2.3 shows, the proportion of female to male teachers has been
increasing so that about 3 of every 4 teachers are now female. Yet almost half of all principals
are male. But that proportion, too, is declining (see Figure 2.4).

Another example of inequity is the treatment of students. When Tom and Teddy called out,
Ms. Fenna responded to them directly. But when Rosa echoed Tom, Ms. Fenna reprimanded
her: “In this class, we raise our hand,” she said.

Is this unusual? No. At virtually all educational levels, teachers interact more with male stu-
dents than with female students: Boys receive more instructional time, more attention, even
more praise and encouragement (Sadker & Sadker, 1986). And, like the detainees at Wes Hor-
man School, they are also more often reprimanded and punished.

Gender inequities are also apparent in the sexual stereotypes still found in books, in the cur-
riculum, in classroom examples, and elsewhere. At Wes Horman School, boys who need look-
ing after because they did not go on a field trip are sent to gym classes; girls are sent to the
art room. And for those who have finished their arithmetic, the reading assignment is Tom
Sawyer. Although “male hero” books are no longer as pervasive in schools as they once were,
boys are often portrayed as more dominant and girls as more helpless.

C A S E S F R O M T H E C L A S S R O O M :
A N D F O R N O O N D E T E N T I O N , H E R E I S T H E L I S T . . .

The Time: Early morning at Wes Horman School

The Place: Ms. Fenna’s fifth-grade class

Morning messages are just ending on the intercom. “And,’’ says Mr. Sawchuk, school principal,
“for noon detention in Mr. Klein’s office, the list is Ronald West, Juan González, Eddie Mio, and
Eddie Nyberg . . . and I hope there won’t be any more by noon.’’*

Ms. Fenna: You heard that, Ronald?

Ronald nods.

“Also,” continues Mr. Sawchuk, “grade sixers who aren’t going on the field trip: the boys will
spend the day in Mr. Klein’s phys ed classes, and the girls will go to the art room. . . . That’s all.’’

Ms. Fenna: Now, class, I want you to open your math workbooks to page 34, which we started
yesterday, and finish the assignment on that page before we go on.

Tom Larsen: I finished mine. What can I do now?

Ms. Fenna: I’ll come check it in a minute.

Rosa Donner: Me too.

Ms. Fenna: In this class, we raise our hand, Rosa.

Teddy Langevin: Can we read our Tom Sawyers if we’re finished?

Ms. Fenna: How many are finished with page 34?

*Note that the principal’s reading the names of detention students over an intercom system is not a highly recommended school management
behavior. (See Chapter 9.)

Lef83909_02_ch02_027-072.indd 34 12/14/17 4:18 PM

Section 2.1 Gender Roles

Figure 2.3: Percentage of elementary and secondary teachers who
are male and female

ሁ Declining ratio of male to female teachers in U.S. elementary and secondary schools.

Source: Institute of Educational Sciences, U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics (2008; 2015). [Data file]. Retrieved from
http://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=28

Figure 2.4: Declining proportion of male principals in elementary
and secondary schools

ሁ The relative proportion of male to female public school principals has dropped dramatically in the
last several decades.

Source: Institute of Educational Sciences, U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics (2007). [Data file]. Retrieved from
https://nces.ed.gov/; Institute of Educational Sciences, U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics (2013). Characteristics
of public and private elementary and secondary school principals in the United States: Results from the 2011–2012 schools and staffing survey.
Retrieved from nces.ed.gov/pubs2013/2013313

Years
20
10
0

19
76

19
81

19
86

19
91

19
96

20
01

20
06

20
11

50
60
70
80
90

Percentage of elementary and secondary
teachers who are male and female

Female
Male

P
er

ce
n

ta
g

0.50

0.55

0.60

0.65

0.70

1993–
1994

1999–
2000

2003–
2004

2007–
2008

2011–
2012

Years
R
at
io

Lef83909_02_ch02_027-072.indd 35 12/14/17 4:18 PM

http://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=28

https://nces.ed.gov/

nces.ed.gov/pubs2013/2013313

Section 2.2 Personality Development: Erik Erikson

It isn’t sufficient simply to know that schools reflect much of the racism, sexism, and other
prejudices of our society. Teachers (and principals) need to be on guard constantly lest they
unconsciously propagate the same stereotypes and inequities. In the United States, gender
equity is mandated by laws that prohibit discrimination by sex in any federally funded edu-
cational program. But this doesn’t mean that all inequities have been wiped out. There is still
much to be done.

2.2 Personality Development: Erik Erikson
Gender is one very important aspect of our personality. But personality is much more than
our notions of being male or female and related attitudes and interests. Personality includes
all of the abilities, predispositions, habits, and other qualities that make each of us different
from every other person.

Exactly how personality develops—for example, the extent to which personality characteris-
tics are innate or result from our experiences—is not entirely certain. But one highly useful
theory of personality development for teachers is that of Erik Erikson.

Much of Erikson’s theory was inspired by Sigmund Freud. But whereas Freud’s theory high-
lighted the importance of sexuality and sexual conflicts in human development, Erikson
emphasizes the importance of the child’s social environment. The result is a theory of psy-
chosocial rather than psychosexual development. The major emphasis in Erikson’s theory
is on the development of a healthy self-concept, or identity, to use his term.

Psychosocial Stages in Childhood and Adolescence
Psychosocial development, says Erikson, can be described in terms of eight stages, the first
five of which span infancy, childhood, and adolescence; the last three occur in adulthood.
Each stage involves a conflict brought about mainly by a person’s need to adapt to the social
environment. And because the demands of a given environment tend to be much the same for
all individuals within that culture, we tend to experience the same problems and conflicts at
about the same ages—hence the notion of stages.

Trust Versus Mistrust
For example, for infants to adapt to an initially complex and largely bewildering world, they
have to learn to trust the world. Doing so, explains Erikson, is highly dependent on the con-
sistency and care with which caregivers meet the infant’s needs for drink, food, warmth, and
comfort. Should caregiving be haphazard and unreliable, the infant becomes mistrustful.
Hence, the basic psychosocial conflict is one of trust versus mistrust. Resolving the conflict
results in a sense of competence and enables infants to continue to develop and grow. In Erik-
son’s words, “The infant’s first social achievement is his willingness to let the mother out of
sight without undue anxiety or rage, because she has become an inner certainty as well as an
outer predictability” (1950, p. 247).

Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt
Initially, infants don’t deliberately act upon the world; instead, they react to it. Sucking, for
example, is something that happens when stimulation is appropriate; it isn’t something that

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Section 2.2 Personality Development: Erik Erikson

infants deliberately decide to do. But during the second year of life, they gradually begin to
realize that they are the authors of their own actions. As a result, they begin to develop a
sense of autonomy. At this stage, it’s important for parents to encourage their children to
explore and to provide opportunities for their independence. Overprotectiveness can lead to
doubt and uncertainty in dealing with the world.

Initiative Versus Guilt
By the age of 4 or 5, children have begun to develop a sense that they are separate, autono-
mous individuals capable of their own decisions and actions. Now they must discover who
they are. This discovery, Erikson (1959) explains, comes about largely as a result of identifi-
cation. Identification involves trying to be like the person with whom the child identifies—in
this case, the parent.

During this stage of development, children’s
worlds expand dramatically, not only in a
physical sense, but also through their use
of language and in the fact that preschool
teachers, friends, and siblings become
more important. Children need to develop a
sense of initiative with respect to their own
behaviors—a sense that they are autono-
mous as well as responsible for initiating
that behavior.

Industry Versus Inferiority
It’s important to keep in mind that each
of Erikson’s stages reflects the principal
social and cultural demands in the child’s
life. Thus this next stage, which spans the
elementary school years, is marked by chil-
dren’s increasing need to interact with and
be accepted by peers. It now becomes vital
that children receive assurance that they are significant and worthwhile. During this stage,
children often take advantage of opportunities to learn things that they think are important in
their culture. It is as though, by so doing, they hope to become someone important rather than
someone inferior. Successful resolution of this stage’s conflict depends largely on how the
culture’s main socializing agencies—especially schools and teachers—respond to children’s
efforts. Recognition and praise are crucial for developing a positive self-concept. If children’s
work is continually demeaned, seldom praised, and rarely rewarded, the outcome may well
be a lasting sense of inferiority.

Identity Versus Identity Diffusion
Adolescence brings with it an extremely critical, and sometimes very difficult, task: that of
developing a strong sense of identity rather than a vague, uncertain self-concept.

The formation of an identity, notes Erikson (1959), involves arriving at a notion not so much
of who one is but rather of who one can be. The source of conflict is the almost overwhelming

Marie Lefrançois/Marie’s Photography
ሁ By the age of 4 or 5, children have begun to

develop a sense of autonomy and independence.
Still, the most important people in their lives are
parents and family—as is evident in this child’s
painting of his mother and brother.

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Section 2.2 Personality Development: Erik Erikson

number of possibilities open to children. The conflict is made worse by the variety of models
and the range of different values evident in society. In the absence of clear commitment to val-
ues, and perhaps to vocational goals as well, adolescents are said to be in a state of identity
diffusion.

Later in adolescence, children may experiment with a variety of identities. In this sense, Erik-
son explains, adolescence serves as a sort of “moratorium”—a period during which adoles-
cents can try out different roles without a final commitment. The crisis of adolescence is sim-
ply the conflict between the need to find an identity and the difficulties involved in doing so.
Resolution of the crisis normally involves achieving a relatively mature identity.

Achieving a mature identity is clearly not something that all adolescents manage to do by
the time they are out of their teens. There are many potential pitfalls and issues that might
confront the adolescent and interfere with identify formation: pregnancy and parenthood,
sexual abuse and violence, drug and alcohol use, the possibility of sexually transmitted dis-
eases, parental conflict, and coping with insistent hormonal urges. Add to these issues prob-
lems associated with making career- and life-shaping decisions and it becomes clear why Hall
(1916) described adolescence as a period of sturm und drang (storm and stress.)

Stages of Identity Formation: Marcia
Erikson’s description of adolescent identity formation has been clarified by Marcia (1966,
1993). There are essentially four distinct types of identity status, explains Marcia, each dis-
tinguishable in terms of whether the adolescent is currently undergoing a crisis and whether
a commitment has been made to a specific identity.

Identity Diffusion
Adolescents in a state of identity diffusion are characterized by a total lack of commitment
and by the absence of any real crisis. These are individuals whose political, social, and religious
beliefs are either ambiguous or nonexistent and who have no vocational aspirations. Iden-
tity diffusion is characteristic of early adolescence. Older adolescents (and adults) marked
by identity diffusion are recognizable as full-time “fun-seekers,” says Marcia, or as imma-
ture and disturbed individuals often characterized by high anxiety and low self-confidence
(Marcia, 1980).

Foreclosure
Foreclosure describes a strong commitment to an identity without having gone through a
crisis. Foreclosure is often characteristic of individuals reared in close-knit religious com-
munities where there is no need to make vocational, political, or religious choices. The most
striking characteristic of foreclosure individuals is obedience and high adherence to authori-
tarian values.

Moratorium
Adolescence provides adolescents with an opportunity to experiment with various roles and
to toy with vague, changing commitments while struggling with the need to develop a strong
sense of identity. In this sense, adolescence is a moratorium—an interlude or period of delay.
Moratorium individuals are those who are not yet committed (to occupational, political, or

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Section 2.2 Personality Development: Erik Erikson

religious roles, for example) and who are going through crises of varying severity. Adoles-
cents who have foreclosed their identities are those who have not experienced this period of
exploration without commitment.

Identity Achieved
Identity-achieved adolescents are those who have experienced a crisis and made a choice
(commitment). Note, however, that identity can develop independently in different areas. For
example, an adolescent who is married and has a child has achieved a relatively high level of
identity with respect to social relationships; but the same adolescent might still be in a stage
of identity diffusion or moratorium with respect to career development. Adolescents who
have achieved a sense of identity, notes Marcia (1980), are more independent, better able to
cope with stress, and marked by higher self-esteem.

Psychosocial Stages of Adulthood
Of less importance to K–12 teachers, Erikson describes three additional psychosocial con-
flicts that occur during adulthood and old age. Each of these reflects the most common social
realities in North American cultures. And each requires new competencies and adjustments.

The first of the adult stages, intimacy and solidarity versus isolation, reflects most adults’ need
for intimate relationships with others (as opposed to being isolated). Such relationships are
especially important for those who want marital and parental roles. For others, developmen-
tal tasks might be quite different.

The second adult stage, generativity versus self-absorption, describes individuals’ need to take
on social, work, and community responsibilities that will be beneficial to others (that will be
generative). The basic conflict here is between a tendency to remain preoccupied with the self
(as are adolescents, for example) and cultural demands that individuals contribute to society
in various ways.

The final adult stage in the human lifespan, integrity versus despair, has to do with facing the
inevitability of our own death and realizing that life has meaning—that we should not despair
because the end is imminent. (See Table 2.2 and Table 2.3 for a summary of Erikson’s stages
and Marcia’s descriptions of identity formation.)

The Relevance of Erikson’s Theory for Teachers
Erikson’s theory, notes Elkind (2015), has had a profound influence on psychoanalysis, on
psychology, and yes, on the way we view children and adolescents. The theory is especially
important for teachers because of the insights it provides concerning normal, healthy devel-
opment. It underlines the close relationship between emotions and cognitions and empha-
sizes the role of teachers and parents in helping children develop positive emotions and social
competencies (Thompson, 2010).

To the extent that each of Erikson’s stages reflects some truth about human nature, perhaps
about our most basic tendencies and conflicts, it can be important in helping teachers better
understand children. In the same way as parents are the most important source of influence
in the lives of infants, so too are teachers a fundamentally important source of influence in the
lives of schoolchildren. One of the things that Erikson’s theory emphasizes is the importance

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40
Section 2.2 Personality Development: Erik Erikson

Table 2.2: Erikson’s psychosocial stages

Erikson’s psychosocial crises*
Important social and cultural
influences

Main accomplishments
required for healthy
development

1. Trust vs. mistrust
(Birth to 18 months)

Mother or other principal
caregiver

Developing sense of trust with
main caregiver(s)

2. Autonomy vs. shame and doubt
(18 months to 3 years)

Supportive parents; family Developing sense of ownership
over actions; developing
intentional behavior

3. Initiative vs. guilt
(3 to 6 years)

Parents and family, beginning to
expand to preschool, friends, and
relatives

Identifying with parents to
develop a sense of self and of
responsibility for own actions

4. Industry vs. inferiority
(6 to 12 years)

Schools, teachers, friends and
family

Developing a positive
self-concept

5. Identity vs. identity diffusion
(Teen years)

Peers and role models; social
pressure

Developing a sense of identity;
resolving crises and making
commitments

6. Intimacy vs. isolation
(adult years)

Spouse, colleagues, partners,
society

Developing close relationships
with others; achieving the
intimacy required for marriage

7. Generativity vs. self-absorption Spouse, children, friends,
colleagues, community

Assuming responsible adult
roles in the community;
contributing; being worthwhile

8. Integrity vs. despair Friends, relatives, children,
spouse, community, religious
support

Facing death; overcoming
potential despair; coming to
terms with the meaningfulness
of life

*A crisis is defined as a period of active and conscious decision making during which various alternatives are examined and
evaluated. Commitment is acceptance of a combination of political, social, religious, and vocational alternatives. Level of crisis
and commitment may be different in each of these areas.

Table 2.3: Marcia’s description of identity formation

Status Commitment Crisis Characteristics

Identity diffusion None None Ambiguous belief systems; no vocational
commitment

Foreclosure Strong None Commitment predetermined by political,
social, or religious affiliation

Moratorium None Yes Period of exploration of alternatives

Identity achieved Yes Finished Crisis finished; commitment made; higher
independence and self-esteem; clearer
sense of self

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

of the child’s self-concept. As we noted, teachers can do a great deal to enhance self-con-
cept. They can also do much to facilitate the adolescent’s occasional struggles with issues of
identity.

Erikson’s theory deals mainly with emotional and personality development. Also of profound
importance for teachers is cognitive development. Cognition has to do with knowing. Cognitive
theorists are concerned with how we obtain, process, and use information. Cognitive develop-
ment refers to the stages and processes involved in the child’s intellectual development.

In the next sections, we look at three important theories of cognitive development: those of the
Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget, of the Soviet psychologist Lev Vygotsky, and of the Russian-born
American psychologist Urie Bronfenbrenner. Each of these theories has important implications
for teachers.

2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development
Babies are remarkable little sensing machines. Almost from birth, they can detect sounds,
odors, sights, tastes, and touches; they can respond by squirming and wriggling, by crying, by
flinging their limbs about and grasping things, and by sucking.

But can they think? Do they have a store of little ideas? Of budding concepts?

We can’t answer these questions easily because the neonate (newborn) doesn’t communi-
cate well enough to tell us. But Piaget tells us that the child probably does not think in the
sense that we ordinarily define thinking. The newborn does not have a stockpile of memories
or hopes and dreams—does not have a fund of information about which, and with which, to
think. But what this little sensing machine does have are the tools necessary for acquiring
information.

Factors Underlying Development
From the very beginning, says Piaget, the infant continually seeks out and responds to stimu-
lation, and by so doing it gradually builds up a repertoire of behaviors and capabilities.

To begin with, the infant is limited to reflexive behaviors, unlearned, biologically based
actions such as sucking and grasping. Soon, however, these behaviors become more com-
plex, more coordinated, and eventually purposeful. The process by which this occurs defines
adaptation. And adaptation is made possible through the twin processes of assimilation
and accommodation.

Assimilation and Accommodation
To assimilate is to respond in terms of pre-existing information using previously learned
behaviors. In contrast, to accommodate is to change a behavior in response to a given situ-
ation. As a result, explains Piaget, assimilation involves little change in the child’s cognitive
system because old learning and old behaviors are being used and practiced. But accommo-
dation involves changes in the mental system because old behaviors and old learning are now
being modified.

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

Assimilation and accommodation are the processes that make adaptation possible throughout
life. However, these are not separate and independent processes; they always occur together.
We cannot begin to make changes in mental structure (accommodating) without first having
some basis for responding (assimilating). But all instances of assimilation also involve some
degree of change, no matter how familiar the situation or how well learned the response—
even if the change is no more significant than that the response will be a tiny fraction better
learned and more readily available in the future.

Equilibration
One of the governing principles of mental activity, explains Piaget, is equilibration, a ten-
dency to maintain a balance between assimilation and accommodation. At one extreme, if the
child always assimilated stimulation to previous learning and responses, there would be no
new learning. Everything would be responded to in the same way. This would be a state of
disequilibrium that would lead to little cognitive change (hence, little learning). On the other
hand, if everything were always accommodated to, behavior would be in a constant state
of flux, forever changing—again an extreme state of disequilibrium resulting in little new
learning.

As an illustration, if Matthew always calculates area by multiplying two dimensions of a figure,
he can be said to be assimilating all area problems to what he has already learned about the
area of squares and rectangles. This state of disequilibrium will lead to an incorrect answer
every time an area problem involves a different geometric figure (such as a circle or a tri-
angle), and it will also result in little new learning about calculating area. However, if Matthew
insists on using a different method of calculating area each time he is faced with a new prob-
lem, he will be accommodating (modifying responses) excessively and inappropriately. Again,
this state of disequilibrium will lead to few correct answers and not much new learning.

Four Factors That Shape Development
The tendency toward equilibration, says Piaget (1961), is one of the four great forces that
shape a child’s development. The second is maturation, a biologically based process that
makes certain kinds of learning possible and even probable. Thus, physical maturation allows
infants to learn to control tongue, lip, and mouth movements, enabling them to learn to speak.

But without the right experiences, of course, physical maturation alone would not result in a
child who speaks. Hence, the need for active experience. Through active interaction with the
real world, the child develops important notions about objects and their properties. Similarly,
through social interaction children elaborate their ideas about things, about others, and about
the self.

The development of progressively more advanced ways of representing the world and of
interacting with it depends on:

1. Equilibration: The tendency to balance assimilation (responding in terms of
previous learning) and accommodation (changing behavior in response to the
environment).

2. Maturation: Genetically based changes that make certain developments possible and
probable.

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

3. Active experience: Interaction with real objects and events allows an individual to
discover things and to construct mental representations of the world.

4. Social interaction: Interaction with people leads to the elaboration of ideas about
things, people, and self.

Piaget’s Stages of Development
Piaget describes development in terms of a series of stages through which children progress
as they develop. Each of these stages is characterized by certain kinds of behaviors and cer-
tain ways of thinking and solving problems. Piaget’s descriptions of these ways of solving
problems, of behaving, and of thinking can be valuable for helping teachers understand their
students. (See Table 2.4 for an overview of the stages.)

Table 2.4: Piaget’s stages of cognitive development

Stage Approximate age Some major characteristics

Sensorimotor 0–2 years Motoric intelligence
World of the here and now
No language, no thought in early stages
No notion of objective reality

Preoperational thought
Preconceptual thinking
Intuitive thinking

2–7 years

2–4 years

4–7 years

Egocentric thought
Reason dominated by perception
Intuitive rather than logical solutions
Inability to conserve

Concrete operations 7–11 or 12 years Ability to conserve
Logic of classes and relations
Understanding of number
Thinking bound to concrete

Formal operations 11 or 12–14 or 15 years Complete generality of thought
Ability to deal with the hypothetical
Development of strong idealism

Sensorimotor Intelligence: Birth to 2 Years
During the first two years of life, Piaget explains, infants understand the world only in terms
of the actions they perform and the sensation that results. Sensation is defined as the imme-
diate, physical effects of a stimulus (for example, a sound, a sight, a taste). Hence, Piaget’s use
of the label sensorimotor intelligence to describe this period. It seemed to Piaget that, until
the child develops a way to represent the world mentally, intelligent activity must be confined
mainly to sensorimotor functions.

The child’s world at birth is a world of the here and now, says Piaget. Objects exist when they
can be seen, heard, touched, tasted, or smelled; when they are removed from the infant’s
immediate sensory experience, they cease to be. One of the child’s major achievements dur-
ing the sensorimotor stage is the acquisition of what Piaget calls the object concept—the
notion that objects have a permanence and identity of their own and that they continue to

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

exist even when they aren’t being immediately sensed. If an attractive object is shown to a
very young infant and then hidden, the child will not even look for it: it does not seem to exist
when they can no longer see or touch it.

In general, says Piaget, the first two years of life are characterized by a sensorimotor repre-
sentation of the world. But one of the important achievements of this stage is symbolic repre-
sentation evident in the learning of a language.

The Preoperational Period: 2 to 7 Years
The preoperational period is so called because, according to Piaget, children do not acquire
operational (logical) thinking until around age 7. During this period, thinking is full of contra-
dictions and errors.

Piaget illustrates this point by describing his young son’s reaction to a snail they had seen
while out walking one morning. When they later saw another snail, the boy exclaimed, “Here
it is again, the snail.” He was certain this was the same snail. This, Piaget says, is an example
of preconceptual thinking. The child does not yet understand that similar objects define
classes (all snails are snails), but are not identical (snail A is not snail B).

Another feature of preoperational thought is found in the animism that sometimes marks the
3-year-old’s thinking. Piaget (1960) relates a conversation he had with a young child as they
walked. “Does the sun move?” asked Piaget (p. 215). “Yes,” the child answered, going on to
explain that the sun, like the moon, goes wherever he goes, that it stops when he stops, turns
when he turns, moves fast when he runs, and that it must surely be alive.

Animistic thinking—the belief that inanimate things are alive—grants a different magic to
the thinking of the 2-year-old, a magic that sees life in all things that move or otherwise act as
though they were alive. But even among preschoolers, animism has its limits. Bullock (1985)
suggests to a 4-year-old that if the moon or the sun are alive because they move, then surely
a car, which clearly moves, must also be alive. But the child is not so easily fooled. How can
this thing of metal and rubber and plastic be alive? In fact, says Bullock, animistic thinking is
relatively common among very young preschoolers, but it is rare among 4- and 5-year-olds.
And even among the very young, animism is often limited to things like the sun, the moon,
clouds, the wind, and other things about which even we adults are not always entirely certain;
it seldom applies to rocks and trees and pitchers of cold water.

After around age 4, children’s thinking becomes somewhat more logical, although it is still
largely dominated by perception—what the child sees, feels, hears, tastes, or smells—rather
than by reason. It is not so much rational as it is intuitive thinking, which is marked by the
child’s ability to solve many problems intuitively and also by the child’s inability to respond
correctly in the face of misleading perceptual features of problems.

Intuitive thought, explains Piaget, is often marked by egocentrism, evident in this simple
demonstration: A boy and girl doll are placed side by side on a string. A researcher holds one
end of the string in each hand so that the dolls are hidden behind a screen placed between
the child and the researcher. The child is asked to predict which doll will come out first if the
string is moved toward the right. Whether the child is correct or not, the boy doll is moved out
and hidden again. The question is repeated; again the boy doll will come out on the same side.
This time, or perhaps next time, but almost certainly before many more trials, the child will

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45
Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

predict that the other doll will come out. Why? “Because it’s her turn. It isn’t fair.” The child
interprets the problem only from a personal point of view, from an egocentric view.

That perception tends to dominate the child’s thinking is evident in this Piagetian demonstra-
tion: Michael, a 4-year-old, is asked to take a bead and place it in one of two containers. As he
does so, a researcher places a bead in another container. They repeat this procedure until one
of the containers is about half full. To confuse Michael, the researcher has put her beads in a
low, flat dish whereas Michael’s container is tall and narrow. The researcher now asks, “Who
has more beads? Or do we both have the same number?” “I have more,” says Michael, “because
they’re higher.” Or he might just as easily have said, “You have more ‘cause they’re bigger
around.” In either case, his answers reflect his reliance on the appearance of the containers.
This reliance on perception, even when it conflicts with logic, is one of the major differences
between children and adults.

The thinking of 6- and 7-year-olds, says Piaget, is more magical than ours. It does not draw
as fine a line between reality and imagination; the logic that governs it is less compelling and
more easily swayed. (See Figure 2.5 for a summary of preoperational thought.)

Figure 2.5: Preoperational thought
ሁ Some characteristics of preoperational thought, which occurs from 2–7 years of age.

Preconceptual Similar objects are assumed to be identical.

Transductive A dog Reasoning from particular to particular.

Animistic Some inanimate objects are considered alive,often because they seem to move.

Preconceptual
period:

2–4 years

Intuitive
period:

4–7 years

Intuitive Tube is rotated; child must predict order of balls.

Perception
dominated

Child acknowledges that two balls of modeling
clay are “the same” in A. In B, where one has

been flattened, child thinks amount has changed.

Egocentric

Boy and girl dolls are behind screen. They are
always brought out on the same side and the boy

always appears first. Child eventually predicts
the other doll will be first: “It’s her turn.”

Prone to errors
of classification

Child realizes some flowers are daisies, fewer
are tulips, but answers “Daisies” to the question

“Are there more flowers or more daisies?”

A B

1 2 1 2

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

C A S E S F R O M T H E C L A S S R O O M :
A R E N ’ T D I N O S A U R S R E A L ?

The Place: Marie’s second-grade classroom

The Setting: A dinosaur expert from the local museum is visiting the class. He has brought
what looks like a large stuffed Tyrannosaurus rex with him.

Expert: Dinosaurs are extinct. Does anyone know what that means?

Roseanne: Means there’s no more.

Billy: Means they stink bad. (burst of laughter)

Ronald: Means they’re all gone and all dead and there’s no more, and . . . and I don’t know.

Expert: That’s right. It means there’s no more. They’re all gone. They’re extinct.

Roseanne (very seriously, pointing to the stuffed Tyrannosaurus rex): Is that a real dinosaur?

The dinosaur case (see “Aren’t Dinosaurs Real?”) shows how magical thinking operates. Dino-
saurs are completely extinct, yet there remains the chilling possibility that there might still be
a real one somewhere, maybe even in this classroom, today. When, later that day, the teacher
asked this same class, apropos of something entirely different, “How many of you have ever
seen a real dinosaur?” fully one-third of those little second-grade hands shot instantly in the
air.

Concrete Operations: 7 to 11 or 12 Years
An operation is a mental activity—a thought, in other words—that is subject to certain rules
of logic. Before the stage of concrete operations, children are preoperational not because they
are incapable of thinking but because their thinking is limited by a reliance on perception and
intuition and egocentric tendencies.

With the advent of concrete operations, children begin to make a transition from a prelogi-
cal form of thought to thinking characterized by rules of logic that are applied to real, concrete
objects and events. Concrete operations are well illustrated by the child’s ability to conserve.

Conservation is the realization that quantity or amount doesn’t change—despite changes
in appearance—unless something is taken away from or added to an object or a collection
of objects. The demonstration in which an equal number of wooden beads are put into two
different-shaped containers leading the child to conclude that one container has more beads
than the other because it’s taller or wide illustrates lack of conservation.

There are as many types of conservation as there are measurable characteristics of objects:
There is conservation of number, length, distance, area, volume, continuous substance, dis-
continuous substance, liquid substance, and so on. None of these conservations is achieved
before the period of concrete operations; even then, some (volume, for example) will not be
acquired until quite late in that period. Several experimental procedures used to test for con-
servation are shown in Figure 2.6, together with the approximate ages of attainment.

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

One of the intriguing things about conservation is that preoperational children can be made
to contradict themselves many times without ever changing their minds. After the experi-
ment on conservation of liquid quantity, for example, the experimenter can pour the water
back into the original containers and repeat the question. The child now acknowledges that
they contain the same amount of water, but as soon as the water is again poured into the tall
and flat containers, that decision may be reversed.

A. B.

A. B.
A. B.
A. B.
A. B.

1. Conservation of substance (6–7 years)

The experimenter presents two identical modeling
clay balls. The subject admits that they have

equal amounts of clay.

One of the balls is deformed. The subject is asked
whether they still contained equal amounts.

2. Conservation of length (6–7 years)

Two sticks are aligned in front of the subject. The
subject admits their equality.

One of the sticks is moved to the right. The subject
is asked whether they are still the same length.

3. Conservation of number (6–7 years)

Two rows of counters are placed in one-to-one
correspondence. Subject admits their equality.

One of the rows is elongated (or contracted).
Subject is asked whether each row still contains

the same number.

4. Conservation of liquids (6–7 years)

Two beakers are filled to the same level with water.
The subject sees that they are equal.

The liquid of one container is poured into a tall tube
(or flat dish). The subject is asked whether each

still contains the same amount.

5. Conservation of area (9–10 years)

The subject and the experimenter each have
identical sheets of cardboard. Wooden blocks are
placed on these in identical positions. The subject
agrees that each cardboard has the same amount

of space

remaining.

The experimenter scatters the blocks on one of the
cardboards. The subject is asked whether each
cardboard still has the same amount of space

remaining.
A. B.
A. B.
A. B.
A. B.
A. B.

Figure 2.6: Procedures for demonstrating conservations
ሁ Some simple tests for conservations with approximate ages of attainment.

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

Besides conservation, children at this stage also acquire the ability to classify and to seriate,
both of which are essential to fully understand numbers. Classification involves incorporat-
ing subclasses into more general classes, while maintaining the identity of the subclasses
(an example is given in Figure 2.7). Seriation requires understanding how to order objects
in terms of an attribute. To demonstrate seriation, Piaget presented children with a series of
different-size dolls and asked them to arrange these dolls in order. Preoperational children
find this task very difficult. Typically, they compare only two dolls at a time and fail to make
an inference that is important for solving the problem: If A is greater than B, and B is greater
than C, A must also be greater than C. Preoperational children don’t hesitate to put B before A
if they have just been comparing B and C (see Figure 2.8).

Large orange balls

Orange balls

Large balls
Large green balls

Green balls

Small orange balls

Small balls

Small green balls

Figure 2.7: Simple classification
ሁ “If there are orange balls and green balls, and some are large and others are small, how many

different kinds of balls are there?” This demonstration illustrates the classification abilities of
children during the period of concrete operations.

Children at the stage of concrete operations can apply rules of logic to classes, to relations
(series), and to numbers. However, they find it difficult to apply rules of logic to objects or
events that are not concrete. They deal mainly with what is real or what they are capable of
imagining. Their ready answer to the question “What if Pinocchio had a short nose?” is “Pin-
occhio does not have a short nose!”

Formal Operations: 11 or 12 to 14 or 15 Years
The final stage, formal operations, brings with it the ability to deal with completely hypo-
thetical situations using rules of logic. Piaget illustrates this with an item from Binet’s reason-
ing test (the forerunner to the well-known Stanford-Binet test): Edith is fairer than Susan;
Edith is darker than Lilly. Who is the darkest of the three?

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

This problem is difficult not because it involves seriation (seriation has already been mastered
in the stage of concrete operations) but because of the abstract nature of the characteristics
to be ordered. If Edith, Susan, and Lilly were all standing in front of a 10-year-old subject,
the subject could easily say, “Oh! Edith is fairer than Susan, and she is darker than Lilly—and
Susan is the darkest.” But when the problem is verbal rather than concrete, it requires think-
ing that is more formal (abstract).

Clearly the thinking of adolescents is a far more powerful logic than the concrete thinking
of younger children. Among other things, it allows children to begin to understand abstract
concepts such as proportion and heat, and it allows them to deal with the hypothetical world
rather than merely what is immediately real. As a result, one important feature of formal
operations thinking is an increasing concern with the ideal. Once children are able to reason
from the hypothetical to the real or from the actual to the hypothetical, they can conceive of
worlds and societies that, hypothetically, have no ills.

Figure 2.8: A test of children’s understanding of seriation
ሁ The elements of the series are presented in random order and children are asked to arrange them

in sequence by height. The top row was arranged by a 3½-year-old; the bottom, by an 8-year-old.

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50
Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

Moral Development: Piaget and Kohlberg
Even as intellectual development can be understood in terms of sequential stages, claimed
Piaget, so too can the development of morality—notions of right and wrong. Piaget investi-
gated morality in children by telling them stories and asking them to judge how good or bad
the characters in the stories were. For example, in one story child A deliberately breaks a cup,
whereas child B accidentally breaks a whole raft of cups. We, who operate with adult-like
moralities, know that child B, although perhaps clumsy and careless, is not nearly the scoun-
drel that is child A.

Younger children, notes Piaget, judge these two children quite differently. They insist that
child A is not nearly as bad as child B. “Look,” they reason, “she broke a whole bunch of cups
and he only broke one.” Theirs is the reality-based morality of the preschooler: Consequences,
rather than intentions, are all-important.

Based on children’s responses to stories such as these, Piaget describes two stages in the
development of morality: The first, which lasts until around ages 8 to 10, is dominated by
the immediate consequences of the action. As a result, behaviors that have pleasant conse-
quences tend to be viewed as good; those that have negative consequences are judged as bad.
Accordingly, children in this stage respond primarily to outside authority because it is the
main source of reward and punishment. Piaget’s label for this stage is heteronomy. The term
heteronomy refers to forces outside the individual. As DeVries (1997) notes, this stage is typi-
fied by a morality of obedience to outside authority.

In the second stage, beginning around ages 11 or 12, moral judgments are increasingly influ-
enced by internalized standards and values—hence Piaget’s label for this stage: autonomy.
As a result, with advancing age and maturity, the teacher–child relationship changes from
one that is authoritarian and obedience-based to one that reflects increasing mutual respect.

Strongly influenced by Piaget, Lawrence Kohlberg (1980) studied moral development by
describing situations that pose moral dilemmas. One of these stories is paraphrased in Table
2.6. Responses to these stories suggest three broad levels in the development of morality,
each of which reflects two distinct stages of moral orientation. The six resulting stages of
moral orientation are summarized and illustrated in Table 2.5. Note that, in general, these
stages describe 3 broad phases of moral development:

1. A stage of heteronomy where the child believes that behaviors are good or bad
based on their objective consequences and on the likelihood of being punished or
rewarded. Kohlberg labels this phase the preconventional level.

2. An intermediate stage where the child is concerned with maintaining peace and har-
mony, upholding the law, and getting along well with parents and peers—in short,
adhering to social convention. This is what Kohlberg labels the conventional level.

3. A final stage, Kohlberg’s postconventional level, is marked by a morality that reflects
values that are more universal and more independent. These values are often based
on ideals or principles that are seen as valuable guides for rules and laws. But even
among adults, moral judgments that reflect this higher level of morality, which is
based on fundamental ethical principles, are rare, claims Kohlberg.

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

Table 2.5: Kohlberg’s levels of morality
Kohlberg identified levels of moral judgment in children and adults by telling them stories involving a moral
dilemma. One example is the story of Heinz, paraphrased as follows:

Heinz’s wife is dying of cancer. One special drug, recently discovered by a local pharmacist, might save
her. The pharmacist can make the drug for about $200 but is selling it for 10 times that amount. So
Heinz goes to everyone he knows to try to borrow the $2,000 he needs, but he can only scrape together
$1,000. “My wife’s dying,” he tells the pharmacist, asking him to sell the drug at a lower price or let him
pay later. But the pharmacist refuses. Desperate, Heinz breaks into the drug store to steal the drug for
his wife. Should Heinz have done that? Why? (Kohlberg, 1969, p. 379)

Level Stage Possible reasoning

I Preconventional Stage 1: Punishment and obedi-
ence orientation

“If he steals the drug, he might go to jail.”
(Punishment.)

Stage 2: Naïve instrumental
hedonism

“He can steal the drug and save his wife,
and he’ll be with her when he gets out of
jail.” (Act motivated by its hedonistic conse-
quences for the actor.)

II Conventional Stage 3: “Good-boy, nice-girl”
morality

“People will understand if you steal the
drug to save your wife, but they’ll think
you’re cruel and a coward if you don’t.”
(Reactions of others and the effects of
the act on social relationships become
important.)

Stage 4: Law-and-order
orientation

“It is the husband’s duty to save his wife
even if he feels guilty afterwards for steal-
ing the drug.” (Institutions, law, duty, honor,
and guilt motivate behavior.)

III Postconventional Stage 5: Morality of social
contract

“The husband has a right to the drug even
if he can’t pay now. If the druggist won’t
charge it, the government should look after
it.” (Democratic laws guarantee individual
rights; contracts are mutually beneficial.)

Stage 6: Universal ethical* “Although it is legally wrong to steal, the
husband would be morally wrong not to
steal to save his wife. A life is more pre-
cious than financial gain. Imprisonment is
not too high a price to pay.” (Conscience is
individual. Laws are socially useful but not
sacrosanct.)

*None of Kohlberg’s subjects ever reached Stage 6. However, it is still described as a “potential” stage. Kohlberg suggests that
moral martyrs like Jesus or Martin Luther King exemplify this level.

Source: Based on Kohlberg, L. A. (1969). Stage and sequence: The cognitive-developmental approach to socialization. In D. A.
Gosselin (Ed.), Handbook of socialization theory and research (pp. 347–380). Chicago: Rand McNally; Kohlberg, L. A. (1980).
The meaning and measurement of moral development. Worcester, Mass.: Clark University Press.

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

Educational Implications of Piaget’s Theory
Piaget’s cognitive theory is monumental in child development and has had (and continues to
have) a profound impact on educational practices. Among other things, the theory directs the
teacher’s attention to the child’s developmental level: It seems clear that children will gain
most from instruction when they have the concepts and understandings to do so.

Piaget’s theory emphasizes that learning is far more than a simple process of moving items
of information from out there (perhaps in a teacher’s head or in a computer or book) into
the child (what is termed direct instruction). Instead, it suggests that meaningful learning
and development result from a highly active process in which learners construct knowledge
(constructivism).

Constructivism does not mean that teachers need do nothing to facilitate and guide learning—
that the learner should assume complete responsibility for acquiring and organizing informa-
tion. But it does imply that teachers need to be keenly aware of the learner’s capabilities, of
what the learner already knows, and of what is likely to be meaningful and interesting. Several
more specific instructional implications flow from the theory.

Provide Opportunities for Physical and Mental Activity
Activity, says Piaget, is fundamental to building concepts and understanding the world. For
example, children’s ability to deal with classes, relations, and numbers results from the activ-
ities of combining, separating, and setting up correspondences among real objects during
the preoperational stage. It follows, then, that teachers should provide children with many
opportunities to engage in meaningful activities with real objects, as well as opportunities for
mental activity (thinking).

As an illustration, consider the case entitled “The B Store.” In many ways, this little classroom
store mirrors real life, thus giving the learning of mathematics a degree of realism, practical-
ity, and meaningfulness not often found in cold numbers on a worksheet. Not only does it
provide for actual activity in a meaningful setting, but it also gives the teacher a simple way
of administering or withholding reinforcement. And it provides ways to teach an extremely
wide range of mathematical concepts besides simple addition and subtraction. For example,
multiplication concepts can be introduced easily by doubling (or tripling) all prices; division
might involve selling a fraction of something and then calculating what the price of the frac-
tion should be, and so on.

Provide Optimal Difficulty
Cognitive growth, says Piaget, arises from a tendency toward equilibration—that is, main-
taining a balance between assimilation (reacting to new objects or events largely in terms of
previous learning) and accommodation (changing in response to new demands).

If schools are to encourage equilibration, an optimal discrepancy between new material and
old learning is required. Learners need to be provided with experiences that are familiar
enough that they can understand them (assimilate them); they also need to be challenged so
that they will be forced to accommodate. The result, ideally, will be the construction of new
understanding (accommodation) on the back of old learning (assimilation).

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Section 2.3 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

Understand How Children Think
Providing learners with an optimal level of difficulty presupposes that teachers know their
level of functioning, their interests, and their capabilities—hence, the fundamental impor-
tance of understanding how children think. When a child says there is more water in a tall
container than in a short, flat one, the teacher should not be shocked or surprised. When
a second-grade student becomes completely confused by a verbal seriation problem—for
example, “Juan González has a shorter nose than Johnny West, and Johnny West has a longer
nose than John George. Who has the longest nose?”—she is not trying to be difficult. Teachers
need to know, for example, that concepts of proportion cannot easily be taught to 7-year-olds,
nor can conservation of volume be taught to 5-year-olds.

Provide for Social Interaction
One of the chief factors in making thought more objective, claims Piaget, is social interaction.
The egocentric point of view of the young child is essentially one that does not recognize the
views of others. Children become aware of the ideas and opinions of peers and adults largely
through social interaction. One implication for teaching is that instructional methods should
provide for learner–learner as well as teacher–learner interaction.

C A S E S F R O M T H E C L A S S R O O M : T H E B S T O R E
The Place: Miss Moskal’s third-grade classroom

The Mathematics Learning Center: In the corner of the room, the children have set up a small
store. Items for sale vary from week to week. These are sometimes made by the students,
donated by parents, or purchased through school funds. Among the various items for sale
this week are a number of tiny potted plants Miss Moskal has started from seeds. Also, there
are “privilege” cards. Some of these cards allow children to erase the whiteboards; others
provide access to special books; still others allow their purchaser to be captain of one of the
play teams, leader of one of the cooperative learning teams, storekeeper for a day, bank teller,
or payroll clerk. Price tags, attached to each item, are printed in bold, colorful numbers.

In this class, each student receives a basic weekly “salary,” with the possibility of bonuses for
various behaviors—and sometimes fines as well. The payroll clerk is responsible for keeping
track of everybody’s salary, adding in bonuses and subtracting fines, and writing “paychecks.”
Student auditors are charged with verifying the pay clerk’s calculations. Checks are “cashed”
at a bank adjoining the store, or are sometimes used at the store when making large pur-
chases (like lunch with Miss Moskal). During specified periods, sales clerks sell items from
the store, taking responsibility for making change.

Students were responsible for naming the store. The name was Sandra’s idea.

“Let’s call it the B store,” she said.

“Why?”

“Because that’s a little better than a C store.”

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Section 2.4 Vygotsky and Bronfenbrenner: Emphasis on Culture

2.4 Vygotsky and Bronfenbrenner: Emphasis on Culture
The emphasis in Piaget’s theory is on development as a sort of unfolding guided by internal
tendencies, with some attention to the importance of the environment and social interaction.
In contrast, the main emphasis in the theories of Lev Vygotsky and Urie Bronfenbrenner is on
the importance of culture and of social influences in human development.

A quick look at current writings in education and psychology might make one think that Lev
Vygotsky is a contemporary theorist. Almost all major psychology textbooks have at least one
or two references to him. But Vygotsky is not contemporary in a literal sense; he has been
dead for many decades (he died of tuberculosis in 1934 at the age of 38).

Vygotsky has been described as “the Mozart of psychology,” its child genius. By age 28, he
had assimilated all of the major theories and findings of the psychology of the day, and he
had begun to map out a new theory with ideas that still seem fresh even today. Imagine what
Vygotsky’s contributions and stature might have been had his work not been repressed, as it
was in the Soviet Union of his day, and had he lived as long as Piaget.

Two underlying themes unify Vygotsky’s complex and far-reaching theory. The first theme is
the importance of culture, a theme later championed by American psychologist Urie Bronfen-
brenner; the second has to do with the central role of language.

Human development, says Vygotsky, is fundamentally different from that of other animals.
Why? Because humans use tools and symbols and, as a result, create cultures. And cultures
are powerful things; they have a life of their own. They grow and change, and they exert tre-
mendously powerful influences on each of us. Cultures specify what the end product of suc-
cessful development is. They determine what we have to learn and the sorts of competencies
we need to develop.

Bronfenbrenner’s
Bioecological Model
Vygotsky’s emphasis on the importance of cul-
ture had a profound influence on other psycholo-
gists. That influence is especially apparent in the
bioecological model of human development
proposed by Urie Bronfenbrenner (Bronfen-
brenner & Ceci, 1994; Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
2006). Simply put, the bioecological model argues
that we are not only culture producing, but also
culture produced (Bronfenbrenner, 1989). One
of the main ideas underlying the bioecological
model is that development is the result of interactions between the person and the environ-
ment. The model attempts to describe not only how the environment affects a person’s devel-
opment but also how the environment itself changes as a function of the person.

For example, many important person–environment interactions occur at an immediate, face-
to-face level. These define what Bronfenbrenner calls the microsystem. The microsystem is
the child’s immediate environment. It includes aspects of culture such as those exemplified
by parents, siblings, friends, teachers, playgrounds, local stores, and so on. Everybody in a
person’s microsystem affects the individual, says Bronfenbrenner.

Monkeybusinessimages/iStock/Thinkstock
ሁ Family is part of a child’s microsystem,

which, according to Bronfenbrenner,
influences development.

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55
Section 2.4 Vygotsky and Bronfenbrenner: Emphasis on Culture

But the effect is reciprocal; individuals also affect their own microsystems. For example,
if Lavinia is characteristically rude to those with whom she interacts, but Ronald is warm
and friendly, important aspects of their microsystems might change in very different ways.
Whereas Lavinia might eventually find herself in microsystems that seem cold and unaccept-
ing, Ronald’s microsystems might be dramatically different.

In turn, microsystems might also affect each other. For example, a teacher who has just had a
confrontation with a spouse might inadvertently interact more abruptly with a student. Thus,
teacher–spouse face-to-face interactions (microsystem interactions) can affect interactions
within another microsystem (teacher–learner). Interactions among microsystems define
what Bronfenbrenner labels the mesosystem.

Microsystems and mesosystems describe aspects of the culture that affect individuals directly.
There are other features of the environment that have an indirect rather than a direct effect.
These define the exosystem. For example, family finances may not involve young children
directly but can nevertheless have a profound effect on their development.

The macrosystem includes all the interactive systems (micro-, meso-, and exo-) that char-
acterize a culture. The macrosystem is defined by the beliefs, values, social roles, lifestyles,
religions, and other trappings of a person’s culture.

All of these systems change over time, explains Bronfenbrenner. He labels this concept the
chronosystem. For example, a child’s microsystem can change dramatically with events such
as the birth of a sibling, parental divorce, death in the family, or a move to another city or
country. Similarly, over time there are often significant changes in macrosystems. During the
last handful of decades there have been enormous changes in things such as family struc-
ture (from dual- to single-parent families), employment and educational patterns (increased
female employment and post-secondary enrollment), child-rearing styles (more varied child-
care options), the average age of marriage (older), and the average child-bearing age (also
older). Clearly, many of these macrosystem changes can have profound effects on children’s
microsystems. (See Table 2.6 for a summary of Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model.)

Table 2.6: Systems that affect the child’s development in
Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory

System Definition Examples

Microsystem Child in face-to-face interaction Teacher tutoring child

Mesosystem Relationships among two or more
microsystems that involve the child

Parent involved in parent-teacher conference

Exosystem Relationships and interactions among
two or more settings, one of which
does not include the child

Mother’s strained interactions with parents
of child’s playmate

Macrosystem The totality of cultural systems evident
in the lifestyles, values, mores, and
other defining features of the culture

State-legislated curriculum requirements;
culturally defined social expectations

Chronosystem Time-related changes in the systems
that affect the child

Changing societal values; evolving technolo-
gies; emerging environmental preoccupations

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Section 2.4 Vygotsky and Bronfenbrenner: Emphasis on Culture

Vygotsky’s View of the Importance of Language
Like Bronfenbrenner, Vygotsky’s emphasis on culture underlines the importance of social and
environmental interactions in shaping the course of development. Not surprisingly, language
plays a central role in these models.

Language makes thought possible and regulates behavior, explains Vygotsky. Language, which
is the basis of human culture, is also the basis of consciousness, and consciousness was one
of Vygotsky’s central concerns. Without language, we would be limited to elementary mental
functions—animalistic activities such as sensing and perceiving. But with language, we become
capable of higher mental functions and of social interaction. And with social interaction comes
what Vygotsky describes as “upbringing and teaching,” which is essential for development.

Vygotsky (1962) describes three stages in the development of the functions of speech: social,
egocentric, and inner speech.

Social speech (or external speech) emerges first. Its function is largely to control the behav-
ior of others (as in “I want juice!”) or to express simple and sometimes poorly understood
concepts.

Egocentric speech predominates from ages 3 to 7. It serves as a bridge between the primitive
and the highly public social speech of the first stage and the more sophisticated and highly
private inner speech of the third stage. During this stage, children often talk to themselves
in an apparent attempt to guide their own behavior. For example, they might speak about
what they are doing as they do it. Unlike older children, however, they are likely to say things
out loud (externalize) rather than silently, as though they believe that if language is to direct
behavior, it must be spoken.

Inner speech is silent self-talk. It is characteristic of older children as well as adults. It is what
William James (1890) called the “stream of consciousness.” Our self-talk—our inner speech—
is what tells us that we are alive and conscious. It permits us to direct our thinking and our
behavior. More than this, it makes all higher mental functioning possible (see Table 2.7).

Table 2.7: Vygotsky’s stages and functions of language

Stage Function

Social (external) (up to age 3) Controls the behavior of others; expresses simple thoughts and emotions

Egocentric (ages 3 to 7) Bridge between external and inner speech; serves to control own behav-
ior but spoken out loud

Inner (age 7 onward) Self-talk; makes possible the direction of our thinking and our behavior;
involved in all higher mental functioning

Educational Implications of Vygotsky and Bronfenbrenner
Although Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model is not as clearly directed toward education as
is Vygotsky’s theory, it has an important place in teacher training. Its greatest value lies in the
fact that it underlines the importance of the child’s social systems. Teachers need to be aware
that they play a crucial role in the systems that are most directly involved with children: their

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Section 2.4 Vygotsky and Bronfenbrenner: Emphasis on Culture

microsystems. Teachers’ interactions with individual learners can have a profound impact on
their academic as well as their social well-being both in the long and short term. A bioecologi-
cal view focuses on encouraging warm and supportive teacher–learner interactions.

Vygotsky had a strong interest in maximizing intellectual development. In this connection,
he introduced two concepts that have tremendous implications for educational practice: the
idea of the zone of proximal development, and the notion of scaffolding.

The Zone of Proximal Development
Every child, explained Vygotsky, has a sphere or a zone of potential for further developing—in
his words, a zone of proximal development. Take, for example, two 5-year-olds who both,
under normal circumstances, can answer questions that other average 5-year-olds can also
answer. Their mental ages might be said to correspond to their chronological ages, and their
intelligence would be described as average. But if, when prompted, one of these children
could successfully answer questions corresponding to a mental age of 6 but the other could
not, it would then be accurate to say that the first child’s zone of proximal development is
greater than the other’s (that is, it spans a wider range of higher functions).

Davydov (1995) explains what is meant by zone of proximal development as follows: “What
the child is initially able to do only together with adults and peers, and then can do indepen-
dently, lies exactly in the zone of proximal psychological development” (p. 18). One of the
tasks of parents and educators is to arrange for children to engage in activities that lie within
this zone—activities that, by definition, are neither too difficult nor too simple and that there-
fore lead to continued growth.

Scaffolding
Scaffolding is one way of providing students with the support they need as they learn. Scaf-
folding in education works much like a scaffold erected by a pair of workers building an espe-
cially tall, multilevel summer cottage. In the early stages of construction, the scaffold has to
be very close to the ground and very sturdy because there is nothing else to stand on or lean
against. As the construction progresses, the scaffold must also rise or it would soon become
useless. But now the scaffold might be less important because the workers can hang onto the
wall studs of the new construction or stand on the beams and rafters of lower levels. Eventu-
ally, the cottage will have been built, and they can stand on the highest roof without any scaf-
folding at all.

Learning, too, requires scaffolding, claims Vygotsky. In the early stages, scaffolding—that is,
guidance and support—is especially important. A preschooler who knows nothing about the
meaning of the letters of the alphabet can hardly be expected to discover the various sounds
they represent. By telling, demonstrating, pointing, and correcting, the teacher/upbringer
builds scaffolds for the child. And as the child begins to learn, the nature of the scaffolding
changes. With time, there is often less need for scaffolding as the learner begins to build on
previous learning by gradually learning how to learn.

Scaffolding is a metaphor that translates into a model of learning through gradual increments
as a result of an interactive process. In essence, it implies a process of collaboration between
a teacher and learners—ideally, between a single learner and a teacher in a one-on-one tutor-
ing relationship. There are a tremendous variety of specific types of scaffolding—in other
words, support—that teachers and parents can build for children. These include:

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Section 2.5 Principles of Human Development

• Demonstrating how to do things
• Explaining procedures
• Providing written or actual models
• Systematically developing prerequisite skills required for more demanding tasks
• Asking questions that lead to important realizations
• Correcting on-task errors
• Identifying and correcting misconceptions
• Motivating students
• Providing clear and realistic objectives

“Hey,” you say, “so what’s new? Seems to me that most of what good teachers do involves
what you’re calling scaffolding.” Yes, but what is new is the relationship between Vygotsky’s
concept of scaffolding and his notion of the zone of proximal development. Recall that the
zone of proximal development is defined in terms of tasks learners are capable of with the
help of adults or peers. In other words, the zone of proximal development describes tasks that
require support (that is, they require scaffolding). The implication for teachers (and other
upbringers) is very clear: Scaffolding requires that teachers arrange for children to engage in
activities that lie within this zone. Vygotsky suggests that the level at which instructions and
questions are phrased is extremely important. These, he argues, should be sufficiently ahead
of the student’s developmental level that they present a genuine intellectual challenge—but
they must not be so far ahead of the child’s current biological maturation and developmen-
tal level that they present too great a challenge: Hence the importance of understanding the
basic principles of human development.

2.5 Principles of Human Development
Each of us is unique. There is no normal, average child; the average child is a myth invented
by grandmothers and investigated by psychologists. Still, the following principles describe
something of what can be expected of “normal,” “average” development.

Nature and Nurture Interact
It is clear that development is influenced by both heredity (nature) and environment (nur-
ture or experience). We know, for example, that our genes are responsible for many of our
physical characteristics, such as hair and eye color, facial features, and to some extent height
and weight. We know, too, that experience affects not only what we learn (to speak Spanish
rather than English, for example), but that it can also affect physical growth. Thus, although
some physical characteristics (for instance, hair and eye color) appear to be entirely under
the control of our genes, other characteristics (for instance, height and weight) clearly are
also influenced by environmental factors (such as what and how much we eat).

Efforts to separate the effects of genes and the environment have led to a long-standing con-
troversy in psychology: the nature–nurture controversy. In effect, this controversy, which is
discussed in more detail in Chapter 3, pits two camps against each other: On the one hand are
those who believe that experience (nurture) is the most significant influence in determining
important human characteristics such as intelligence; in the other camp are those who think
genes (nature) are more important.

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Section 2.5 Principles of Human Development

Science does not clearly support either camp. In fact, the clearest thinking regarding this con-
troversy readily admits that neither genes nor the environment produce anything by them-
selves. The current emphasis in genetic research is on finding out how genes and contexts
work together to bring about human development.

Growth Occurs at Varying Rates
Over time, development occurs at different rates for the various parts of an organism. This
does not mean that the left foot grows rapidly for a short while, then the right foot, and then
one arm. What it means is that various parts of the body and some aspects of personality and
intellectual and perceptual ability might grow at different average rates, experience different
growth spurts, and reach their maximum development at different times. For example, Bloom
(1964) reports that by the age of 2½, humans have reached half of their future maximum
height. In fact, if a male infant grew at the same rate during years 2 through 6 as he does dur-
ing the first year of life, he would enter his seventh year weighing close to 4 tons and measur-
ing some 18 feet in height!

The Brain Is Malleable: Implications for Brain-Based Education
For many years most of what science knew about the brain had been discovered by looking
at the brains of dead people or by studying the behavior of people who had suffered brain
injuries. But now we can look at the functioning of intact brains of living people. Imaging
techniques like functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) allow scientists to pinpoint
areas of electrical activity in the brain.

Investigations of brain activity and development reveal several important facts. We know,
for example, that most of the neurons (nerve cells) that make up the human brain are formed
during the prenatal period. In fact, during the first four months of gestation, more than 200
billion neurons are formed. It’s during this very early period of brain growth that factors such
as poor maternal nutrition and alcohol consumption can have profoundly negative effects on
the development of the brain (Guerrini, Thomson, & Gurling, 2007).

At birth, the infant’s brain weighs approximately one-fourth of what it will weigh at its maxi-
mum, which is reached at about age 25. Most of the increase in brain weight between birth
and adulthood seems to be caused by the growth of axons and dendrites (the elongated por-
tions of the nerve cell that permit neural transmission) and by myelination (the growth of a
protective covering around the axon) and not by the appearance of new cells.

Nutrition is highly important to the development of the brain, especially during periods of
rapid growth such as during the later stages of fetal development. This time of rapid brain
development appears to be a critical period during which the effects of maternal malnutri-
tion can be especially severe. In the majority of the world’s underdeveloped nations, where
malnutrition is most prevalent, scientists have observed smaller than average head circum-
ferences among children.

Another phenomenon related to brain development is that of brain specialization. Inves-
tigations of brain activity reveal that specific mental activities do not generally involve the
entire brain uniformly. Rather, certain areas of the brain seem to be somewhat specialized
for certain functions. Thus, a part of the brain is more involved with spoken language than

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60
Section 2.5 Principles of Human Development

are other parts; the same is true for other functions such as hearing sounds, rehearsing, and
remembering (Holland et al., 2007). When these specialized functions occur primarily in one
hemisphere, the phenomenon is referred to as lateralization. Lateralization refers to the
fact that the two hemispheres of the brain do not exactly duplicate each other’s functions.
In newborns, the hemispheres do not seem to be highly specialized, but in early infancy the
principle of opposite control becomes evident (Leask & Crow, 1997). This principle is mani-
fested in the observation that the right hemisphere is typically involved in sensations and
movements of the left side of the body, and vice versa.

Some of the specialized functions of the brain become more apparent as children age. For
example, in most individuals (95 percent of right-handed people and 70 percent of left-
handed people) language production and planning for motor activity become increasingly
a function of the left hemisphere (Janssen, Meulenbroek, & Steenbergen, 2011; Oleksiak et
al., 2010). Similarly, by age 10 or 11, recognizing emotions seems to be more a right- than a
left-hemisphere function (Workman et al., 2006). However, this does not mean that the right
hemisphere is not involved in language and the left is not involved in emotions. In fact, when
the left hemisphere suffers damage early in life, the right hemisphere frequently takes over
language functions with little apparent subsequent difficulty. When damage is suffered later,
however, recovery may not occur at all or may be more limited (Uswatte & Taub, 2010).

Research in this area has led some to speculate that the functions of the two hemispheres are
distinct—that the right hemisphere is more concerned with emotions and with the spatial
and the temporal (for example, art and music) and that the left hemisphere is concerned
more with logic, math, science, and language. Thus, individuals who are logical are sometimes
described as “left-brain oriented” and those who are more intuitive and artistic as “right
brained.’’ Some believe that hemisphericity—that is, a predominance of one hemisphere over
the other—may be one of the important contributors to individual differences.

Findings such as these have led some to argue that we now know enough about the brain
that we can begin to modify our educational offerings and instructional procedures to take
advantage of what we know (for example, Sousa, 2006; Jensen, 2006). This is the reasoning
that underlies brain-based education—the attempt to base educational applications on sci-
entific knowledge about the brain. The same reasoning has also led to the recent prolifera-
tion of brain training companies—companies that offer a variety of approaches for improving
memory, learning, and even intelligence.

Brain-training companies tend to market widely to educational systems as well as to individ-
uals. Many of them are highly profit-oriented, offering to restore older people’s memories, to
sharpen attention, and to revolutionize brain power. Many use an assortment of brain games
that might include various puzzles or problems; others are designed to improve senses such
as olfaction, vision, or hearing; still others use computer-based exercises that are similar to
video games. Advocates of brain-based education base their educational recommendations
on findings such as the following (Jensen, 2008):

• The brain continues to grow new neurons, a function that can be enhanced by exer-
cise, reduction of stress, and nutrition.

• Social conditions influence brain functioning in ways that might be strengthened by
arranging social groupings rather than allowing them to occur randomly.

• The brain is highly plastic. Its ability to rewire itself can be assisted though reading,
meditation, the arts, career and technical education, and the development of cogni-
tive skills.

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Section 2.5 Principles of Human Development

Thus, the main instructional recommendations that flow from these observations include the
advisability of teaching cognitive skills as well as a variety of other subjects; of providing
time for recreation, stress reduction, and physical activity; and of arranging for optimal social
groupings, the nature of which is not entirely clear.

Other recommendations that stem from brain-based research relate to research on the
cerebral hemispheres. For example, some educators point out that our current educational
practices emphasize left-brain functions, as reflected in our preoccupation with verbal
learning, mathematics, science, and logic. Our schools neglect right-brain functions—like art,
music, drama, and other creative endeavors—they claim. Hence, we should change our edu-
cational fare and philosophy to educate both halves of our students’ brains (see, for example,
Sonnier, 1995).

Unfortunately, investigating the functions of
the brain’s hemispheres has proven difficult,
and much of what passes for information is
speculation rather than fact. For example,
that hemispheric preference determines
handedness is a widely believed myth. As
Sousa (2006) explains, in spite of all the
sophisticated brain research we’ve done,
we still don’t know what causes approxi-
mately 10 percent of the population to be
left handed when the remaining 90 percent
is right handed.

Another widely believed myth is that cre-
ativity is linked with the right hemisphere.
In fact, there is little evidence to support
this (Edelman, 2006; Kenett, Anaki, & Faust,

2015). One of the most remarkable characteristics of the human brain, explains Sousa (2006),
is how it is able to integrate all the activities that occur simultaneously in its different special-
ized areas. The brain does not function in terms of isolated parts or totally separate halves. It
is simplistic and misleading to insist that the left hemisphere is logical and analytical whereas
the right hemisphere is “artistic.” The dichotomy is more a matter of degree: The right and
left hemispheres might be relatively better for some tasks than for others, in the same way as
certain areas of the brain are highly specialized for certain functions, but there is consider-
able overlap in their functions (Yang & Van Lancker Sidtis, 2015). Still, this does not lessen the
importance of emphasizing some of the often-neglected aspects of education—specifically,
those concerned with the more affective and artistic aspects of the human experience.

Critics of brain-based education have been quick to point out that none of the recommenda-
tions based on brain research are different from those based on good research in education
(for example, Bruer, 2006). And many of the recommendations, especially those that have to
do with left-brain/right-brain differences, have gone considerably beyond the facts that sci-
ence has so far provided. It sounds impressive to say, as does Lombardi (2008), “The brain is
a marvelous organ that can be tapped into, taught, stimulated, and grown” (p. 222). Or, again,
“Using innovative, cutting-edge approaches helps teachers recognize that teaching and learn-
ing addresses the needs of diverse learners . . .” (p. 222).

bowdenimages/iStock/Thinkstock
ሁ Brain-based research suggests that providing

time for recreation, stress reduction, and physical
activity improves cognitive functioning.

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Section 2.5 Principles of Human Development

But do brain-based approaches work? The jury is still out. What does seem clear is that brain-
based approaches can be highly effective when they reflect sound pedagogical principles. For
instance, we know that repetition improves learning. Similarly, we know that under many
circumstances, active involvement in learning activities is effective. Advocates of brain-based
learning argue that repetition is effective because it increases and strengthens neural connec-
tions in the brain. They argue that this activity increases blood flow and causes other biologi-
cal changes that contribute to more effective brain activity. Studies also show that we tend
to remember images better than printed or spoken words, that novel experiences tend to be
highly memorable, and that memories are often linked to odors, emotions, and behaviors.
These are all pedagogically important findings.

The important point is that good teachers tend to know and use many of these observations.
Their learning strategies can be said to be brain-based not because they have adopted a set
of specific brain-training strategies, but simply because they are good teaching strategies that
affect the learner’s brain.

There is as yet little credible support for the claim that commercial brain-training programs
improve brain functioning, memory, and even measured intelligence. A meta-analysis sum-
marizing the results of 23 studies concluded that there is no evidence that brain-training
improves intelligence (Melby-Lervag & Hulme, 2013). (A meta-analysis is a research tech-
nique for synthesizing the results of large numbers of studies that have looked at the same
questions.) The point is clear in the subtitle of Hambrick’s (2014) review of brain-training:
“Scientists doubt claims from brain training companies.” He concluded, following a review of
the literature, that “there is no solid evidence that commercial brain games improve general
cognitive abilities.”

Nevertheless, there is convincing evidence that exercise, particularly in older people, improves
cognitive functioning—as does learning new information or acquiring new skills (for exam-
ple, Kramer & Erickson, 2007). This is one finding that we should try not to forget as we age.

We all want to be cutting edge and innovative and effective. And it may well be that brain
research will soon provide educators with possibilities that actually are both new and aston-
ishingly effective. Although that does not yet appear to have happened, brain-based research
does provide educators with added incentive to offer learners rich and varied learning envi-
ronments. And it underlines the importance of actively engaging students in the learning pro-
cess and of challenging and stimulating them.

Timing of Environmental Influences Is Important
The observation that growth and development occur at different times and at different rates
for various human features leads directly to another, important developmental principle
described by Bloom (1964, p. vii):

Variations in environment have the greatest quantitative effect on a character-
istic at its period of most rapid change and the least effect on the characteristic
at its period of least rapid change.

Twenty-four-year-old Rudolph, who was malnourished through much of his childhood and
who is now 5 feet tall, is not likely to grow an additional foot as a result of a sudden change in
his diet. In contrast, the eventual height of 24-week-old Chrissie is clearly more susceptible to
the effects of dietary changes.

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Section 2.5 Principles of Human Development

This principle also holds true for intellectual
development. Brain growth is highly vulnerable
to malnutrition during growth spurts, especially
during prenatal and early postnatal develop-
ment. A number of studies with Romanian chil-
dren who were severely deprived as infants but
who were adopted into relatively privileged
homes after the age of 6 months indicate that the
effects of early deprivation on intellectual func-
tioning can be serious and long-lasting (Beckett
et al., 2006; Beckett et al., 2007).

Additional evidence suggesting that the timing
of environmental influences can be very impor-
tant is found in language acquisition: Infants and
young preschoolers can easily learn two or more
languages simultaneously and well, whereas
adults experience more difficulty and more inter-
ference from their dominant language (Prover-
bio, Adorni, & Zani, 2007).

Positive Correlation, Not Compensation
Positive correlation, the tendency of two or more characteristics to vary together, not com-
pensation, the tendency for a deficit in one characteristic to be compensated for by superior
endowment in another, is the rule in development. This contradicts the stereotype that those
who are gifted in one area must not be nearly as well endowed in others. This stereotype
informs us that the person with exceptional intellectual gifts must be socially awkward, unat-
tractive and frail, weak-sighted, and completely useless at any kind of task requiring even the
smallest degree of dexterity. The same stereotype insists that an athlete may be stunningly
attractive but must also be unintelligent, spell with difficulty, be unable to write a check
without an accountant to correct it, read only simple comic books, and laugh uproariously at
unfunny events.

Not so. In fact, as we see in Chapter 3, a person who excels in one area is more likely to excel
in others. Less optimistically, it’s also true that people who are below average in one area tend
to be below average in other areas as well. Although there are clearly many exceptions to this
principle, it nevertheless serves as a useful guide for understanding the overall development
of children.

There Are Predictable Differences Between the Sexes
There are systematic, predictable differences in the development of boys and girls. As we
saw earlier, there are culturally influenced gender differences in interests, and there may be
some small and diminishing differences in apparent abilities as well. But, as we cautioned
earlier, teachers need to guard against overly simplistic, often inaccurate, and unfair gender
stereotypes.

And they need to keep in mind that the average child of which developmental psychology
speaks is a myth, a convenient but often misleading invention.

Marie Lefrançois/Marie’s Photography
ሁ Some environments appear to be more

conducive than others to optimal intellectual,
social, and physical development. This
child’s exposure to three languages may
have an immensely enriching effect on her
development.

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Chapter 2 Summary and Resources

Key Points
• Gender roles are patterns of culturally approved and expected masculine and femi-

nine behaviors; they are a combined function of genetic, family-based, and cultural
forces.

• Gender differences are sometimes evident in the greater aggressiveness of males.
There is also a declining tendency for males to score slightly higher on tests of math-
ematics and science, and females to score higher in measures of verbal ability.

• Erik Erikson’s theory of personality development through childhood and adoles-
cence describes a series of psychosocial stages, each involving a major conflict, the
resolution of which leads to greater social competence: trust versus mistrust, auton-
omy versus shame and doubt, initiative versus guilt, industry versus inferiority, and
identity versus identity diffusion. Marcia describes four types of identity status:
identity diffusion (no crisis, no commitment); foreclosure (no crisis, early commit-
ment); moratorium (crisis pending commitment); and identity achieved (commit-
ment post-crisis). The stages of adulthood are intimacy versus isolation, generativity
versus self-absorption, and integrity versus despair.

• Piaget’s stage theory focuses on cognitive (intellectual) development as it results
from maturation, active experience, social interaction, and equilibration—the
tendency to balance assimilation (using previous responses) and accommodation
(changing behavior).

• Achievements of the sensorimotor period (birth to 2 years) are the learning of lan-
guage and the acquisition of the object concept.

• The preoperational stage (ages 2 to 7) is marked by thinking that is intuitive, domi-
nated by perception, and egocentric.

• The stage of concrete operations (ages 7 to 11 or 12) sees the appearance of thought
processes that are subject to some logical rules, labeled operations—evident in con-
cepts of conservation and in new skills relating to classifying, ordering, and dealing
with numbers.

• During the formal operations stage (ages 11 or 12 to 14 or 15), the child’s think-
ing is less tied to concrete objects and events and can now deal more with the
hypothetical.

• Piaget and Kohlberg describe moral development as a progression from the
obedience-oriented stage of heteronomy, where outside authority and consequences
are all-important, to moral beliefs and actions that become progressively more
autonomous. Morality that is based on the most selfless and highest levels of ethical
principles is rare even among adults.

• Vygotsky’s social/cognitive theory stresses the importance of culture and of its
principal invention and main tool, language. Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model
describes the influence of the social systems that define the individual’s ecology: the
microsystem (face-to-face interaction); the mesosystem (interactions among micro-
systems, one of which involves the person directly); the exosystem (wider cultural
systems that affect the individual indirectly); the macrosystem (the totality of cul-
tural systems); and the chronosystem (time-related changes in systems that directly
or indirectly affect the individual). Important educational implications are found in

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65
Chapter 2 Summary and Resources

Vygotsky’s notions of the zone of proximal development (the child’s potential for
development; what the child can do with the help of adults and competent peers)
and in the concept of scaffolding (where teachers provide various forms of support
for students as they learn).

• Some developmental principles are: nature and nurture interact to determine
development; different characteristics grow at different rates; the brain is highly
malleable and teachable; timing of environmental influences is important; correla-
tion, not compensation, is the rule; and gender differences are sometimes important.
Brain-based education refers to deliberate attempts to base instructional strategies
on the latest scientific knowledge about brain functioning and age-related neurologi-
cal changes. In spite of the generality of our developmental principles, individuals
vary considerably. We are each unique.

Posttest

1. Which of the following descriptions would be typical for the individual’s gender?
a. Angelina (female) has good hand-eye coordination.
b. Betty (female) can mentally rotate objects and read maps.
c. Carl (male) tends to score well on tests of verbal abilities.
d. Derek (male) is fairly flexible and good at rhythmic movements.

2. Elaine has discovered that people in school (teachers, peers) tend to be the major
social influence in her life and is trying to learn things that she thinks are important
in her culture. Elaine is most likely in which of Erikson’s stages?
a. Integrity versus despair
b. Intimacy versus isolation
c. Industry versus inferiority
d. Initiative versus guilt

3. Most of the students in Mrs. Apple’s class are no longer cognitively egocentric and
can perform tasks such as classifying objects hierarchically and placing them in
order according to some property such as length, but are unable to understand
abstract principles like negative numbers. According to Piaget’s cognitive develop-
ment theory, Mrs. Apple’s class is most likely which grade?
a. Kindergarten (age 5)
b. Second grade (age 7)
c. Fourth grade (age 9)
d. Tenth grade (age 15)

4. A few years ago, Marnie would tell only the punch line to a joke, expecting her puz-
zled audience to find it as hilarious as it was when Marnie first heard the joke. Now
Marnie realizes that she needs to tell the set-up before the punch line. Piaget would
claim that Marnie has gained skills related to
a. conservation.
b. object concept.
c. classification.
d. seriation.

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Chapter 2 Summary and Resources

5. In consideration of brain lateralization,
a. the two hemispheres of the brain duplicate each other’s functions.
b. the right hemisphere of the brain tends to control the right side of the body.
c. most individuals control language and motor functioning in the right hemisphere.
d. the left hemisphere is concerned more with logic, math, and science.

Answers: 1(a), 2(c), 3(c), 4(d), 5(d)

Critical Thinking Exercises
• What are examples of gender stereotyping in your world?
• Give an example of each of the following: development, growth, learning, and

maturation.
• Describe Piaget’s answers for the primary biological questions he asked: How do

children adapt? How can development be classified?
• Give an example of what is meant by the zone of proximal development. What are

the educational implications of this concept? Use the concept of scaffolding in your
answer.

• Generate ideas for teacher–learner interaction. How would you apply Bronfen-
brenner’s bioecological model to improve teacher–learner interactions?

• Explain at least one developmental principle relating to genetics and environment,
differential growth rates for different aspects of development, the malleability of
the brain, or why timing of experiences may be important. Why is this information
important and relevant for teachers to understand?

Web Resources
For more information on Jean Piaget and his research, visit:

http://www.piaget.org/aboutPiaget.html

Are we products of nature or nurture? Science answers age-old question, visit:

https://www.theguardian.com/science/2015/may/19/are-we-products-of-nature
-or-nuture-science-answers-age-old-question

Answers to Pretest

1. True. There might be some truth in gender stereotypes because they are based on
experiences, but they are usually over-generalizations of characteristics for males
and females.

2. True. According to Marcia’s theory, adolescents can achieve an identity in various
areas, such as social relationships, when they’ve gone through a crisis and made a
commitment.

3. True. Constructivism requires teachers to understand their students’ capabilities in
order to facilitate their learning.

Lef83909_02_ch02_027-072.indd 66 12/14/17 4:18 PM

http://www.piaget.org/aboutPiaget.html

https://www.theguardian.com/science/2015/may/19/are-we-products-of-nature-or-nuture-science-answers-age-old-question

Chapter 2 Summary and Resources

Key Terms
accommodation In Piaget’s description
of development, modification of an activ-
ity or ability in the face of environmental
demands. See also adaptation, assimilation.

adaptation Changes in an organism in
response to the environment. Adaptation
plays a central role in Piaget’s theory. See
also accommodation, assimilation.

aggression The conscious and willful
inflicting of harm or pain on others.

animism Attributing lifelike qualities to
inanimate objects—as young children are
wont to do.

assimilation The act of incorporating
objects or aspects of objects into previously
learned activities. See also accommodation,
adaptation.

autonomy Piaget’s label for the second
stage of moral development, characterized
by increasing reliance on internalized stan-
dards to judge the morality of behavior. See
also heteronomy.

basic gender identity The individual’s
implicit understanding of the fundamental
characteristics of masculinity and femininity.

bioecological model A developmental
model that looks at the role of gene–
environment interactions in human
development. Concerned with the
reciprocal influences of person–culture
interactions over time.

brain-based education The application of
instructional strategies based on informa-
tion and principles derived from scientific
knowledge about the brain and how it
functions.

4. False. Direct instruction focuses on teacher-led learning, which is not the role of
teachers in constructivism, which focuses on students taking responsibility for their
learning.

5. True. Scaffolding provides the assistance needed to help children complete activities
they would not be able to do on their own.

Answers to Posttest

1. Females typically have better hand-eye coordination, verbal abilities, physical flex-
ibility, and rhythmic movements compared to males. Males are typically physically
stronger than females and have better math and visuospatial skills.

2. The industry versus inferiority stage is characterized by children seeking more inter-
action and acceptance from their peers. This stage is an opportunity for children to
learn things that are important in their culture.

3. Children reach the concrete operations stage around 7–11 or 12 years of age and
understand concepts such as conservation, logic, and classification.

4. Seriation is understanding how to properly order things. Seriation is a skill associ-
ated with the concrete operations stage.

5. While the functions of the two brain hemispheres overlap considerably, in most indi-
viduals the left hemisphere is more concerned with math, science, and language; the
right hemisphere is more involved in emotions and spatial and temporal skills such
as art and music.

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Chapter 2 Summary and Resources

brain specialization Refers to the fact that
different areas of the brain are responsible
for different kinds of activity.

chronosystem Bronfenbrenner’s term for
his recognition that developmentally impor-
tant aspects of ecological systems change
over time. See also microsystem, mesosystem,
macrosystem, exosystem.

classification The act of abstracting the
properties of objects or events and making
judgments concerning their similarities to or
differences from other objects or events.

compensation The act of making up for.
In psychology, the often-mistaken belief
that superior skills and abilities typically
counterbalance deficits and difficulties.

concrete operations The third of Piaget’s
four major stages, lasting from age 7 or 8 to
approximately age 11 or 12, and character-
ized largely by the child’s ability to deal with
concrete problems and objects or objects
and problems that are easily imagined.

conservation A Piagetian term for the real-
ization that certain quantitative attributes of
objects, like mass, remain unchanged unless
something is added to or taken away from
them.

constructivism A general term for student-
centered approaches to teaching such as
discovery-oriented approaches, reciprocal
learning, or cooperative instruction—so
called because of their assumption that
learners should build (construct) knowledge
for themselves.

conventional level A stage of moral devel-
opment marked by concern with adhering to
rules, laws, customs, and other social con-
ventions that allow individuals to get along
well.

egocentric speech Vygotsky’s intermedi-
ate stage of language development, common
between ages 3 and 7. During this stage chil-
dren often talk to themselves in an apparent
effort to control their own behavior. See also
inner speech, social speech.

egocentrism A way of functioning charac-
terized by an inability to assume the point of
view of others.

equilibration A Piagetian term for the
process by which we maintain a balance
between assimilation (using old learning)
and accommodation (changing behavior,
learning new things).

exosystem Defined by Bronfenbrenner as
interactions between a system in which the
child is directly involved (microsystem) and
another in which the child is not ordinarily
involved. See also microsystem, mesosystem,
macrosystem, chronosystem.

foreclosure Marcia’s term for the adoption
of a ready-made identity.

formal operations The last of Piaget’s four
major stages beginning around age 11 or 12
and lasting until age 14 or 15, characterized
by the child’s increasing ability to use logical
thought processes.

functional magnetic resonance imaging
(fMRI) A non-invasive imaging technique
that uses highly sensitive magnetic sensors
to detect changes in blood flow in the brain
that accompany neural activity.

gender roles Attitudes, personality char-
acteristics, behavior, and other qualities
associated with being male or female. Gen-
der roles (sex roles) define masculinity and
femininity.

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Chapter 2 Summary and Resources

gender schema theory A cognitive gender
typing theory that recognizes the usefulness
of elements of both cognitive explanations
(the child’s growing understanding of the
nature and meaning of gender) and social
learning explanations (the influence of mod-
els and reinforcements) to account for the
shaping of gender roles.

gender schemas Notions about the char-
acteristics associated with being male or
female.

gender typing Learning culturally expected
sex-linked behaviors.

gestation The period between conception
and birth (typically 266 days for humans).

gray matter The tough, thin, outer covering
of the brain, made up of cell bodies. Its main
function is to transmit messages relating to
sensory and motor stimulation.

hemisphere Literally, half a sphere. The
cerebral hemispheres are the two halves of
the cerebrum, the wrinkled mass of brain tis-
sue that includes the structures associated
with higher mental processes.

heteronomy Linked to external rather
than internal forces. Piaget’s label for the
first stage of moral development, marked
by a focus on the consequences of behavior
and reliance on outside authority. See also
autonomy.

identification A general term popular-
ized by Freud referring to the process of
assuming the goals, ambitions, mannerisms,
interests, and so on of another person. Iden-
tification goes beyond mere imitation in that
it implies a desire not only to do what the
other person does, but to be like the other
person.

identity In Erikson’s theory, the individual’s
self-definition, a sort of personal sense of
who and what one is. One of the important
tasks of adolescence is to select and develop
a strong sense of identity.

identity-achieved Marcia’s term for indi-
viduals who have experienced a crisis and
made a commitment, thus achieving a sense
of identity.

identity diffusion An expression for a stage
in early adolescence when the adolescent
has a vague and changing sense of identity
with no firm vocational commitment and an
ambiguous belief system.

inner speech Vygotsky’s final stage in
the development of speech (around age 7),
characterized by silent “self-talk,” that gives
direction and substance to our thinking and
behavior. See also egocentric speech, social
speech.

intuitive thinking One of the substages of
Piaget’s preoperational thought, beginning
around age 4 and lasting until age 7 or 8,
marked by the child’s ability to solve many
problems intuitively and also by the child’s
inability to respond correctly in the face of
misleading perceptual features of problems.
See also preconceptual thinking.

lateralization A term that refers to the divi-
sion of functions and capabilities between
the two hemispheres of the brain.

macrosystem In Bronfenbrenner’s view,
the totality of all environmental systems
that define a culture (values, mores, beliefs,
language, etc.). See also microsystem, meso-
system, exosystem, chronosystem.

mesosystem In Bronfenbrenner’s develop-
mental theory, interactions among two or
more microsystems (for example, the school
and the family). See also microsystem, exosys-
tem, macrosystem, chronosystem.

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70
Chapter 2 Summary and Resources

meta-analysis Research that involves the
careful, systematic analysis of a large group
of studies that have looked at the same
research question with the goal of sum-
marizing and synthesizing research results
to arrive at a more valid and generalizable
conclusion than that which might be gained
through the analysis of a single study.

microsystem Defined by immediate, face-
to-face interactions in which everybody
affects everybody (for example, child and
parent).

morality The ethical aspect of human
behavior, intimately linked with the indi-
vidual’s notion of right and wrong, of good
and evil.

moratorium Erikson’s term for the social
function of the hiatus between childhood
and adulthood. In Marcia’s description,
moratorium individuals are those who have
not yet made a commitment and who are
in a state of crisis (conflict) as they exam-
ine and experiment with various identities.
Ordinarily occurs during adolescence but
may extend beyond.

nature Genetic influences; heredity. See
also nurture, nature–nurture controversy.

nature–nurture controversy A long-
standing argument over whether genetics
(nature) or environment (nurture) is more
responsible for determining human develop-
ment. See also nature, nurture.

neonate A newborn infant. The neonatal
period terminates when an infant regains
birth weight (about two weeks after birth).

nurture The effects of experience, as
opposed to the effects of heredity (nature).
See also nature, nature–nurture controversy.

object concept Piaget’s expression for
children’s understanding that the world is
composed of objects that continue to exist
apart from their perception of them.

operation In Piaget’s system, a term that
essentially refers to a thought process. An
operation is an action that has been inter-
nalized in the sense that it can be “thought”
and is reversible in the sense that it can be
“unthought.”

perception The translation of physical
energies into neurological impulses that
can be interpreted by the individual. Aware-
ness of the meaning of sensation. In Piaget’s
system, perception refers to the physical
appearance of objects—that is, to what the
child sees, feels, hears, tastes, or smells.

personality The set of characteristics,
including abilities, predispositions, habits,
and other qualities, that make each of us
different.

postconventional level Kohlberg’s third
level of moral judgments reflecting an under-
standing of social relationships and highly
individualistic principles of morality. See also
preconventional level, conventional level.

preconceptual thinking The first substage
in the period of preoperational thought,
beginning around age 2 and lasting until
age 4, so called because the child has not
yet developed the ability to classify. See also
intuitive thinking.

preconventional level The first of Kohl-
berg’s three levels of moral development,
based on hedonistic or obedience-oriented
judgments. See also conventional level, post-
conventional level.

principle of opposite control Describes
the tendency for sensations and movements
on either side of the body to be controlled by
the opposite cerebral hemisphere.

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71
Chapter 2 Summary and Resources

psychosexual Associated with Freud, a
term used to describe psychological phe-
nomena based on sexuality.

psychosocial Associated with Erikson, a
term that describes development in terms of
the need to resolve social crises and develop
social competencies (independence or iden-
tity, for example).

pubescence Changes of adolescence lead-
ing to sexual maturity.

reflexive behaviors Simple, unlearned
behaviors in response to specific stimula-
tion, usually present at birth or shortly
thereafter. For example, the ability to suck.

scaffolding Vygotsky’s concept to describe
the various types of support (directions,
suggestions, and other forms of verbal
assistance) that teachers/upbringers should
provide children to help them learn. See also
zone of proximal development.

self-concept The concept that an individual
has of him- or herself, often closely allied
with individuals’ beliefs about how others
perceive them.

sensation The physical effect of a stimulus;
a physiological process dependent on activ-
ity of the senses. See also perception.

sensorimotor intelligence Piaget’s first
developmental stage, from birth to about age
2, so called because sensorimotor children
understand their world primarily in terms of
their activities in it and sensations of it.

seriation The ordering of objects in terms
of one or more properties.

social role theory The theory that the main
determinants of gender roles are the distinct
social roles that are ascribed to men and
women in different societies.

social speech In Vygotsky’s theorizing, the
most primitive stage of language develop-
ment, evident before age 3, when the child
expresses simple thoughts and emotions
out loud. See also egocentric speech, inner
speech.

stereotypes Strong, relatively unexam-
ined beliefs typically generalized to a
class of superficially similar situations or
individuals.

white matter The supporting brain tis-
sue that is covered by a thin layer of “gray”
matter. It is made up primarily of neuronal
axons. Its main function is to interconnect
the cell bodies that make up gray matter.

zone of proximal development Vygotsky’s
phrase for the individual’s current potential
for further intellectual development. Defined
by what the learner can accomplish only
with the help of others to begin with, but can
later accomplish alone.

ሁ Folklore has it that many years ago in
Switzerland, bears were worshipped because
the faithful believed that human beings were
descended not from Adam and Eve, but from the
bear (Engel, 1976).

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Lef83909_02_ch02_027-072.indd 72 12/14/17 4:18 PM

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